Mohammad Reza Taghizadeh
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
History Brief: Timeline of US-Iran Relations Until the Obama
MIT International Review | web.mit.edu/mitir 1 of 5 HISTORY BRIEF: TIMELINE OF US‐IRAN RELATIONS UNTIL THE OBAMA ADMINISTRATION Key Facts & Catalysts By Sam Sasan Shoamanesh Looking back at key events in this US‐Iran chronicle is helpful in understanding some of the traditional causes of friction and mistrust between Tehran and Washington. A reference to the annals of US‐Iran relations will also be valuable in appreciating that the policies of the past sixty years have not been advantageous to US interests and on the contrary, have resulted in blowbacks, which still vex the relations to this day. 1856: Genesis of Formal Relations | Diplomatic relations between Iran and the United States began in 1856. 1909: American Lafayette in Iran | In 1909, Howard Baskerville, an American teacher and Princeton graduate on a Presbyterian mission in Tabriz, Iran, instantly becomes an Iranian national hero where after joining the Constitutionalists during the Constitutional Revolution of 1905‐1911, loses his young life while fighting the Royalists and the forces of the Qajar king, Mohmmad Ali Shah’s elite Cossack brigade. He is remembered as saying: ʺ[t]he only difference between me and these people is my place of birth, and this is not a big difference.ʺ To this day he is revered by Iranians. Second World War | Until the second World War, the US had no interest or an active policy vis‐à‐vis Iran and relations remained cordial. 1953 C.I.A. Coup | In 1951, Prime Minister Mossadegh and his National Front party (“Jebhe Melli”), a socio‐democratic, liberal‐secular nationalist party in Iran, nationalize the country’s oil industry. -
Triumphs and Tragedies of the Iranian Revolution
The Road to Isolation: Triumphs and Tragedies of the Iranian Revolution Salma Schwartzman Senior Division Historical Paper Word Count: 2, 499 !1 Born of conflicting interests and influences — those ancient tensions deeply rooted in its own society — the Iranian revolution generated numerous and alternating cycles of triumph and tragedy, the one always inextricably resulting from and offsetting the other. This series of vast political shifts saw the nation shudder from a near feudal monarchy to a democratized state, before finally relapsing into an oppressive, religiously based conservatism. The Prelude: The White Revolution Dating from 1960 to 1963, the White Revolution was a period of time in Iran in which modernization, westernization, and industrialization were ambitiously promoted by the the country’s governing royalty: the Pahlavi regime. Yet although many of these changes brought material and social benefit, the country was not ready to embrace such a rapid transition from its traditional structure; thus the White Revolution sowed the seeds that would later blossom into the Iranian Revolution1. Under the reign of Reza Shah Pahlavi, the State of Iran underwent serious industrial expansion. After seizing almost complete political power for himself, the Shah set in motion the land reform law of 1962.2 This law forced landed minorities to surrender vast tracts of lands to the government so that it could be redistributed to small scale agriculturalists. The landowners who experienced losses were compensated through shares of state owned Iranian industries. Cultivators and laborers also received share holdings of Iranian industries and agricultural profits.3 This reform not only helped the agrarian community, but encouraged and supported 1 Britannica, The Editors of Encyclopaedia. -
Supreme Soviet Investigation of the 1991 Coup the Suppressed Transcripts
Supreme Soviet Investigation of the 1991 Coup The Suppressed Transcripts: Part 3 Hearings "About the Illegal Financia) Activity of the CPSU" Editor 's Introduction At the birth of the independent Russian Federation, the country's most pro-Western reformers looked to the West to help fund economic reforms and social safety nets for those most vulnerable to the change. However, unlike the nomenklatura and party bureaucrats who remained positioned to administer huge aid infusions, these reformers were skeptical about multibillion-dollar Western loans and credits. Instead, they wanted the West to help them with a different source of money: the gold, platinum, diamonds, and billions of dollars in hard currency the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) and KGB intelligence service laundered abroad in the last years of perestroika. Paradoxically, Western governments generously supplied the loans and credits, but did next to nothing to support the small band of reformers who sought the return of fortunes-estimated in the tens of billions of dollars- stolen by the Soviet leadership. Meanwhile, as some in the West have chronicled, the nomenklatura and other functionaries who remained in positions of power used the massive infusion of Western aid to enrich themselves-and impoverish the nation-further. In late 1995, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development concluded that Russian officials had stolen $45 billion in Western aid and deposited the money abroad. Radical reformers in the Russian Federation Supreme Soviet, the parliament that served until its building was destroyed on President Boris Yeltsin's orders in October 1993, were aware of this mass theft from the beginning and conducted their own investigation as part of the only public probe into the causes and circumstances of the 1991 coup attempt against Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev. -
3/1980 Report
MARCH 1980 SURVEY March 28, 1980 Surveyso fConsume rAttitude s Richard T.Curtin , Director §> CONSUMER SENTIMENT FALLS TO NEW RECORD LOW LEVEL **In the March 1980 survey, the Index of Consumer Sentiment was 56.5,dow n more than 10 Index-points from February 1980 (66.9) and March 1979 (68.4), and represents the lowest level recorded in more than a quarter-century. At no time have consumers been more pessimistic about their ownpersona l financial situation or about prospects for the economy as a whole. Importantly, the major portion of these declines were recorded prior to President Carter's latest inflation message just 10 percent of the interviews were conducted after Carter's speech. **Among families with incomes of $15,000 and over, the Index of Consumer Senti ment was 51.3 in March 1980,dow n from 60.2 in February 1980, and 65.2i n March 1979. TheMarc h 1980 Index figure of 51.3 is below the prior record low of 53.6 recorded in February 1975. **New record low levels recorded in March 1980include : *Near1y half (48 percent) of all families reported in March 1980 that they were worse off financially than a year earlier, twice the propor tion whoreporte d an improved financial situation (24 percent). *Three-in-four respondents (76 percent) expected bad times financially for the economy as a whole during the next 12 months, while just 14 percent expected improvement. ^Interest rates were expected to increase during the next 12 months by 71 percent of all families in March 1980an d the highest rates of expected inflation were recorded during early 1980, with consumers expecting inflation to average 12% during the next 12 months. -
GENERAL AGREEMENT on 1 April 1980 TARIFFS and TRADE Limited Distribution
RESTRICTED L/4914/Rev.1 GENERAL AGREEMENT ON 1 April 1980 TARIFFS AND TRADE Limited Distribution MULTILATERAL TRADE NEGOTIATIONS Status of Acceptances of Protocols, Agreements and Arrangements (as of 31 March 1980) The following Protocols, Agreements and Arrangements have been accepted by the Governments listed on the dates and with the conditions specified. A. Geneva (1979) Protocol to the General.Agreement on Tariffs and Trade - Argentina 11 July 1979 - Austria subjectt to ratification) 17 October 1979 Ratification 28 December 1979 - Belgium (Subject to ratification) 17 December 1979 - Canada (subject to ratification) 11 July 1979 - Denmark (subject to ratification). 17 December 1979 Ratification with regard to the products 21 December 1979 subject to the regime of the European Coal and Steel Community and except as regards its application to the Faroe Islands. - European Economic Community 13 July 1979 (For authentification of the Protocol and of the schedules of tariff concessions annexed thereto, and subject to conclusion by the European Communities in accordance with the procedures in force) Acceptance 17 December 1979 - Finland (subject to ratification) 11 July 1979 Ratification 13 March 1980 - France 17 December 1979 - Germany, Fed. Rep. (subject to ratification) 17 December 1979 - Hungary 17 December 1979 - Iceland (subject to ratification) 18 September 1979 - Ireland 17 December 1979 - Israel (subject to ratification) 22 November 1979 - Italy 17 December 1979 - Jamaica 12 December 1979 - Japan (subject to acceptance) 27 July 1979 - Luxembourg 17 December 1979 L/4914/Rev.1 Page 2 - Netherlands 17 December 1979 The acceptance shall apply to the Kingdom in Europe only. However, the Government of the Kingdom of the Netherlands reserves the right to extend the acceptance of the-Protocol by written notification to the Netherlands Antilles at a later date. -
Planning for a Post-Khomeini Iran
625 December 27, 1987 PLANNING FOR A POST-KHOMEINI IRAN Iranian leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini is 85 years old and in declining health. He probably soon will pass from the Iranian political scene. The power struggle to succeed him already has begun and will intensify once he is gone. The time has come, therefore, for the United States to position itself to establish a working relationship with post-Khomeini Iran. Iran remains a key piece of the global geopolitical jigsaw puzzle. The West cannot afford to ignore Iran because it looms large as a dominant regional power . and forms a critical buffer between the Soviet Union and the oil-rich Persian Gulf. A Soviet-dominated Iran would become a strategic stepping stone that could enable Moscow to establish hegemony over the 55 percent of the world's oil resewes located in the Persian Gulf and ultimately to gain dangerous leverage over Western states dependent on that oil. Clearly, the primary long-term US. goal must be to . prevent such Soviet control. Protecting US. Interests. In the short term, the main challenge to U.S. interests in the Persian Gulf comes from Iran, not the Soviet Union. Iran is not just a passive strategic prize but an aggressive revolutionary state bent on exporting its radical brand of Islamic fundamentalism throughout the Muslim world. The key objective for U.S. policy is to reconcile its near-term goal of containin the destabilizing effects of the Iranian revolution with its long-term goal oI averting Soviet penetration of the Persian Gulf region. This means devising policies that rotect U.S. -
Egyptian Policy Toward Iran and the Challenges of Transition from Break up to Normalization
JOURNAL FOR IRANIAN STUDIES Specialized Studies A Peer-Reviewed Quarterly Periodical Journal Year 1. issue 4, Sep. 2017 ISSUED BY Arabian Gulf Centre for Iranian Studies Egyptian Policy toward Iran and the Challenges of Transition from Break Up to Normalization Mo’taz Salamah (Ph.D.) Head of the Arab and Regional Studies Unit and Director of the Arabian Gulf Program at the Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies Mohammad Saied Alsayyad Intellectual and Ideological Studies Researcher in the Arabian Gulf Center for Iranian Studies espite the news and calls of some Egyptian and Iranian personalities to restore relations between the two Dcountries, no significant development has been noticed in Egypt-Iran ties for about four decades. Some observers expected that the Iranian nuclear deal in 2015 would enhance rapprochement between Cairo and Tehran, but so far, no changes have been made, nor do signs indicate a normalization of relations between the two countries.(1) Journal for Iranian Studies 41 Diplomatic ties between Egypt and Iran have been severed since the Iranian revolution in 1979, the Camp David Accords, and process of establishing peace between Egypt and Israel. These relations deteriorated primarily due to Egypt’s hosting of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi– Iran’s former monarch – despite the new Iranian leaders’ demands that Egypt hands him over for trial. In addition, the Iranian leadership adopted a hard line against Cairo by naming one of Tehran’s main streets after Khalid Islambouli, who assassinated President Sadat in 1981 – and hosting a number of Egyptian Islamic groups that escaped trial in Egypt and took refuge in Iran.(2) Iran’s practices also included inciting the Egyptian people against their regime and even hosting terrorist groups that, until recently, the Iranian media called Muslim Rebels.(3) Egypt and Iran are two key powers in the region. -
The Blind Leading the Blind
WORKING PAPER #60 The Blind Leading the Blind: Soviet Advisors, Counter-Insurgency and Nation-Building in Afghanistan By Artemy Kalinovsky, January 2010 COLD War INTernaTionaL HISTorY ProjecT Working Paper No. 60 The Blind Leading the Blind: Soviet Advisors, Counter-Insurgency and Nation-Building in Afghanistan By Artemy Kalinovsky THE COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT WORKING PAPER SERIES Christian F. Ostermann and Mircea Munteanu Series Editors This paper is one of a series of Working Papers published by the Cold War International History Project of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C. Established in 1991 by a grant from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Cold War International History Project (CWIHP) disseminates new information and perspectives on the history of the Cold War as it emerges from previously inaccessible sources on “the other side” of the post-World War II superpower rivalry. The project supports the full and prompt release of historical materials by governments on all sides of the Cold War, and seeks to accelerate the process of integrating new sources, materials and perspectives from the former “Communist bloc” with the historiography of the Cold War which has been written over the past few decades largely by Western scholars reliant on Western archival sources. It also seeks to transcend barriers of language, geography, and regional specialization to create new links among scholars interested in Cold War history. Among the activities undertaken by the project to promote this aim are a periodic BULLETIN to disseminate new findings, views, and activities pertaining to Cold War history; a fellowship program for young historians from the former Communist bloc to conduct archival research and study Cold War history in the United States; international scholarly meetings, conferences, and seminars; and publications. -
Sheikh Qassim, the Bahraini Shi'a, and Iran
k o No. 4 • July 2012 o l Between Reform and Revolution: Sheikh Qassim, t the Bahraini Shi’a, and Iran u O By Ali Alfoneh The political stability of the small island state of Bahrain—home to the US Navy’s Fifth Fleet—matters to the n United States. And Sheikh Qassim, who simultaneously leads the Bahraini Shi’a majority’s just struggle for a more r democratic society and acts as an agent of the Islamic Republic of Iran, matters to the future of Bahrain. A survey e of the history of Shi’a activism in Bahrain, including Sheikh Qassim’s political life, shows two tendencies: reform and t revolution. Regardless of Sheikh Qassim’s dual roles and the Shi’a protest movement’s periodic ties to the regime in Tehran, the United States should do its utmost to reconcile the rulers and the ruled in Bahrain by defending the s civil rights of the Bahraini Shi’a. This action would not only conform to the United States’ principle of promoting a democracy and human rights abroad, but also help stabilize Bahrain and the broader Persian Gulf region and under- mine the ability of the regime in Tehran to continue to exploit the sectarian conflict in Bahrain in a way that broadens E its sphere of influence and foments anti-Americanism. e Every Friday, the elderly Ayatollah Isa Ahmad The Sunni ruling elites of Bahrain, however, l Qassim al-Dirazi al-Bahrani, more commonly see Sheikh Qassim not as a reformer but as d known as Sheikh Qassim, climbs the stairs to the a zealous revolutionary serving the Islamic pulpit at the Imam al-Sadiq mosque in Diraz, d Bahrain, to deliver his sermon. -
Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: the Rise of the Revolutionary Guards
Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: The Rise of the Revolutionary Guards Ali Alfoneh Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: The Rise of the Revolutionary Guards Ali Alfoneh February 5, 2018 Issue Paper #1 2019 The Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington (AGSIW), launched in 2015, is an independent, nonprofit institution dedicated to providing expert research and analysis of the social, economic, and political dimensions of the Gulf Arab states and how they impact domestic and foreign policy. AGSIW focuses on issues ranging from politics and security to economics, trade, and business; from social dynamics to civil society and culture. Through programs, publications, and scholarly exchanges the institute seeks to encourage thoughtful debate and inform the U.S. policy community regarding this critical geostrategic region. © 2019 Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. All rights reserved. AGSIW does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the views of AGSIW, its staff, or its board of directors. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from AGSIW. Please direct inquiries to: [email protected] This publication can be downloaded at no cost at www.agsiw.org. Cover Photo Credits: Khamenei.ir/Wikimedia Commons About the Author Ali Alfoneh is a senior fellow at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. He is the author of Iran Unveiled: How the Revolutionary Guards are Transforming Iran from Theocracy into Military Dictatorship, published by AEI Press in April 2013. -
Newman-MW-2015-Safavid-Studies
Edinburgh Research Explorer ‘Great men’, ‘decline’ and empire Citation for published version: Newman, A 2015, '‘Great men’, ‘decline’ and empire: Safavid studies and a way forward', Medieval Worlds, vol. 2, pp. 45-58. https://doi.org/10.1553/medievalworlds_no2_2015s45 Digital Object Identifier (DOI): 10.1553/medievalworlds_no2_2015s45 Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Published In: Medieval Worlds General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 29. Sep. 2021 ›Great men‹, ›Decline‹ and Empire: Safavid Studies and a Way forward? Andrew J. Newman* This paper first suggests that the paradigms utilised in the study of the Safavid period in Iran (1501-1722) in the West prior to the 1979-80 Iranian Revolution have since been given a new lease on life by scholars in the field, perhaps coincidentally with the distinctly ›Islamic‹ turn quickly taken by that revolution. Now, as prior to the Revolution, ›great men‹ and ›decline‹ are the organising principle(s) of discussions in Safavid studies. -
SUMGAYIT – Beginning of the Collapse of the USSR
SUMGAYIT – Beginning of the Collapse of the USSR Aslan Ismayilov SUMGAYIT - BEGINNING OF THE COLLAPSE OF THE USSR 1 Aslan Ismayilov ЧАШЫОЬЛУ 2011 Aslan Ismayilov Sumgayit – Beginning of the Collapse of the USSR Baku Aslan Ismayilov Sumgayit – Beginning of the Collapse of the USSR Baku Translated by Vagif Ismayil and Vusal Kazimli 2 SUMGAYIT – Beginning of the Collapse of the USSR SUMGAYIT PROCEEDINGS 3 Aslan Ismayilov 4 SUMGAYIT – Beginning of the Collapse of the USSR HOW I WAS APPOINTED AS THE PUBLIC PROSECUTOR IN THE CASE AND OBTAINED INSIGHT OF IT Dear readers! Before I start telling you about Sumgayit events, which I firmly believe are of vital importance for Azerbaijan, and in the trial of which I represented the government, about peripeteia of this trial and other happenings which became echoes and continuation of the tragedy in Sumgayit, and finally about inferences I made about all the abovementioned as early as in 1989, I would like to give you some brief background about myself, in order to demonstrate you that I was not involved in the process occasionally and that my conclusions and position regarding the case are well grounded. Thus, after graduating from the Law Faculty of of the Kuban State University of Russia with honours, I was appointed to the Neftekumsk district court of the Stavropol region as an interne. After the lapse of some time I became the assistant for Mr Krasnoperov, the chairman of the court, who used to be the chairman of the Altay region court and was known as a good professional. The existing legislation at that time allowed two people’s assessors to participate in the court trials in the capacity of judges alongside with the actual judge.