Pakistan National Election: 2013
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Shiism and Sectarian Conflict in Pakistan Identity Politics, Iranian Influence, and Tit-For-Tat Violence
Combating Terrorism Center at West Point Occasional Paper Series Shiism and Sectarian Conflict in Pakistan Identity Politics, Iranian Influence, and Tit-for-Tat Violence Hassan Abbas September 22, 2010 1 2 Preface As the first decade of the 21st century nears its end, issues surrounding militancy among the Shi‛a community in the Shi‛a heartland and beyond continue to occupy scholars and policymakers. During the past year, Iran has continued its efforts to extend its influence abroad by strengthening strategic ties with key players in international affairs, including Brazil and Turkey. Iran also continues to defy the international community through its tenacious pursuit of a nuclear program. The Lebanese Shi‛a militant group Hizballah, meanwhile, persists in its efforts to expand its regional role while stockpiling ever more advanced weapons. Sectarian violence between Sunnis and Shi‛a has escalated in places like Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Bahrain, and not least, Pakistan. As a hotbed of violent extremism, Pakistan, along with its Afghan neighbor, has lately received unprecedented amounts of attention among academics and policymakers alike. While the vast majority of contemporary analysis on Pakistan focuses on Sunni extremist groups such as the Pakistani Taliban or the Haqqani Network—arguably the main threat to domestic and regional security emanating from within Pakistan’s border—sectarian tensions in this country have attracted relatively little scholarship to date. Mindful that activities involving Shi‛i state and non-state actors have the potential to affect U.S. national security interests, the Combating Terrorism Center is therefore proud to release this latest installment of its Occasional Paper Series, Shiism and Sectarian Conflict in Pakistan: Identity Politics, Iranian Influence, and Tit-for-Tat Violence, by Dr. -
Buffer Zone, Colonial Enclave, Or Urban Hub?
Working Paper no. 69 - Cities and Fragile States - BUFFER ZONE, COLONIAL ENCLAVE OR URBAN HUB? QUETTA :BETWEEN FOUR REGIONS AND TWO WARS Haris Gazdar, Sobia Ahmad Kaker, Irfan Khan Collective for Social Science Research February 2010 Crisis States Working Papers Series No.2 ISSN 1749-1797 (print) ISSN 1749-1800 (online) Copyright © H. Gazdar, S. Ahmad Kaker, I. Khan, 2010 24 Crisis States Working Paper Buffer Zone, Colonial Enclave or Urban Hub? Quetta: Between Four Regions and Two Wars Haris Gazdar, Sobia Ahmad Kaker and Irfan Khan Collective for Social Science Research, Karachi, Pakistan Quetta is a city with many identities. It is the provincial capital and the main urban centre of Balochistan, the largest but least populous of Pakistan’s four provinces. Since around 2003, Balochistan’s uneasy relationship with the federal state has been manifested in the form of an insurgency in the ethnic Baloch areas of the province. Within Balochistan, Quetta is the main shared space as well as a point of rivalry between the two dominant ethnic groups of the province: the Baloch and the Pashtun.1 Quite separately from the internal politics of Balochistan, Quetta has acquired global significance as an alleged logistic base for both sides in the war in Afghanistan. This paper seeks to examine different facets of Quetta – buffer zone, colonial enclave and urban hub − in order to understand the city’s significance for state building in Pakistan. State-building policy literature defines well functioning states as those that provide security for their citizens, protect property rights and provide public goods. States are also instruments of repression and the state-building process is often wrought with conflict and the violent suppression of rival ethnic and religious identities, and the imposition of extractive economic arrangements (Jones and Chandaran 2008). -
Lashkar-E-Jhangvi Vs Hazara Community
©2020 International Transaction Journal of Engineering, Management, & Applied Sciences & Technologies International Transaction Journal of Engineering, Management, & Applied Sciences & Technologies http://TuEngr.com PAPER ID: 11A04E SECTARIANISM IN BALOCHISTAN: LASHKAR-E-JHANGVI VS HAZARA COMMUNITY a* a Naumana Kiran , Mohammad Iqbal Chawla a Department of History and Pakistan Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, PAKISTAN. A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T Article history: The study examines the factors, responsible for the spread of Received 28 June 2019 Received in revised form 08 sectarianism in Balochistan with a major concentration on the persecution November 2019 of the Hazara community by a Deoband sectarian outfit; Accepted 18 November 2019 Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ). The research is mostly analytical and Available online 05 December 2019 comparative; based on both qualitative and quantitative research Keywords: techniques. The research finds that protection to sectarian organizations Sectarianism; Pakistan; like LeJ by the military establishment and the State’s indifference had Lashkar-e-Jhangvi; intensified the issue. However, since the introduction of the National Hazara Shia; Migration; Action Plan (2014), some reasonable and effective measures have been persecution; Sectarian taken for the safety of Hazaras. Still, a lot is required to be done to violence; State’s policy. assimilate Hazaras in the society and to revive the culture of religious tolerance in Balochistan, Pakistan. Disciplinary: Multidisciplinary (Social Engineering, Peace and Conflict Studies, World Studies/History; Psychology). ©2020 INT TRANS J ENG MANAG SCI TECH. 1. INTRODUCTION This paper studies the phenomenon of sectarian violence in the province of Balochistan with a major emphasis on persecution of the Hazara community. -
FINAL REPORT General Elections 11 May 2013
ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF PAKISTAN FINAL REPORT General Elections 11 May 2013 July 2013 EUROPEAN UNION ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION This report is available in English and Urdu, but only the English version is official. This report was produced by the EU Election Observation Mission (EOM) and presents the EU EOM’s findings on the General Elections May 11 2013 in Pakistan. These views have not been adopted or in any way approved by the European Commission and should not be relied upon as a statement of the Commission. The European Commission does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this report, nor does it accept responsibility for any use made thereof. EU Election Observation Mission, Pakistan 2013 Final Report General Elections – 11 May 2013 Page 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .................................................................................................... 3 II. INTRODUCTION TO THE MISSION ............................................................................... 7 III. POLITICAL BACKGROUND ............................................................................................. 7 IV. LEGAL FRAMEWORK ..................................................................................................... 10 V. ELECTION ADMINISTRATION ..................................................................................... 14 VI. DELIMITATION OF CONSTITUENCIES ...................................................................... 17 VII. VOTER REGISTRATION ................................................................................................ -
(TNFJ) – Tehrik-E-Jafaria Pakistan (TJP) – Rawalpindi 28 February 2011
Country Advice Pakistan Pakistan – PAK38118 – Imamia Student Organisation (ISO) – Tehrik-e-Nifaz-e- Fiqh-e-Jafaria (TNFJ) – Tehrik-e-Jafaria Pakistan (TJP) – Rawalpindi 28 February 2011 1. When were the TNFJ and the ISO banned, and what are the names of their successors? Country Advice PAK33887 (November 2008) provides information on the history and names of the Tehrik-e-Nifaz-e-Fiqh-e-Jafaria (TNFJ). Ambiguities in the naming practices of the TNFJ, and the breakaway group Tehrik-e-Jafaria Pakistan (TJP) are discussed in both Country Advice PAK 14999 (February 2002) and Country Advice PAK33887 (November 2008). Country Advice PAK31967 (June 2007) provides detailed information regarding the Imamia Student Organisation (ISO). Pertinent information from these responses is summarised below. It is important to note, as does Country Advice PAK33887 (November 2008), that the various Shi‟a sectarian groups currently operating in Pakistan have a complex history, with factional splits in organisations, and the formation of militant factions creating a range of different actors. The names under which different Shi‟a groups have operated have varied over time, in response to factional splits and government bans. It is in this context that there is a degree of variance and inconsistency in the titles by which the Tehrik-e-Nifaz-e-Fiqh-e-Jafaria (TNFJ) and the Tehrik-e-Jafaria Pakistan (TJP) are referred to in news media, and political discourse; names tend to be used interchangeably.1 Tehrik-e-Nifaz-e-Fiqh-e-Jafaria (TNFJ) No information was located which indicated the TNFJ was a banned organisation in Pakistan. The group‟s website http://tnfj.org.pk/sec/cont.htm was active at the time this research was conducted, and lists its headquarters in Rawalpindi.2 The naming of the TNFJ and other organisations is discussed below. -
Previewing Pak 2018 Gen Elec SPECREP
Previewing Pakistan’s 2018 General Election ! " Special Report 195 SPECIAL REPORT 195 Previewing Pakistan’s 2018 General Election Rana Banerji" Sushant Sareen" Dr TCA Raghavan" Dr Ashok K Behuria !1 Previewing Pakistan’s 2018 General Election ! " Special Report 195 Contents Synopsis 1" Role of the military and " foreign policy 2" Role of domestic factors 4" PTI’s prospects and the role of " opposition and regional parties 5" PML-N’s prospects and the role of " opposition and regional parties 6" Speakers’ Roundtable and Q&A 8" !2 Previewing Pakistan’s 2018 General Election ! " Special Report 195 Synopsis IPCS hosted a panel discussion on 12 July 2018 featuring four distinguished Pakistan experts—Rana Banerji, Sushant Sareen, Dr TCA Raghavan, and Dr Ashok Behuria—to deliberate the several factors likely to influence the trajectory of the Pakistani general election scheduled for 25 July 2018. This report contains short write-ups authored by the panelists based on their presentations at the discussion, followed by the Speakers' Roundtable and Q&A, both rapporteured by IPCS. !3 Previewing Pakistan’s 2018 General Election ! " Special Report 195 Will the military and foreign policy influence voting in the 2018 National Assembly Election? Why? Rana Banerji Member, IPCS Governing Council; former Special Secretary, Cabinet Secretariat, Government of India One must revisit the Pakistani military’s strategic culture to understand their approach to the democratic process and general elections in Pakistan. The army regards itself as the guardian or supreme defender of the country’s national interests and sovereignty; the only institution which has preserved the security and very survival of the nation against all odds. -
List of Election Symbols Allotted to Political Parties
116 Election Symbols Alloted to political parties 1 Aam Admi Tehreek Pakistan Mug 181 2 Aam Awam Party Wheat Bunch 322 3 Aam loeg Ittehad Pencil 196 4 Aam Log Party Pakistan Hut 144 5 All Pakistan Kissan ittehad Bulllock Cart 41 6 All Pakistan Minority Movement Pakistan Giraffe 122 7 All Pakistan Muslim League Eagle 93 8 All Pakistan Muslim League (Jinnah) Bicycle 27 9 All Pakistan Tehreek Boat 30 10 Allah-O-Akbar Tehreek Chair 55 11 Amun Taraqqi Party Tyre 309 12 Awam League Human Hand 143 13 Awami Justice Party Pakistan Tumbler 303 14 Awami Muslim League Pakistan Ink pot with Pen 146 15 Awami National Party Lantern 162 16 Awami Party Pakistan-S Aeroplane 2 17 Awami Workers Party Bulb 40 18 Balochistan Awami Party Cow 70 19 Balochistan National Party Axe 14 20 Balochistan National Party(Awami) Camel 49 21 Barabri Party Pakistan Pen 195 22 Front National Pakistan Unity 311 23 Grand Democratic Alliance Star 259 24 Hazara Democratic Party Crescent 72 25 Humdardan-e-Watan Pakistan Coat 61 26 Islami Jamhoori Ittehad Pakistan Football 108 27 Islami Tehreek Pakistan Two Sword 307 28 Ittehad-e-Ummat Pakistan Energy Saver 99 29 Jamat-e-Islami Pakistan Scale 232 30 Jamhoori Watan Party Wheel 323 31 Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam Nazaryati Pakistan Takhti 274 32 Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam Pakistan Book 31 33 Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan (Noorani) Key 154 34 Jamiat Ulma-e-Islam Pakistan (Imam Chitrali Cap 59 Noorani) 35 Jamiyat Ulema-e-Islam Pakistan(S) Ladder 161 36 Jamote Qaumi Movement Electric Pol 95 37 Jannat Pakistan Party Fountain 111 38 Majlis Wahdat-e-Muslimeen -
Awami Workers Party Manifesto, 2ND EDITION Translated from Orginal Urdu
Awami Workers Party MANIFESTO English translation Awami Workers Party Manifesto, 2ND EDITION Translated from orginal Urdu © 2017 Awami Workers Party. Awami Workers Party Secretariat Opposite Ta !inema "arhi Shah# $ahore %&000 Pakistan awamiworkersparty.org ONTENTS ! INT"OD# TION$ O#NT"%&WIDE 'A ()"O#ND........2 2 O'*E TI+E ONDITIONS AND O#" PA"T%,S IDEO-O)I A- 'ASIS.....................................................!! 2.1 !lass str#ct#re an' to'ay's str#ggle.........................11 2.2 The 'i))erent )orms o) imperialism..............................1* 2.* The political #se o) religion in Pakistan an' its social an' political implications............................................1+ 2.& The ,#estion o) e,#ality among nations....................1- 2.% Patriarchy an' the ,#estion o) women(s li.eration an' e,#ality......................................................................20 . T/E 'ASI )#IDIN) P"IN IP-ES OF O#" PA"T%.....20 0 INTE"IM P"O)"AM........................................................21 &.1 Political program........................................................27 &.2 Economic program....................................................*0 &.* Social program...........................................................*& AWAMI WORKERS PARTY MANIFESTO P"EFA E The Awami Workers Party /AWP0 is a progressive2 'emocratic an' sec#lar party representing working people. 3ts aim is to en' all )orms o) exploitation an' to esta.lish the r#le o) the working class over the state. The Awami Workers Party came into existence thro#gh the merger o) three political parties. The merging parties were the $a.o#r Party Pakistan2 the Awami Party Pakistan an' the Workers Party Pakistan. The AWP(s merger congress took place on 5ovem.er 112 2012 at Aiwan6e63,.al in $ahore in which a 'ra)t mani)esto was presente'. This 'ra)t mani)esto was revise' a)ter taking into consi'eration the suggestions o) the merger congress 'elegates2 the national #nits an' o) the )irst women(s 'elegates convention /7arch 22 201&0. -
Pakistan National Election: 1997
Gilanis’ Index of © ELECTORAL RECORD 1970-2013 Volume 6 PAKISTAN NATIONAL ELECTION: 1997 An 10 Volume Study prepared by Gallup Election studies team head by Bilal Gilani, Executive Director, Gallup Pakistan Prepared on April 30, 2013 Disclaimer: Gallup Pakistan is not related to Gallup Inc. headquartered in Washington D.C. USA. We require that our surveys be credited fully as Gallup Pakistan (not Gallup or Gallup Poll). We disclaim any responsibility for surveys pertaining to Pakistani public opinion except those carried out by Gallup Pakistan, the Pakistani affiliate of Gallup International Association. For details on Gallup International Association see website: www.gallup- international.comand www.gallup.com.pk Gilani’s Index of Electoral Record: 1970-2013 (An 10 Volume Study) C o n t e n t s Volume 6 Index of Electoral Record: 1997 Page # Table 1: Code List 105 Table 2: Turn Out 106 Table 3: Party Position: All Pakistan 107 Table 4: Party Position: Province-wise 108 Table 5: Party Position: Division-wise 112 Table 6: Party Position: 11 Electoral Territory 121 Basic Code List 1997 2 Awami Ittehad 4 Awami Inqilabi Mahaz Pakistan 5 Awami National Party 8 Awami Qiadat Party 9 Awami Tehreek 16 Balochistan National Movement 17 Balochistan National Party 30 Haq Parast Group 33 Independent 39 Independent 46 Jamhoori Wattan Party 47 Jamiat Ulema e Islam (Sami ul Haq Group) 49 Jamot Qaumi Movement 54 Jamat e Islami Pakistan 55 Jamiat Ulema e Islam (Fazl ur Rahman Group) 56 Jinnah Muslim League 57 Jamiat Mashaikh Pakistan 59 Jamat Ulema e Islam -
COVID-19 and Human Rights Taskforce Report
COVID-19 and Disaster Vulnerability in Pakistan: A Human Rights Based Analysis The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily repre- sent those of the United Nations, including UNDP or the UN Member States. UNDP has copyrights to all photographs used in the report. For contributions and feedback, please email us at: [email protected] November 2020 Authors: Ms. Rabiya Javeri Agha Ms. Ayesha Amjad Qaisrani Ms. Maham Liaqat Mughal Mr. Salman Asif Design & Layout: Mr. Bilal Safdar MINISTRY OF HUMAN RIGHTS GOVERNMENT OF PAKISTAN COVID-19 and Disaster Vulnerability in Pakistan A HUMAN RIGHTS BASED ANALYSIS MINISTRY OF HUMAN RIGHTS, GOVERNMENT OF PAKISTAN UNITED NATIONS DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME, PAKISTAN COVID-19 and Disaster Vulnerability in Pakistan i A Human Rights Based Analysis Minister’s Message It would be an understatement to say that the world today is going through a difficult time. Never have the capacities of the governments around the world been challenged to protect their people to this extent before in our living memories. COVID-19 is beyond just a health problem. Its multifaceted impacts on the lives and livelihoods of millions of people around the world make it a human rights issue at its core and demand a people-centred approach by the governments. In view of the dire situation, I congratulate the Government of Pakistan for its early success in flattening the curve and offering a wide range of relief and rehabilitation services as its duty to its people. While the government had to take some harsh decisions that impacted the normal course of life, it stands fully cognizant of its responsibility of protecting the rights of its DR. -
Women Entrepreneurs in Pakistan
Women entrepreneurs in Pakistan How to improve their bargaining power by Nabeel A. Goheer InFocus Programme on Boosting Employment through Small EnterprisE Development International Labour Office, Geneva and ILO, Islamabad ILO South Asia Advisory Team (SAAT), New Delhi Copyright © International Labour Organization 2003 First published 2003 Publications of the International Labour Office enjoy copyright under Protocol 2 of the Universal Copyright Convention. Nevertheless, short excerpts from them may be reproduced without authorization, on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation, application should be made to the Publications Bureau (Rights and Permissions), International Labour Office, CH-1211 Geneva 22, Switzerland. The International Labour Office welcomes such applications. Libraries, institutions and other users registered in the United Kingdom with the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP [Fax: (+44) (0)20 7631 5500; e-mail: [email protected]], in the United States with the Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923 [Fax: (+1) (978) 750 4470; e-mail: [email protected]] or in other countries with associated Reproduction Rights Organizations, may make photocopies in accordance with the licences issued to them for this purpose. ILO Women entrepreneurs in Pakistan: How to improve their bargaining power Geneva, International Labour Office, 2003 ISBN 92-2-113628-0 The designations employed in ILO publications, which are in conformity with United Nations practice, and the presentation of material therein do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the International Labour Office concerning the legal status of any country, area or territory or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers. -
ECP Code Violations Continued Through End of Campaign Period
ECP Code of Conduct Violations Pre-U42/10-May-2013 ECP Code Violations Continued 42 through End of Campaign Period - Introduction Legal Framework The Free and Fair Election Network (FAFEN) has The Election Commission of Pakistan deployed Constituency Long Term Observers (ECP) issued a Code of Conduct for (CLTOs) across the country to observe the pre- Political Parties and Candidates on election campaign period. These CLTOs report January 28 (and again March 27) 2013. violations of the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) Code of Conduct for Political Parties and ECP has banned “speeches calculated Candidates, among other topics. to arouse parochial and sectarian feelings and controversy or conflicts This update is based on reports gathered from between genders, sects, communities and linguistic groups” (Article 15) and CLTOs between April 27 and May 3, 2013, from Update Election the use of “abusive language” (Article - 213 constituencies – 124 in Punjab, 40 in Sindh, 16) and personal criticism (Article 17) 29 in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), 12 in against other candidates. Balochistan, seven in the Federally Administered Pre Tribal Areas (FATA), and one in Islamabad With regard to women, campaigners l Capital Territory (ICT). may not “propagate against the participation of any person in the elections on the basis of gender … Summary (Article 19), but “shall encourage women to participate in the election FAFEN observers recorded a total of 6,102 Code process” (Article 20). of Conduct violations. Of these, 30 were speeches arousing controversy or making Meals and gifts to voters are also personal attacks on rival candidates. Observers banned. Candidates may not “bribe” voters (Article 4) or induce voters with reported one incident of action against women promises of specific development voters and five incidents against female schemes (Article 14).