FOR GOD AND KAISER: THE IMPERIAL AUSTRIAN ARMY, 1619-1918 PDF, EPUB, EBOOK

Richard Bassett | 616 pages | 26 May 2015 | Yale University Press | 9780300178586 | English | New Haven, United States History » Military Studies | Yale University Press

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On 24 November, all the military and naval personnel of the monarchy swore an oath to their new Emperor who made it known informally that he regarded the domination of the German military in his Empire's affairs as unwelcome. By now, not only the supreme command of the combined armies lay with the German Kaiser. Following their collapse during the Brusilov offensive, Austro-Hungarian units on the Eastern front were becoming increasingly integrated with German units, and were beginning to lose their separate identity. The discussions cover Charles' coronation in Budapest; the Entente's rejection of Habsburg peace feelers; Charles' opposition to Lenin's insertion into Russia; the Twelfth Battle of the Isonzo; political unrest in the monarchy; Conrad's military reforms in ; French President Clemenceau's efforts to undermine the Austro-German alliance; and Charles's request for an armistice for his war-weary army. 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Find in Worldcat. Print Save Cite Share This. Search within book. Subscriber sign in You could not be signed in, please check and try again. Username Please enter your Username. Password Please enter your Password. Forgot your password? You could not be signed in, please check and try again. Sign in with your library card Please enter your library card number. Finis Austriae? Chapter: p. Unfortunately the Swede came too late to save Magdeburg: large parts of the city centre were set alight with terrible consequences for its civilian popu- lation, whose wholesale slaughter would go down in history as synonymous with the atrocities of the war. The news of the atrocities of Magdeburg would be carried across all of Europe, a symbol of the appalling conflict, which by now was more than twelve years old. Determined to avenge Magdeburg, Gustavus Adolphus began to make life for Tilly and the Imperialists ve ry hot indeed. The dashing Imperial commander Pappenheim lay wounded in seven places, once more taken for dead. Only the desperate situation of the Emperor in Germany would have compelled Ferdinand to reinstate Wallenstein. A new regime of training was instigated to reflect the latest tactics of musket volleys and smaller units that the Swedes had introduced. At Steinau, the newly returned commander bided his time as the Swedes began to concentrate all their forces. Angry and impatient missives flew from Vienna demanding action. But to these Wallenstein simply replied. From the beginning Wallenstein displayed superior generalship: securing his right flank with lines of musketeers and moving his cavalry across his front as need arose. After several hours — the Swedes knew only the tactic of frontal assault — around the Imperial centre both armies began to lose cohesion. Wallenstein had earlier ordered Pappenheim to join the main bulk of his forces as soon as possible. An earlier wound had deprived the Swedish King of the ability to wear armour. The absence of a cuirass as he closed with the most violent cavalry in Europe proved fatal. As the Swedish King rode to rally his infantry he was shot and killed, the news of his death rapidly sowing dismay among the Swedish ranks. But Wallenstein had lost his nerve; he had suffered more than 3, casual- ties as a result of the aggressive Swedish tactics and abandoning his guns he decided to withdraw. At almost the same time, the Swedes, who had lost nearly 6, men, were about to retreat when a prisoner told them their opponents were already leaving the battlefield. The loyal lieutenant had barely read them before thrusting them into his pocket and galloping off to his General. At Steinau, Thurn surrendered, as did the fortresses of Glogau and Liegnitz. But in the teeth of these undoubted. Though Rome denounced magic there is little evidence to suggest that the Inquisition strayed north of the Alps. One of the Imperial generals, Montecuccoli, apparently knew the writings of the magician Robert Fludd almost by heart. The Habsburgs led the way in the study of the mysteries of nature. Kepler had already worked on them for Wallenstein as early as One of these horoscopes still survives. It did not help that the warlord had not spoken to the Emperor since or that the Jesuits still harboured resentment towards him. He thus struck at the very foundation of the monarchy, its legitimacy and hereditary preroga- tives. On 11 January , the snow fell heavily in Graz. Eggenberg perhaps explained that his new castle had four towers for each of the seasons and windows, one for each day of the year. Twelve of these, on the piano nobile , symbolised the months of the year. Here in this temple to seventeenth-century occult rationalism the decision to eliminate Wallenstein once and for all was finally agreed. Piccolomini, an Italian who had done well out of the redistribu- tion of the Bohemian estates, was ambitious to replace Wallenstein. He began a careful campaign against him. The officers did not have to wait long for the signal from their sovereign. Piccolomini organised the gang of Scottish and Irish officers who were to form the murder squad. Their ringleaders were to be Leslie, Gordon and Devereux. On 24 January Ferdinand signed the critical document. As the warlord realised what was happening, he rode to Eger to seek the shelter of his erstwhile Swedish opponents. There on 24 February , in the upper storey of the still beautifully preserved Pachabel house, Wallenstein immobilised by fatigue and gout took to his bed. He had with him four trusted aides who, he knew, would lay down their lives for him. Vienna seemed far away; the support of the Swedes and Saxons nearby. Three of these men, Terzka, Ilow and Kinsky were invited to dine at a banquet in the Eger fortress nearby. With no thought of treachery they accepted, hanging their swords behind them on the wall. Kinsky died unarmed and only Terzka recovered his sword from the wall to give a good account of himself. Oblivious to these events, Wallenstein slept uneasily in his bed mulling no doubt what he would say to the Swedes when he offered himself up to their protection the following day. Leslie and Gordon held back and it was left to Devereux, his hand bleeding from where Terzka had broken his sword to continue the mission. As his sword was useless he seized a halberd and hurried on. Wallenstein had just taken a cool drink from one of his servants and his boots and sword and coat lay far from his bed. The first note of alarm was the sound of the guard being overpowered in the court- yard below and then a few seconds later the muffled cry of the servant, followed by the sinister thud of his falling body on the stairs. Wallenstein, interpreting these strange noises correctly, pulled himself slowly up and tried to stand as Devereux burst into the room, eyes ablaze. The terrible weapon pierced the old General, sticking out of his shoulder blades more than a foot. Like a felled tree Wallenstein crashed sideways and lay still. It is perhaps not without significance that all of the principal conspirators would meet hideous deaths within five years of the murder, either on the battlefi eld or at the hands of the plague. If the rank and file officers hoped that they would benefit from the removal of their erstwhile leader they were in for a disappointment. The elaborate financial system, not for the last time in Habsburg military history, bereft of the apex of the pyramid, collapsed, precipitating bankruptcy and impoverishment for scores of young officers who had depended on Wallenstein for all their capital. The austerities of financial collapse were for Ferdinand of secondary importance. The greatest warlord of the seventeenth century had fallen victim to that one trait no Habsburg could ever forget or forgive: disloyalty. However indissoluble the compact between dynasty and army, however much they needed each other, the latter existed to serve the former. Ferdinand moved swiftly to make his son and heir, Ferdinand, the new commander-in-chief. Gallas, an unimpressive subordinate of Wallenstein, was made second in command. The dismemberment of the Wallenstein estates did much to preserve discipline among senior officers who might have been resentful. There was no need for a great purge of the senior ranks; all the evidence pointed to Wallenstein having posed unique challenges to Imperial authority, which were not widely supported. Before his death Wallenstein and the troops he commanded had ensured that whilst Germany might never be united in his lifetime, it would at least be able to exist without the patronage of Sweden. Thanks to the Imperial troops no Scandinavian country would ever again play any meaningful role in the affairs of Germany. The subsequent Imperial victory with Spanish help at Nordlingen confirmed these new arrangements. But that which Wallenstein had feared now came to pass. With the weakening of Sweden, France felt compelled to throw tens of thousands of men into the fray. Cardinal Richelieu did not wish Habsburg power to dominate Europe. To safeguard a favourable balance of power for Paris, the Cardinal brought France into the conflict and Germany became again one great battlefield of foreign ambitions. The new Emperor, like his father, was a product of Inner Austria — he had been born in Graz and educated there by the Jesuits. But war would continue to dominate his affairs until, with Germany ravaged, he was forced step by step to accept the policies Wallenstein had implicitly urged upon his father fourteen years earlier. The Edict of Restitution of was abandoned and the young Emperor had to fight to save what he could before peace came in through sheer exhaustion. By the time the Treaty of Westphalia was signed in , millions had died in a war which appeared to have weakened the Holy Roman Empire by split- ting its constituent parts into separate states whose reunification would only be achieved partially two hundred years later. Peace did. The Habsburgs appeared increasingly committed to a permanent state of two-front warfare: against France in the west and the Ottomans in the east. The compact forged in June was set to endure. Sporck and Montecuccoli. Germany was a wasteland. Sweden chose to turn her attention to Poland and in had occupied Polish territory as far south as Cracow. It was left to the formidable Sporck to raise the siege. In his 58th year he still signed himself Sporck though countless titles and privileges had been showered upon him. Together with Montecuccoli his troops cleared Poland of the enemy, his cavalry becoming the scourge of the Swedes on the flat terrain of Pomerania. It was in fighting the enemy to the east, the Ottomans, that Sporck was to gain his most enduring laurels. Against a superior and vigorous force, his troops fell back. The Sultan exploited this weaknes s to abrogate the fifty-year-old peace treaty the Ottomans had signed with th e Habsburgs. Such was the vigour with which the Ottomans advanced that, having turned Transylvania into a waste- land, they now began to penetrate as far as Silesia and Moravia before wintering in Belgrade to prepare for their next drive into Hungary. Suddenly the threat to Central Europe of a major Turkish incursion began again to become tangible. Not for the last time the Ottomans ha d over- extended themselves. This respite enabled Sporck to build up his forces so that with the advent of spring their numerical inferiority had been largely eliminated. By the time the Ottomans attempted to force a crossing of the river Raab in order to menace Styria, Sporck was sufficiently reinforced to be able to drive them back with loss at Kormend. With the river between them, both armies shadowed each. By the time this great battle was fought, the Habsburgs had found another capable general in the form of Raimondo Montecuccoli — It fell to Montecuccoli to command the forces at St Gotthard. When Sporck received the order he rode to the head of his riders, removed his helmet, dismounted and knelt before them. If you do not wish to help your Christian children at least do not support the Turkish dogs! Just watch on and you will get your joy. Eyewitnesses recalled years later how Sporck fought like a madman, his helmet and breastplate covered in blood, until after a while the Turkish wing began to weaken. Finally panicking, it crumbled, sending the rest of the Ottoman troops into disarray. For 1, casualties, Montecuccoli had inflicted more than 14, losses on the Turks. So dazzling was this victory that the Ottomans immediately signed a peace treaty that was to guarantee a cessation of formal hostilities for twenty years. He was responsible for persuading his contemporaries that the era of the pikeman was now finally over. Under Montecuccoli, the Imperial forces were reorganised in accordance with his masterly treatise. His principles, often imitated later, corresponded to those of his Imperial masters and arguably all great generals down the ages. They were to be incorporated into the mentality of the Habsburg military:. With skill and insight Montecuccoli also reorganised the Habsburg armaments industry so that weapons could be made cheaply and efficiently. In doing this he brought weapons manufacture to the town of Steyr, whose name would become synonymous with excellent firearms well into present times. In addition to these innovations Montecuccoli also recommended a new structure for the infantry, namely the batt alion. He advised that battalions be formed by combining companies of men drawn from the same territories. He further suggested the formation of a reserve Landwehr, the erection of barracks for the quartering of troops in peacetime and the introduction of grenadiers as elite units, as well as other ideas which were well in advance of their time and which reflected the scientific and magical interests he had inherited from his uncle. Montecuccoli retired from active service in and would die four years later as the result of a riding accident. At his own request he was buried without pomp or circumstance. His place as Generalissimus was taken by a worthy successor, Charles of Lorraine, who would within ten years enter the pantheon of Habsburg war heroes in a campaign much closer to home. The army that had begun this period emerging from an earlier era of mercenary warfare was undeniably a formidable force. Under Montecuccoli it had been reorganised and equipped to face not only European enemies but also the Ottoman hordes. As the seventeeth century moved towards its close the Kaiserliche Armee had become a formidable instrument. For God and Emperor. The Siege of Vienna remains to this day one of the great set pieces of Austrian and indeed European history. In terms of military prestige, its effects were more widely felt. Vienna had withstood an ordeal no major European city had ever experienced. There are no more hills, hardly a tree. Nothing stirs. In the dry midday heat they could be forgiven their illusion. But as they stretched in their saddles the cloud had not disappeared. Rather, it had grown in size. The riders turned away quickly; they knew that they had been afforded a glimpse of something that was not a mirage or some other trick of the sun. For all its picturesque majesty, this cloud was a mortal threat to the world they knew. An entire civilisation was on the march; an Ottoman army immense in size and ambition, confident in its military and scientific prowess, was about to demonstrate a new form of terror for the peoples of Central Europe. Its aim was simple: it was not territorial or diplomatic, though these were of course minor factors. No, the unalloyed objective of the Janissaries who marched with their muskets shouldered and their scimitars unsheathed was uncomplicated:. To achieve this they would have to organise th e destruction of the hated House of Habsburg. Time and again this house had stood opposed to their expansion. Kaiser Leopold I. More or less at the same time as the vedette turned away, some miles further west in more shaded country, the Habsburg Emperor Leopold I rode out to the hunt in the Vienna woods. Leopold I — had been destined and educated for the Church. The inbreeding of generations gave the Habsburg all the classic family physical traits in an extreme form. His face was long and narrow. His eyes were large and in most portraits of him somewhat weary. The nose was long and slightly hooked and the famous Habsburg lip — a protruding lower lip — was accompanied by a long, pointed, almost jutting chin. In this Habsburg the notion that he was to be answerable only to God and his confessor was deeply ingrained, but that did not mean he was a simple- minded crusader. As opened, Leopold spent six months overseeing intense diplomacy to shore up his efforts to keep what he knew was a large invading army of Ottomans away from his realm. But neither Leopold nor his court seriously reckoned on invasion from the east until it was almost too late. Leopold kept abreast of these developments through ambassadors and advisers, and did what he could to play for time. His commitments against the French who were menacing the lowlands did not encourage him to provoke conflict in the east. He hoped diplomacy and a system of fortifications would keep his eastern enemies at bay and certainly far from Vienna. But the Military Frontier had not yet reached the apogee of tribal administration and efficiency that was to become the envy of military scholars throughout Europe. This was before one counted the forces around Graz, western Hungary and the Military Frontier. As Leopold issued new patents of nobility new regiments were formed. Further units were in the western part of his empire facing off threats from Louis XIV. Altogether Leopold had at least 50, effective troops. Messengers began to arrive in Vienna from the east, feverish. Contrary to the accepted wisdom of the preceding weeks, the Ottomans had pushed beyond the Le itha hills and had had the temerity to enter Ungarisch Altenburg with a vast force barely a few miles down the Danube. So complete was the surprise inflicted by this Turkish movement that the defenders of Hungarian Altenburg were prevented from destroying the bridge over the Danube. It began to look as if an aggressive patrol was in fact the vanguard of at least 30, disciplined troo ps coming up fast to encircle the Imperial commander Charles of Lorraine and his modest force of dragoons and infantry stationed nearby in order to annihilate them before striking rapidly in the direction of Vienna. Ominously, large clouds of dust to the west suggested that more Turks had crossed further upstream. But Lorraine had been ill for months before the spring of and though he had served with distinction at the Battle of St Gotthard, his appointment as commander-in-chief in had been controversial. But Lorraine was not a fearful man. He did not see himself in the mould of a Sobieski and needed someone to discharge this kind of martial spirit on his behalf. Lorraine was courageous and nothing showed this more sharply than his action on this day in July. There he mounted a strong counter-attack shouting at his subordinates not to dishonour the Imperial standard by retreating. The Turks broke off the skirmish, leav ing thirty-five dead on the field. Leopold inspected his regiments, including the Mansfeld-Colloredo and. Scherffenberg, smartly attired in bleached grey with blue facings but, their uniforms and professional appearance notwithstanding, the Emperor decided it was time for his family and the court to evacuate. That evening the eleventh- century crown of St Stephen, the unique and priceless symbol of Hungarian sovereignty, was taken under heavy guard to accompany him on his westward journey along the Danube towards Linz. Ernst Rudiger Starhemberg organises the defence. On the evening of 8 July Lorraine entered Vienna with Ernst Rudiger Starhemberg, who had been appointed three years earlier as Stadtkommandant. With the Turks barely hours away he issued draconian instructions for manpower. According to contemporary reports Starhemberg possessed a fiery and courageous nature and this had long been put to military service, first against the Turks, but also later against the Fren ch. It was in these campaigns that his energy and toughness became apparent. The son of the wealthy representative of Lower Austria, he did not depend on local favours for either riches or posi- tion. Typical of the newly minted aristo cracy that had replaced the Protestant nobility vanquished at the Battle of the White Mountain, his family owed its allegiance first and foremost to the crown rather than to the land or peoples of their estates. The Counter-Reformatio n had dramatically changed the compo- sition of the Austrian aristocracy. It was now made up of generals and their families, who formed a reliable layer of obedience immediately below the extended family of the dynasty. In , Starhemberg needed neither title though he was at this stage a count nor rank to organise the defence against the Turk. His orders have come down to us as a model of how a military commander prepares a civilian population for the rigours of a siege. He demanded manpower and that it present itself on the ramparts by 4 a. During the following two days Lorraine and Starhemberg discussed the logis- tics of war. Starhemberg insisted like any sensible commander that his troops be paid regularly. His garrison would soon grow to 10, regular infantry and dismounted cavalry as well as some 4, members of the City Guard including companies made up of students and bakers. When the eventual relief force appeared only 21, out of the 89, would be Imperial troops. These could be paid from a variety of potential so urces but for the garrison the need for regular generous payment was far more pressing. A defence force of 20, men was a modest force with which to confront the 80, of Kara Mustafa. In the meantime Starhemberg was told that just 30, florins remained in the military Schatzkammer treasury and none of this would be available for the payment of the soldiers. Starhemberg insisted that he would need at least 40, florins a month for the punctual payment of his men. To resolve this impasse a number of rich seams were tapped from a variety of sources. First of these was the property of the Archbishop of Esztergom whose treasury had been brought to his palace in Vienna in the Himmelpfortgasse and with its plate and jewels was valued at over , florins. Kollonits was undoubtedly one of the most energetic men behind the success of the defence, convinced as he was that this was a great emergency in which there was no time to stand on privilege or wealth. The aristocracy did what it could: Prince Schwarzenberg left 1, litres of wine, and several other important personages who were unable to leave with their treasures also found their property impounded. Kollonits was the prime instigator in seizing these treasures. No doubt his role in the Court Inquisition fifteen years earlier, in which he had played a significant part in the Leopoldine expulsion of the Jews from Vienna in , afforded him a cavalier approach to property rights. In a wonderful twist of irony Kollonits, along with the rest of Vienna, would come to depend on one of the last surviving members of that Jewish community. Fortunately for Kollonits and the Viennese, and indeed for the Habsburgs and Europe, the expulsion order of had not been imple- mented against all Jews. One, but only one, survived and he was — until Samson Wertheimer entered the city of Vienna on 2 December , a few weeks after the siege had been raised — the only Jew official records recall as registered in the city. The so-called upper class of Jews livi ng in Vienna gradually grew after the siege was raised, and they constituted in total 1, in a census made in Moreover, he contributed out of his own purse considerable sums, which provided crucial help in financing the campaign against the Turks for years to come. One of the Imperial documents conferring on Oppenheimer the privilege of access to and protection by the Emperor Leopold has survived in parts. The importance of Oppenheimer to the Imperial cause in is difficult to quantify in detail but we know that as Kollonits and Starhemberg were in their own different ways supporting the preparations for the siege, Oppenheimer was working on the supply of munitions. Two weeks after Starhemberg returned to Vienna, several ships belonging to Oppenheimer laden with grenades and other. He was in frequent contact with the Jewish Gompertz family in Saxony and his links with Gompertz helped to raise further funds. This default Oppenheimer had staved off for the last few years by financing the Habsburg military machine with millions of his own money and constructing an elaborate credit system whose precarious and labyrinthine tentacles stretched across most of Europe. The system was kept afloat by dint of Oppenheimer simply remaining alive. He had now more than 12, men at his disposal, of whom 10, were regular troops. Thanks to the efforts of Kollonits and Oppenheimer, these were fed, paid and well equipped. Among the officers were disparate spirits, by no means all Catholics. The De Souches regiment, who fell in their dozens, fearlessly leading sorties from the Burg Ravelin near the present-day Albertina during the later stages of the siege, had been founded by Count Ludwig de Souches who was a Huguenot from an impoverished minor aristocra tic family. At the other end of the spectrum was a regiment drawn from more than a dozen bakeries in the city that would manfully defend the Loebel bastion not far from the present-day Burgtor under a scorched standard bearing the image of the Virgin Mary which can still be seen today in their livery hall in the Josefstadt. The second half of the seventeenth century had seen not only the forma- tion of a standing army for the Habsburgs but also a degree of uniformity in attire and weaponry. Factories and workshops had been established under the supreme Council of War to achieve this. In addition to these devices, the infantry had another weapon of consider- able importance that would play a large and useful role during the siege: the. Some were made of bronze or iron but in the Imperial and Royal Army were more often of thick glass and filled with black gunpowder. Their opponents however also knew the value of grenades and the Ottomans who were not only equipped with guns and, at that time, potentially even more lethal archery, also had their own hellish variation: burning sulphur balls. These early forerunners of chemic al warfare were indeed deadly crystal balls: round vessels of glass containing sulphurous substances that started fires and filled the air with suffocating fumes. Grenades became an everyday feature of the siege and could be deployed with terrifying effect. The dragoons, a cross between the musketeers and cavalry of the religious conflicts earlier in the century, were by a recognised cavalry unit armed with pistols, muskets and sabres but not armoured. These were mostly men of the eastern marches: brilliant horsem en, like their Turkish opponents they spurned any armour that could slow them down. For the defenders of Vienna such dashing units were unavailable so Starhemberg concentrated on the infantry regiments that would form the nucleus of his defence. Other measures were hastily implemented. The tower of the cathedral was the principal lookou t of the defenders, commanding, as it still does today, an uninterrupted view around the city. As troops of Tatar cavalry approached as close to the city as the New Favorita gardens today the Theresianum , Starhemberg gave orders to create. The housing was demolished and cleared away. Starhemberg had issued orders earlier for these buildings to be destroyed but to no effect. On 12 July he personally oversaw the firing of the entire area. By the evening of the 13th with most of the glacis clear, reports came in of cavalry skirmishes. The siege begins. Starhemberg began deploying his infantry in depth along the counterscarp by the present-day Hofburg. Kara Mustafa had risked an unauthorised large-scale raid but he meant to see it through. The letters were ignored. Starhemberg redoubled his efforts to complete his defences, which at this stage were by no means finished. Every family was enjoined to lay in a supply of food sufficient to last it for at least one month under penalty of expulsion from the city. Gunpowder was placed in the basements of the churches; all windows were walled up with solid masonry to prevent ignition by sparks. As the population toiled through the night a grim silence descended on the city. Barely a day later, the Turks had es tablished their encampment and their batteries opened fire, raining all manner of pyrotechnics on the besieged. Fortunately Schrantz had done his work well: the bricks of the bastions were so hard that even two hundred years later the construction of the Vienna U-Bahn was held up for weeks by the resilience of the lower courses. On the first afternoon of the siege a fire broke out near the Schottenbastei. This soon began to spread towards the Arsenal then, as now, a fine building. The suspicion of sabotage was rife and several of the crowd were set upon often with violent, even fatal, consequences until the civil guard restored order and the fire, perhaps helped by a change of wind, was extinguished. The Turks meanwhile began digging ditches towards the bastions. In less than 48 hours, these ditches afforded cover for Turkish activities within range of the fortifications. On the 15th, Starhemberg was wounded by a Turkish ball, which kept him for the next few days at home. From his bed he ordered a counter-attack, which was successful, and the preparation of the bastions to house batteries that could silence the Ottoman guns. Fortunately that sector of his defence was reinforced by the proximity of the river, which allowed the Viennese batteries to play upon the Turks almost with impunity. This forced the Ottomans to concentrate on the dry ground to the south of the city. A sortie led by Guido Starhemberg, a kinsman of the commander, and two. The news from these was sobering for they told of a besieging army of more than , including over 20, Janissaries. On 20 July more ominous news was brought by refugees from the suburbs. The village of Petersdorf Perchtoldsdorf had surrendered the preceding day after receiving a guarantee of safe passage for its inhabitants. This guarantee had at once been violated on the surrende r of the village, and all its inhabitants were put to the sword. Against this dismal news there came the following day a more promising message from Charles of Lorraine: a relief of the city was being prepared. However, spirits had barely lifted on hearing this piece of encouraging news when a few hours later a message was received from Baron Kunitz, an Austrian. This stated flatly that the Turks expected the city to fall within a few days. In this emotional see-saw Starhemberg remained aloof and detached. Livestock was plundered from outlying districts and brought into the city to ensure that food. The explosion of two Turkish mines on 23 July provoked a fierce fight around the counterscarp which lasted several hours before the Turks retired leaving a hundred dead and several hundred wounded. Casualties had been relatively light. The discipline of his troops had held and the civilian population, once battle was joined, had pulled together to support the defence. Along with the good provisioning and supplies, morale was high. Every evening nearly every member of the garrison would pass by for spiritual support. The painting is still to be found in the chapel in the Mariahilf church in Vienna and is venerated to this day. The siege now settled down into a certain routine, according to contempo- rary accounts, in which the daily clim ax was a mid-afternoon assault by the Turks on the fortifications around the Burg bastion. Modern visitors to Vienna have few reference points to help them imagine the siege. Only the Albertina standing proudly with its equestr ian statue of the Archduke Albrecht gives a hint of the heights from which the defenders fought. This failed to have the desired effect and a heavy Turkish attack was launched on the Ravelin and. Ten Turks clambered over the palisades. They were swiftly piked and bayoneted by the defenders. About the same time an arrow fired into the city contained a curious text. Written in a few lines of Western script, it claimed to be a message from the Imperial ambassador attached to the Ottoman besieging force saying that the Duke of Lorraine had wanted a few days earlier to organise a cease-fire. There was much debate over the truth and origins of this message. Three days later a Turkish mine exploded with great dramatic effect, covering the members of the Mansfeld regiment holding the palisades in that sector with earth. Fortunately no follow-up attack materialised and the infantry repaired the damage swiftly without distraction. By now, with the churches filled with the wounded and dying within the city, and the area below the ramparts littered with the fallen of the enemy, Vienna was girdled with bands of putrefying carcasses of men, camels, horses and oxen. They fringed the walls, polluted the moat and in the summer heat produced a stench which, according to contemporary accounts, was almost unendurable. Starhemberg on this day, exhausted from the heat and struggle, fell sick and retired again to bed. The mood in the city had become more anxious. A Lieutenant Gregorowitz, disguised in Turkish clothes was sent just before midnight out of the city with an urgent message for Lorraine demanding immediate help. The following day the largest mine the Turks had deployed so far exploded. It ripped the silence of the early morning in front of the Burg bastion, sending several of the defenders into the air and opening a gap in the Graben ditch through which the Turks poured. Only a violent sortie led by the City Guard recovered the ground. Conditions for the defenders were deteriorating distinctly and to add to the pressures now facing the garrison, crippling dysentery began to take hold. On 9 August strict sanitary measures were introduced to contain the outbreak. New burial grounds were dug near the Augustinian church as the existing mass graves within the city walls were full. The resourceful Kolschitzky is sent to find help. On the 13th a dramatic thunderstorm gave the garrison a brief respite. Another messenger, Raitz Kolschitzky, was sent to Lorraine, dressed in oriental. Kolschitzky is generally credited with the introduction to the city of that staple sine qua non of Viennese life: coffee. In fact this intrepid Pole who had lived among the Ottomans and knew their language and manners so well that he could pass among them unnoticed did not open the first coffee house in Vienna and died impoverished, though not unforgotten thanks to a fine contemporary print of him in his disguise. The King of Poland together with the rest of his forces was expected within the next eight days. Buoyed up by this news, the defenders sent the agreed sign, a smoke signal, th at Kolschitzky had got safely through the Turkish lines and returned to the city. As the Turks had destroyed all the Danube bridges, Lorraine was forced to retire to Tulln further down the Danube where a new bridge would be constructed. Lorraine hoped to relieve the garrison in ten days. For the first time, Starhemberg ordered chains to be erected across the streets behind the Loebelbastei while all the city gates were barricaded. Two deserters, simply described in contemporary accounts as musketeers, were condemned to death. The following day a strong sortie led by men of the Scherffenberg and De Souches regiments pushed the Turks a few yards back and the sound of distant cannon appeared to herald the promise of the relief force. For both sides the crisis of the battle was rapidly approaching. On 26 August two Turkish mines were exploded at the Ravelin and part of the wall towards the Michaelerkirche was also detonated. Another strong attack was again beaten back with heavy loss. Despite these setbacks, the Turks continued their preparations for a breakthrough and their artillery fire, though still inef- fective, was stepped up in pace. From now on large parts of the day and increasingly the night were punctuated by Turkish cannonades. On Friday 27 August, a sortie by Baron Spindler ended disastrously with a score of dead, including the unfortunate Baron and countless more wounded. Between 11 p. Situation desperate. The days were a continuous series of thunderous cannonades, punctuated by mines exploding around the Ravelin, followed by the ubiquitous attempt to storm the counterscarp, beaten off usuall y with heavy loss on the part of the attackers. The Turkish assaults became more and more desperate; often they would storm the Ravelin three times in one day. On the last day of August some Turks were found to have tunnelled into the cellars below the Rossmarkt, well into the interior of the city. Their severed heads were brought to Starhemberg, who the following day sent Kolschitzky to Lorraine with another desperate plea. Two days later and the Ravelin was largely in Turkish hands; a sortie by a young officer with fifty civil guards failed to weaken the Ottoman grip and resulted in large numbers of Austrian casual- ties. Authors Affiliations are at time of print publication. Print Save Cite Share This. Show Summary Details. Subscriber Login Email Address. Password Please enter your Password. Library Card Please enter your library card number. View: no detail some detail full detail. Part 1 The Habsburg Connection. Chapter 2 For God and Emperor. Chapter 5 Austria Resurgent. Chapter 6 Mater Castrorum. Chapter 7 The Army and the Josephinian Enlightenment. Part 2 Revolution and Reaction. Chapter 8 The Army and the French Revolution. Chapter 9 From Marengo to Austerlitz. Chapter 10 Shattering the Myth. Chapter 11 Clash of Titans. Finis Austriae? - University Press Scholarship

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Burlington: Ashgate Publishing, This chapter describes events following Emperor Charles' assumption of the supreme command in On 24 November, all the military and naval personnel of the monarchy swore an oath to their new Emperor who made it known informally that he regarded the domination of the German military in his Empire's affairs as unwelcome. By now, not only the supreme command of the combined armies lay with the German Kaiser. Following their collapse during the Brusilov offensive, Austro-Hungarian units on the Eastern front were becoming increasingly integrated with German units, and were beginning to lose their separate identity. The discussions cover Charles' coronation in Budapest; the Entente's rejection of Habsburg peace feelers; Charles' opposition to Lenin's insertion into Russia; the Twelfth Battle of the Isonzo; political unrest in the monarchy; Conrad's military reforms in ; French President Clemenceau's efforts to undermine the Austro-German alliance; and Charles's request for an armistice for his war-weary army. University Press Scholarship Online requires a subscription or purchase to access the full text of books within the service. Public users can however freely search the site and view the abstracts and keywords for each book and chapter. Please, subscribe or login to access full text content. To troubleshoot, please check our FAQs , and if you can't find the answer there, please contact us. OSO version 0. University Press Scholarship Online. Sign in. Not registered? Sign up. Publications Pages Publications Pages. Advanced Search.

Basset -For God and Kaiser - The Imperial Austrian Army | Habsburg Monarchy | Napoleon

It details technical and social developments that coincided with the army's story and provides fascinating portraits of the great military leaders as well as noteworthy figures of lesser renown. Departing from conventional assessments of the Habsburg army as ineffective, outdated, and repeatedly inadequate, the book argues that it was a uniquely cohesive and formidable fighting force, in many respects one of the glories of the old Europe. Keywords: Habsburg army , Imperial Austrian Army , international power , Christendom , technical developments , social developments , military leaders. Forgot your password? Don't have an account? OSO version 0. University Press Scholarship Online. Sign in. Not registered? Sign up. Publications Pages Publications Pages. Advanced Search. Recently viewed 0 Save Search. Users without a subscription are not able to see the full content. More This book presents an account of the Habsburg army. Authors Affiliations are at time of print publication. Print Save Cite Share This. Show Summary Details. Subscriber Login Email Address. Password Please enter your Password. Library Card Please enter your library card number. View: no detail some detail full detail. Part 1 The Habsburg Connection. Chapter 2 For God and Emperor. Chapter 5 Austria Resurgent. View Details. The Somme. Robin Prior and Trevor Wilson. For God and Kaiser. The Imperial Austrian Army, Richard Bassett. The Civil War in Art and Memory. Edited by Kirk Savage. In the Name of Rome. Adrian Goldsworthy; With a New Preface. Anthony Fletcher. Soldiering, War, and American Civil Religion. Jonathan H. The Hundred Years War. A People's History. David Green. Those Who Hold Bastogne. Peter Schrijvers. The Age of Catastrophe. A History of the West — Heinrich August Winkler. England and the Spanish Armada. The Necessary Quarrel. James McDermott.

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