DOCSLIB.ORG

French Revolution Fallout Congress of Vienna (1815)

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
French Revolution Fallout Congress of Vienna (1815) FRENCH REVOLUTION FALLOUT CONGRESS OF VIENNA (1815) • Kings met to restore pre-revolution “norms” • Austrian Prince von Metternich, dominated meetings • Goals: restore monarchs, encircle France, restore balance of power to avoid war DECISIONS MADE • Who got what? – Netherlands – Independence – Prussia – Alsace-Lorraine – Russia – Finland & Poland – Germany & Italy – forced to stay neutral – Britain – Overseas territories – Monarchies restored in: Spain, Portugal, Sardinia, France, Papal States REVOLUTIONS (1815-1848) String of attempted revolutions in Europe • Spain, Italy, Russia, Poland, Austria, Germany, Greece, Belgium REVOLUTIONS (1815-1848) Latin American Revolutions 1800-1825 • Napoleon’s control of Spain caused rebellion in Latin America – Toussaint L’Ouverture – Haiti, 1804 – Miguel Hidalgo – Mexico, 1813 – Jose San Martin – Argentina, 1816 (& Chile, Peru) – Simon Bolivar – Venezuela,1821 (&Colombia, Ecuador) EFFECTS OF FRENCH REV. • End of Old Regime • Death from war & guillotine, suffering, failed governments • Nationalism in European & Latin American countries • Napoleonic Code – some improved rights • Monarchy … Constitutional Monarchy … Republic (Dictatorship) … Republic … Dictatorship/Empire … MONARCHY FRENCH RULERS FROM 1589-PRESENT • Bourbon Dynasty (Absolute Monarchy) 1589 - 1610 Henry IV 1610 - 1643 Louis XIII 1643 - 1715 Louis XIV (the Sun King) 1715 - 1774 Louis XV 1774 - 1789 Louis XVI • Constitutional Monarchy 1789-1792 1789 - 1792 Louis XVI • First Republic 1792 - 1795 National Convention • 1795 - 1799 Directory (Directors) 1795 - 99 Paul François Jean Nicolas de Barras 1795 - 99 Jean-François Reubell 1795 - 99 Louis Marie La Revellíere-Lépeaux 1795 - 97 Lazare Nicolas Marguerite Carnot 1795 - 97 Etienne Le Tourneur 1797 François Marquis de Barthélemy 1797 - 99 Philippe Antoine Merlin de Douai 1797 - 98 François de Neufchâteau 1798 - 99 Jean Baptiste Comte de Treilhard 1799 Emmanuel Joseph Comte de Sieyés 1799 Roger Comte de Ducos 1799 Jean François Auguste Moulins 1799 Louis Gohier • 1799 - 1804 Consulate 1st Consul: 1799 - 1804 Napoleon Bonaparte 2nd Consul: 1799 Emmanuel Joseph Comte de Sieyés, 1799 - 1804 Jean-Jacques Régis Cambacérès 3rd Consul: 1799 - 1799 Pierre-Roger Ducos 1799 - 1804 Charles François Lebrun • First Empire (emperors) 1804 - 1814 Napoleon I 1814 - 1815 Louis XVIII (king) 1815 Napoleon I (2nd time) • Bourbons (restored) 1814 - 1824 Louis XVIII 1824 - 1830 Charles X FRENCH RULERS FROM 1589-PRESENT • Orleans 1830 - 1848 Louis Philippe • Second Republic (presidents) 1848 Louis Eugéne Cavaignac 1848 - 1852 Louis Napoleon (later Napoleon III) • Second Empire (emperors) 1852 - 1870 (Louis) Napoleon III • Third Republic (presidents) 1870 - 1871 Louis Jules Trochu (provisional) 1871 - 1873 Adolphe Thiers 1873 - 1879 Patrice de MacMahon 1879 - 1887 Jules Grévy 1887 - 1894 Sadi Carnot 1894 - 1895 Jean Casimir-Périer 1895 - 1899 Félix Faure 1899 - 1906 Emile Loubet 1906 - 1913 Armand Fallières 1913 - 1920 Raymond Poincaré 1920 Paul Deschanel 1920 - 1924 Alexandre Millerand 1924 - 1931 Gaston Doumergue 1931 - 1932 Paul Doumer 1932 - 1940 Albert Lebrun • Vichy Government (Chief of State) 1940 - 1944 Henri Philippe Petain • Provisional Government (presidents) 1944 - 1946 Charles de Gaulle 1946 Félix Gouin 1946 Georges Bidault 1946 Leon Blum • Fourth Republic (presidents) 1947 - 1954 Vincent Auriol 1954 - 1959 René Coty • Fifth Republic (presidents) 1959 - 1969 Charles de Gaulle 1969 - 1974 Georges Pompidou 1974 - 1981 Valéry Giscard d'Estaing 1981 - 1995 François Mitterand 1995 - Today Jacques Chirac.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789
    The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine Honors College 5-2014 Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789 Kiley Bickford University of Maine - Main Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors Part of the Cultural History Commons Recommended Citation Bickford, Kiley, "Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789" (2014). Honors College. 147. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors/147 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors College by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NATIONALISM IN THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1789 by Kiley Bickford A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for a Degree with Honors (History) The Honors College University of Maine May 2014 Advisory Committee: Richard Blanke, Professor of History Alexander Grab, Adelaide & Alan Bird Professor of History Angela Haas, Visiting Assistant Professor of History Raymond Pelletier, Associate Professor of French, Emeritus Chris Mares, Director of the Intensive English Institute, Honors College Copyright 2014 by Kiley Bickford All rights reserved. Abstract The French Revolution of 1789 was instrumental in the emergence and growth of modern nationalism, the idea that a state should represent, and serve the interests of, a people, or "nation," that shares a common culture and history and feels as one. But national ideas, often with their source in the otherwise cosmopolitan world of the Enlightenment, were also an important cause of the Revolution itself. The rhetoric and documents of the Revolution demonstrate the importance of national ideas.
    [Show full text]
  • Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2013 Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Heather Marlene Bennett University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Bennett, Heather Marlene, "Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880" (2013). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 734. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Abstract The traumatic legacies of the Paris Commune and its harsh suppression in 1871 had a significant impact on the identities and voter outreach efforts of each of the chief political blocs of the 1870s. The political and cultural developments of this phenomenal decade, which is frequently mislabeled as calm and stable, established the Republic's longevity and set its character. Yet the Commune's legacies have never been comprehensively examined in a way that synthesizes their political and cultural effects. This dissertation offers a compelling perspective of the 1870s through qualitative and quantitative analyses of the influence of these legacies, using sources as diverse as parliamentary debates, visual media, and scribbled sedition on city walls, to explicate the decade's most important political and cultural moments, their origins, and their impact.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Story, 1814-1900
    The Political Story: 1815-1900. From Monarchy to Republic, the struggle for stability and compromise • Republicanism a minority allegiance up to 1880 • Critics associate it with Jacobinism, violent democracy, “Bolshevism” in its day. • By 1880, a permanent majority of the French converted to the republican ideal (Wright, 205) • Transition was exceptional, not normal, it its day A series of experiments in search of stability and compromise (Wright) • The Bourbon Experiment (1814-1830) • The Orléanist Experiment (1830-1848) • The Republican Experiment (1848-1852) • The Imperial Experiment (1852-1870) • The Rooting of the Republican System (1870-1919) Louis XVIII, King of France (1814-1824) Louis-Philippe, King of the French, 1830-1848 Official portrait of Louis XVIII by Jean-Baptiste-Louis Gros Official portrait by Franz Xavier Winterhalter, 1839 Louis XVIII and the Royal Family Charles X, King of France 1824-1830 Official portrait François GERARD, 1825 1814-1848 Struggles for Compromise that Failed How to blend the Revolution and the Old Regime? How to bridge deep divisions created by the Revolution? • Louis XVIII (1814-1824) & the Charter—divine right and a nobility with a legislature • 1817—90,000 men of the wealthy elite had the right to vote • The Chamber: ultras, moderates, liberals (constitutional monarchists, a few republicans) • Charles X (1824-1830) “Stubbornly Unwise” • Coronation at Reims (symbol of the Old Regime) • Compensation of noble émigrés • Partial restoration of the Church—seminaries and missions • Trio of unpopular
    [Show full text]
  • La Diplomatie Française Et Les Diplomates Français Entre Tradition Et Réforme
    GEORGES-HENRI SOUTOU La diplomatie française et les diplomates français entre tradition et réforme Identité nationale, américanisation, européanisation, mondialisation: cette problémati- que est bien sûr au cœur de la diplomatie française depuis 1945. Celle-ci a été marquée évidemment par des évolutions et des adaptations, mais aussi par certaines continuités, en particulier le souci de maintenir l’identité nationale: la France a toujours été le moins atlantiste des pays d’Europe occidentale et le plus rétif au leadership américain; ses élites se sont en général méfiées de la mondialisation libérale, souhaitant, de Pierre Mendès France à François Mitterrand, promouvoir telle ou telle forme de »libéralisme organisé« limitant le jeu du marché, en particulier pour les matières premières, ainsi que pour les productions culturelles (»exception culturelle« et francophonie). Quant à l’européanisation, elle a constitué certainement un axe de la diplomatie et des diploma- tes français, mais elle est restée partielle et chargée d’arrière-pensées très »nationales«. De façon peut-être excessive, mais pas fausse, les partenaires de la France au sein de la CEE puis de l’Union européenne avaient (ont toujours) l’impression que Paris consi- dère l’Europe avant tout comme un levier permettant de prolonger son action et de diffuser son modèle; de Gaulle lui-même ne parlait-il pas de l’Europe comme d’un »levier d’Archimède« pour la France? C’est au fond ce que signifie le qualificatif de »Grande Nation« que les Allemands appliquent volontiers à la France, en y mêlant, dans des proportions variables, ironie et admiration... 1945–1947 UNE TENTATIVE DE RESTAURATION D’UNE POLITIQUE NATIONALE TRADITIONNELLE En 1945, la France, pensant pouvoir retrouver son rôle international traditionnel, com- mença par renouer avec l’organisation, les méthodes et les conceptions de la diploma- tie d’avant-guerre.
    [Show full text]
  • I Was Not Dull
    What, Me Dull? Listen, one of the reasons those crazy French overthrew me, supposedly, was because I was dull and boring. I want you to know the truth. Just listen to a bit of my life and let me know if you think it was dull. I was born in Paris (never a boring city) on October 6, 1773. My father was Louis Philippe Joseph. He was a member of the younger branch of the royal family known as the Orleans branch. He was probably the richest man in France. Did you ever hear of him? Probably not, because he is better known as Philippe Egalite, which means Philip Equality. You see, he supported the French Revolution to such a great extent that he was elected to the most revolutionary body of that period, the Convention. In fact, he also voted for the execution of King Louis XVI. My father’s vote was crucial because the vote to have King Louis executed was close and passed by only one vote. So you see, he was a loyal son of the French Revolution even to the point that my father was guillotined (the revolution had a reputation of devouring its own children). Anyway, I also supported the French Revolution and fought in important battles. I liked our general, Dumouriez, so much that I followed him right down to the time he went over to the Austrians—the Revolution. I spent a lot of time in exile during the First French Republic and later while Napoleon reigned. Since you are Americans, it might interest you to know that among the places I lived was Philadelphia, where I stayed for four years.
    [Show full text]
  • Fonds Gabriel Deville (Xviie-Xxe Siècles)
    Fonds Gabriel Deville (XVIIe-XXe siècles) Répertoire numérique détaillé de la sous-série 51 AP (51AP/1-51AP/9) (auteur inconnu), révisé par Ariane Ducrot et par Stéphane Le Flohic en 1997 - 2008 Archives nationales (France) Pierrefitte-sur-Seine 1955 - 2008 1 https://www.siv.archives-nationales.culture.gouv.fr/siv/IR/FRAN_IR_001830 Cet instrument de recherche a été encodé en 2012 par l'entreprise Numen dans le cadre du chantier de dématérialisation des instruments de recherche des Archives Nationales sur la base d'une DTD conforme à la DTD EAD (encoded archival description) et créée par le service de dématérialisation des instruments de recherche des Archives Nationales 2 Archives nationales (France) INTRODUCTION Référence 51AP/1-51AP/9 Niveau de description fonds Intitulé Fonds Gabriel Deville Date(s) extrême(s) XVIIe-XXe siècles Nom du producteur • Deville, Gabriel (1854-1940) • Doumergue, Gaston (1863-1937) Importance matérielle et support 9 cartons (51 AP 1-9) ; 1,20 mètre linéaire. Localisation physique Pierrefitte Conditions d'accès Consultation libre, sous réserve du règlement de la salle de lecture des Archives nationales. DESCRIPTION Type de classement 51AP/1-6. Collection d'autographes classée suivant la qualité du signataire : chefs d'État, gouvernants français depuis la Restauration, hommes politiques français et étrangers, écrivains, diplomates, officiers, savants, médecins, artistes, femmes. XVIIIe-XXe siècles. 51AP/7-8. Documents divers sur Puydarieux et le département des Haute-Pyrénées. XVIIe-XXe siècles. 51AP/8 (suite). Documentation sur la Première Guerre mondiale. 1914-1919. 51AP/9. Papiers privés ; notes de travail ; rapports sur les archives de la Marine et les bibliothèques publiques ; écrits et documentation sur les départements français de la Révolution (Mont-Tonnerre, Rhin-et-Moselle, Roer et Sarre) ; manuscrit d'une « Chronologie générale avant notre ère ».
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    © Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. CHAPTER 1 Introduction French Society in 1789 Historians working on the French Revolution have a problem. All of our attempts to find an explanation in terms of social groups or classes, or particular segments of society becoming powerfully activated, have fallen short. As one expert aptly expressed it: “the truth is we have no agreed general theory of why the French Revolution came about and what it was— and no prospect of one.”1 This gaping, causal void is cer- tainly not due to lack of investigation into the Revolution’s background and origins. If class conflict in the Marxist sense has been jettisoned, other ways of attributing the Revolution to social change have been ex- plored with unrelenting rigor. Of course, every historian agrees society was slowly changing and that along with the steady expansion of trade and the cities, and the apparatus of the state and armed forces, more (and more professional) lawyers, engineers, administrators, officers, medical staff, architects, and naval personnel were increasingly infusing and diversifying the existing order.2 Yet, no major, new socioeconomic pressures of a kind apt to cause sudden, dramatic change have been identified. The result, even some keen revisionists admit, is a “somewhat painful void.”3 Most historians today claim there was not one big cause but instead numerous small contributory impulses. One historian, stressing the absence of any identifiable overriding cause, likened the Revolution’s origins to a “multi- coloured tapestry of interwoven causal factors.”4 So- cial and economic historians embracing the “new social interpretation” identify a variety of difficulties that might have rendered eighteenth- century French society, at least in some respects, more fraught and vulnerable than earlier.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ideological Origins of the French Mediterranean Empire, 1789-1870
    The Civilizing Sea: The Ideological Origins of the French Mediterranean Empire, 1789-1870 The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Dzanic, Dzavid. 2016. The Civilizing Sea: The Ideological Origins of the French Mediterranean Empire, 1789-1870. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, Graduate School of Arts & Sciences. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33840734 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA The Civilizing Sea: The Ideological Origins of the French Mediterranean Empire, 1789-1870 A dissertation presented by Dzavid Dzanic to The Department of History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of History Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts August 2016 © 2016 - Dzavid Dzanic All rights reserved. Advisor: David Armitage Author: Dzavid Dzanic The Civilizing Sea: The Ideological Origins of the French Mediterranean Empire, 1789-1870 Abstract This dissertation examines the religious, diplomatic, legal, and intellectual history of French imperialism in Italy, Egypt, and Algeria between the 1789 French Revolution and the beginning of the French Third Republic in 1870. In examining the wider logic of French imperial expansion around the Mediterranean, this dissertation bridges the Revolutionary, Napoleonic, Restoration (1815-30), July Monarchy (1830-48), Second Republic (1848-52), and Second Empire (1852-70) periods. Moreover, this study represents the first comprehensive study of interactions between imperial officers and local actors around the Mediterranean.
    [Show full text]
  • Received Time Jun.12. 11:53AM Print Time Jun. 12. 11:54AM SENT BY: 6-12-95 ;11:48A.~ EMBASSY of France~ 202 429 1766;# 3/ 4
    6-12-95 ;11:48A.+. EMBASSY Of f~~CE~ 202 429 1766;# 21 4 • JACQUES CHIRAC PRESIDENT OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC Born on 29 November 1932 in the fifth arrondissement of Paris Son ofFranvois Chirac, a company director, and Marie-Louise, nee Valette Married on 16 March 1956 to Bernadette Chadron de Courcel Two children: Laurence and Claude. EDUCATION Lycee Carnot and Jycee Louis-le-Grand. Paris. QUALmCATIONS Graduate of the Paris Instltut d'Etudes politiques and of the Harvard University Summer School (USA). - DECORATIONS Grand-Croix de l'Ordre national du Mente; • Croix de la V alcur militairc; Grand-Croix du Merite de l'Ordre souverain de Malte; Chevalier du Mente Agricole, des Arts et des T..ettres, de ]•Etoile Noire, du Mente sportif, du Mente Touristique; Medaille de l'Aeronautique. CAREER J957-1959: Student at the hcole nationale d1Administration; 1959: Auditeur at the Cour des comptes (Audit Court); 1962: Charge de mission at the Government Secretariat-General; 1962: Charge de mission in the private office of M. Georges Pompidou, Prime Minister; 1965-1993: Conseiller referendaire (public auditor) at the Cour des comptes; March 1965 to March 1977: Memberofthe Sainte-Fereole (Correze) municipal council; March-May 1967: National Assembly Deputy for the Correze; 1967-1968: Minister of State for Social Affairs, with responsibility for Employment (government ofM. Georges Pompidou); 1968: Member of the Correze General Council for the canton of Meymac, re-elected in 1970 and 1976; • Received Time Jun.12. 11:53AM Print Time Jun. 12. 11:54AM SENT
    [Show full text]
  • My Favourite History Place
    My Favourite History Place Lord Street, Southport – he elegance of present-day national and international attention to Lord Street in Southport to a the links between Southport, Paris and Trevor James introduces degree belies its international Louis-Napoleon, leading to the two an international Timportance and associations. Writing in media comments which follow, but, in the Guardian (21 August 2004), Charles reality, it was a matter of local popular dimension to local Nevin described Lord Street’s ‘arrestingly understanding that Napoleon III had history, revealing how a unexpected elegance’, emphasising resided in Southport and that the design how its parades of shops with their of Lord Street had had a strong influence future French Emperor glass and wrought-iron canopies were on his plans for developing Paris. faced by ‘a line of fine barbered and In 2000 The Scotsman (25 April) interpreted his affection arboured gardens’ on the other side of an made the observation that ‘Edinburgh for Southport’s Lord extraordinarily wide street. may fairly claim to be the Athens of the In 1846 Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte, North. But is Paris the Southport of the Street into the extensive the future French Emperor Napoleon South?’ Of course there is much more redesign of Parisian III, had taken lodgings adjoining to that assertion. In carrying out his Southport’s Lord Street. He was most massive programme of public works streets. captivated by the atmosphere of natural in Paris, which created the network of sophistication exhibited in its tree-lined boulevards with which we are familiar, environment. Later on when, between Napoleon III was, in reality, extending 1852 and 1870, he employed Georges- the programme of re-alignment that Eugene Haussmann to redesign the had begun under his uncle Napoleon I.
    [Show full text]
  • France and the German Question, 1945–1955
    CreswellFrance and and the Trachtenberg German Question France and the German Question, 1945–1955 ✣ What role did France play in the Cold War, and how is French policy in that conºict to be understood? For many years the prevailing as- sumption among scholars was that French policy was not very important. France, as the historian John Young points out, was “usually mentioned in Cold War histories only as an aside.” When the country was discussed at all, he notes, it was “often treated as a weak and vacillating power, obsessed with outdated ideas of a German ‘menace.’”1 And indeed scholars often explicitly argued (to quote one typical passage) that during the early Cold War period “the major obsession of French policy was defense against the German threat.” “French awareness of the Russian threat,” on the other hand, was sup- posedly “belated and reluctant.”2 The French government, it was said, was not eager in the immediate postwar period to see a Western bloc come into being to balance Soviet power in Europe; the hope instead was that France could serve as a kind of bridge between East and West.3 The basic French aim, according to this interpretation, was to keep Germany down by preserving the wartime alliance intact. Germany itself would no longer be a centralized state; the territory on the left bank of the Rhine would not even be part of Germany; the Ruhr basin, Germany’s industrial heartland, would be subject to allied control. Those goals, it was commonly assumed, were taken seriously, not just by General Charles de Gaulle, who headed the French provisional government until Jan- uary 1946, but by Georges Bidault, who served as foreign minister almost without in- terruption from 1944 through mid-1948 and was the most important ªgure in French foreign policy in the immediate post–de Gaulle period.
    [Show full text]
  • Datum: 19. 6. 2013 Projekt: Využití ICT
    Datum: 19. 6. 2013 Projekt: Využití ICT techniky především v uměleckém vzdělávání Registrační číslo: CZ.1.07/1.5.00/34.1013 Číslo DUM: VY_32_INOVACE_433 Škola: Akademie ‐ VOŠ, Gymn. a SOŠUP Světlá nad Sázavou Jméno autora: Petr Vampola Název sady: Francie včera, dnes a zítra –reálie pro 4. ročník čtyřletých gymnázií. Název práce: LA FRANCE – SOUVERAINS ET CHEFS D´ÉTAT (prezentace) Předmět: Francouzský jazyk Ročník: IV. Studijní obor: 79‐41‐K/41 Gymnázium Časová dotace: 25 min. Vzdělávací cíl: Žák bude schopen se orientovat v historických faktech a obohatí si slovní zásobu. Pomůcky: PC a dataprojektor pro učitele Poznámka: Tento materiál je součástí tematického balíčku Francie včera, dnes a zítra. Inovace: Posílení mezipředmětových vztahů, využití multimediální techniky, využití ICT. SOUVERAINS ET CHEFS D´ETAT Hugues Capet (987-996) Robert II le Pieux (996-1031) Henri Ier (1031-1060) Philippe Ier (1060-1108) Louis VI le Gros (1108-1137) Louis VII le Jeune (1137-1180) Philippe II Auguste (1180-1223) Louis VIII le Lion (1223-1226) Louis IX (Saint Louis) (1226-1270) Philippe III le Hardi (1270-1285) Philippe IV le Bel (1285-1314) Louis X le Hutin (1314-1316) Jean Ier le Posthume (1316) Philippe V le Long (1316-1322) Charles IV le Bel (1322-1328) Philippe VI (1328-1350) Jean II le Bon (1350-1364) Charles V le Sage (1364-1380) Charles VI (1380-1422) Charles VII (1422-1461) Louis XI (1461-1483) Charles VIII (1483-1498) Louis XII (1498-1515) François Ier (1515-1547) Henri II (1547-1559) François II (1559-1560) Charles IX (1560-1574)
    [Show full text]