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Proquest Dissertations NATION-BUILDING IN THE GUATEMALAN COUNTRYSIDE A Thesis Submitted to the Committee on Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Faculty of Arts and Science TRENT UNIVERSITY Peterborough, Ontario, Canada Copyright by Devon McKinnon 2010 History M.A. Graduate Program January 2011 Library and Archives Bibliotheque et 1*1 Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington OttawaONK1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada Canada Your file Voire reference ISBN: 978-0-494-68221-0 Our Tile Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-68221-0 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non­ L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library and permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par Nnternet, preter, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans le loan, distribute and sell theses monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, sur worldwide, for commercial or non­ support microforme, papier, electronique et/ou commercial purposes, in microform, autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in this et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. Ni thesis. Neither the thesis nor la these ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci substantial extracts from it may be ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement printed or otherwise reproduced reproduits sans son autorisation. without the author's permission. In compliance with the Canadian Conformement a la loi canadienne sur la Privacy Act some supporting forms protection de la vie privee, quelques may have been removed from this formulaires secondares ont ete enleves de thesis. cette these. While these forms may be included Bien que ces formulaires aient inclus dans in the document page count, their la pagination, il n'y aura aucun contenu removal does not represent any loss manquant. of content from the thesis. •+• Canada ABSTRACT Nation-Building in the Guatemalan Countryside Devon McKinnon This thesis seeks to explain why Guatemala's military-government escalated its use of violence in the countryside from 1978 to 1985. Antonio Gramsci's hegemony theory is used as a theoretical perspective to guide the analysis of this work. In terms of Gramsci, the military engaged in extreme violence against individuals, institutions, and whole communities because they were perceived to be part of a counter-hegemonic movement that threatened the military-dominated status quo. As a result, the military attempted to destroy these social movements and replace them with military-dominated institutions like model villages and civil patrols. Furthermore, the military tried to gain the allegiance of the rural populace through social programs and ideological indoctrination. These initiatives were designed to increase the hegemony of the military in the eyes of the rural inhabitants. -Keywords: Guatemalan military, Mayans, political violence, authoritarian revolution, Antonio Gramsci. 11 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank David Sheinin, Tim Stapleton, Antonio Cazorla Sanchez, and Jim Handy for their contributions to my work. Also, thanks to Christopher Evelyn, Derek Lipman, Pauline Harder, and Ivana Elbl for their feedback on earlier drafts of this project. Finally, thanks to Carolyn Kay for her comments on my past work. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Abstract ii Acknowledgements iii Table of Contents iv Introduction: Hegemony, Nationalization, and the Guatemalan Military 1-21 Chapter 2: Explaining the Escalation of Violence in Guatemala: An Analysis of the Historiography 22-34 Chapter 3: The Counter-Hegemonic Movement in Guatemala - 35-62 Chapter 4: Military Violence in the Guatemalan Countryside 63-93 Chapter 5: Building Hegemony in Rural Guatemala 94-128 Chapter 6: Mechanisms of Control and Integration: Model Villages and Civil Patrols 129-147 Chapter 7: Guatemala and the United States: An Uneasy Alliance 148-179 Conclusion: Military Hegemony in the 1980s and Beyond 180-189 Bibliography 190-204 iv 1 Hegemony. Nationalization, and the Guatemalan Military From the late 1970s to the mid-1980s, Guatemala's military-government escalated its violent campaign against the Mayans1 in the countryside. Although individuals living in cities were prone to attacks from the military, police, and right-wing death squads, it was those in the countryside, especially the northwest region who experienced the brunt of the terror.2 The principally Ladino3 officers conducted a rural counterinsurgency that targeted individuals, associations, and whole villages thought to be a threat to the military-dominated status quo.4 The military used violence as part of a plan to re­ establish its control over the countryside. I will use Antonio Gramsci's theory of hegemony to analyze the relationship between the Guatemalan military and the Mayans in the countryside. For the portion of my thesis where I deal with the diplomatic and military support given to Guatemala by the United States, I will use a neo-Gramscian theoretical framework, best articulated by Robert W. Cox and William I. Robinson, who applied Gramsci's hegemony theory to international relations. 1 In Guatemala the term "Mayan" was a label given to the 21 ethnic groups that represented 60 percent of the country's population. Ben Kiernan, Blood and Soil: A World History of Genocide and Extermination from Sparta to Darfur (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2007), 582. 2 For more information on military violence against urban dissidents after 1954 see Henry Frundt, Refreshing Pauses: Coca Cola and Human Rights in Guatemala (New York, 1987); Debra Levenson- Estrada, Trade Unionists Against Terror: Guatemala City 1954-1985 (Chapel Hill, 1994); Thomas F. Reed and Karen Brandow, The Sky Never Changes: Testimonies from the Guatemalan Labour Movement (Ithaca and New York, 1996). 3 In Guatemala the term "Ladino" is a socially constructed cultural group that is distinct from Mayans. Although the exact definition of a Ladino is somewhat fluid in Guatemala, it generally refers to individuals that have adopted European culture, particularly in terms of speaking Spanish. The Ladinos controlled the government, military, and economy throughout the 1970s and 1980s. Kay B. Warren, "Interpreting La Violencia in Guatemala: Shapes of Mayan Silence & Resistance," in The Violence Within: Cultural & Political Opposition in Divided Nations, ed. by Kay B. Warren (Boulder, San Francisco and Oxford, 1993), 26; Peter Calvert, Guatemala: A Nation in Turmoil (Boulder and London: Westview Press, 1985), 21-22. Jim Handy, "Reimagining Guatemala: Reconciliation and the Indigenous Accords," in Dilemmas of Reconciliation: Cases and Concepts, ed. by Carol A.L. Prager and Trudy Govier (Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2003), 284-286. 5 Robert Cox is useful to this study as his theoretical framework helps to contextualize the Guatemalan military's violent campaign by looking at how the United States influenced the ideas and 2 Antonio Gramsci believed that after a dominant class, or a coalition of groups, establishes itself as the leaders of a state, it solidifies its power base by offering concessions to subordinate classes. These concessions make elite-rule look benevolent, so that lower classes will endorse the elites' power and its dominant role in capitalist production.7 In this way, the dominant elites create a cultural, economic, and political unity that allow for its interests, along with the lower classes' general interests, to be met.8 Gramsci wrote that the general interests the government seeks to fulfill are fluid and subject to change depending upon the strength of civil society institutions.9 If the lower classes have a strong presence within these institutions, the elite class will rein in its interests to appease the demands of the lower classes.10 However, the actions of the elite are presented as the best means for all groups in society to meet their needs,11 In terms of Guatemala, the upper class was mainly comprised of the economic actions of the Guatemalan military elites. For instance, Cox's assertion that a global hegemon will often use concessions and ideological indoctrination to enhance its hegemony is useful in understanding why the U.S. offered military aid to Guatemala, and how the U.S.'s advocacy of anticommunism affected military elites. Robinson's work is useful because his concept of "promoting polyarchy" shows that elites consent to elections because the participation of non-elites classes is restricted to voting, which allows both domestic and international economic elites to maintain their interests. His ideas help to underline why political elites in Guatemala and the U.S. both consented to having national elections in Guatemala in 1985. Robert W. Cox and Timothy J. Sinclair, "Gramsci, Hegemony, and International Relations: An Essay in Method," in Approaches to World Order, ed. by Robert W. Cox and Timothy J. Sinclair (Cambridge and New York, 1994), 134, 137; Robert W. Cox, "Multilateralism and World Order," in Approaches to World Order, ed. by Robert W. Cox and Timothy J. Sinclair (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 517-518; Susanne Jonas, The
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