Introduction

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Introduction Introduction The historical work bearing the title On the Reigns (Bauudai) survives in a single manuscript of the eleventh century. A fourteenth-century hand has added the presumed author's name ("Genesios") in the rnargin 1 With the possible exception of John Skylitzes, whose testimony will be considered below, no Byzantine writer discusses this text or its author. Therefore, the date of its composition and the precise identity of its author must be de­ termined largely through internal criteria. The first two sections of this introduction are devoted to these two closely related problems, and are followed by discussions of Genesios' use of sources and his value as a historian. 1. Date and Circumstances of Composition The preface and dedicatory poem of the text clearly indicate that the work as we have it was dedicated to the autokratorConstantine VII Por­ phyrogennetos and therefore, according to scholarly consensus, it must have been written during the period of that Emperor's independent rule (945-959). This conclusion, however, is unwarranted, for the preface can be used to date only itself and there is evidence that most of the text was written considerably earlier. Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos, the son of Leo VI ('The Wise,' ruled 886-912), was born in 905 and crowned as early as 908.2 When his uncle Alexander died in 913 after a year-long reign, the management of the Empire was · entrusted to a series of unstable regencies, and then passed into the hands of a self-made admiral, Romanos Lekapenos, who raised himself to the throne and ruled as Constantine's co-Emperor for twenty-four years (920-944). During that time Romanos was in effective control of the State, depriving his younger colleague of all real power. Constantine VII finally came into his inheritance when Romanos was 1 For extensive discussions of the manuscript, see H Waschke, 'Genesios,' pp. 256- 263, and the introduction to the CFHB edition of the text by A. Lesmilller-Wemer and I. Thum, pp. ix, xxii-xxvi. 2 P. Grierson and R. Jenkins, 'The Date of Constantine Vll's Coronation.' X Introduction deposed by his own sons, who were in turn deposed and exiled by the supporters of the legitimate dynasty one month later. 3 Constantine supervised the composition of many treatises on ceremonial, diplomatic, and administrative matters, and commissioned a series of Imperial biographies known as Theophanes Continuatus. 4 The first part of this work covers the years 813-867, thus deliberately continuing the Chronographiaof Theophanes the Confessor. Its author remains anonymous, though he probably worked under the direct super­ vision of Constantine himself. The second part, known as the Vita Basilii, is a biography of Basil I (ruled 867-886), who founded the so-called Macedonian dynasty. Constantine was personally involved in its compo­ sition. 5 Both parts of the text denigrate Basil's predecessors and present him as the savior of the Empire. Theophanes Continuatus clearly con­ stitutes historical propaganda in favor of the Macedonian dynasty. 6 Genesios (we may use that name for the sake of convenience) has also been cast as a spokesman for the propaganda created at the court of Constantine VII. His hostile treatment of Basil's predecessors reveals biases similar to those of Theophanes Continuatus, although the latter emphasizes the negative features of those Emperors more strongly.7 There are also many verbal similarities between the two texts, yet the work of Genesios is much shorter and less well written than the official product of Constantine's patronage. It is therefore important to understand the precise relationship between the two works. Did one borrow from the other, did they use the same sources, or both? A crucial piece of evidence comes from Genesios himself, who claims, in his preface, that he was the first to write a narrative of events after 813. According to F. Hirsch, the first scholar to investigate this problem, Genesios was the earlier writer and was thus used as a source 3 For Romanos I in general, see S. Runciman, The Emperor Romanus Lecapenus and his Reign. 4 For Constantine's works in general, see A. Toynbee, Constantine Porphyrogenitus and his World, part V, and the useful and corrective perspective of I. Sevcenko, 'Re-reading Constantine Porphyrogenitus.' 5 See, in general, HG. Nickels, 'The Continuatio Theophanis'; and R. Jenkins, 'The Classical Background of the Scriptores Post Theophanem.' The final section of Theophanes Continuatus (covering the years 886-961) is of no relevance to the problems that surround Genesios. 6 For a detailed analysis which reveals the essentially panegyrical nature of the Vita Basilii, see P.A. Agapetos, "H eh:6va 'tO\l a\l't01Cpa"tOpa Baa1A.£iou A' <HT\ qnAoµa- 1CtOov11CT\ypaµµa"tda 867-959.' 7 Cf. F. H Tinnefeld, Kategorien der Kaiserkritik in der byzantinischen Historio­ graphie, pp. 88, 91. .
Recommended publications
  • A Synopsis of Byzantine History, –
    Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-40474-8 - John Skylitzes: A Synopsis of Byzantine History, 811–1057 John Wortley Frontmatter More information JOHN SKYLITZES: A synopsis of Byzantine history, – John Skylitzes’ extraordinary Middle Byzantine chronicle covers the reigns of the Byzantine emperors from the death of Nicephorus I in to the deposition of Michael VI in , and provides the only surviving continuous narrative of the late tenth and early eleventh centuries. A high offi cial living in the late eleventh century, Skylitzes used a number of existing Greek histories (some of them no longer extant) to create a digest of the previous three centuries. It is with- out question the major historical source for the period, cited con- stantly in modern scholarship, and has never before been available in English. Th is edition features introductions by Jean-Claude Cheynet and Bernard Flusin, along with extensive notes by Cheynet. It will be an essential and exciting addition to the libraries of all historians of the Byzantine age. is Professor of History Emeritus at the University of Manitoba. He has published widely on the Byzantine era, and completed several translations to date, including Les Récits édifi - ants de Paul, évêque de Monembasie, et d’autres auteurs (), Th e ‘Spiritual Meadow’ of John Moschos, including the additional tales edited by Nissen and Mioni (), Th e spiritually benefi cial tales of Paul, Bishop of Monembasia and of other authors () and John Skylitzes: A Synopsis of Histories (AD –) , a provisional transla- tion published
    [Show full text]
  • Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (Ca
    Conversion and Empire: Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (ca. 300-900) by Alexander Borislavov Angelov A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in The University of Michigan 2011 Doctoral Committee: Professor John V.A. Fine, Jr., Chair Professor Emeritus H. Don Cameron Professor Paul Christopher Johnson Professor Raymond H. Van Dam Associate Professor Diane Owen Hughes © Alexander Borislavov Angelov 2011 To my mother Irina with all my love and gratitude ii Acknowledgements To put in words deepest feelings of gratitude to so many people and for so many things is to reflect on various encounters and influences. In a sense, it is to sketch out a singular narrative but of many personal “conversions.” So now, being here, I am looking back, and it all seems so clear and obvious. But, it is the historian in me that realizes best the numerous situations, emotions, and dilemmas that brought me where I am. I feel so profoundly thankful for a journey that even I, obsessed with planning, could not have fully anticipated. In a final analysis, as my dissertation grew so did I, but neither could have become better without the presence of the people or the institutions that I feel so fortunate to be able to acknowledge here. At the University of Michigan, I first thank my mentor John Fine for his tremendous academic support over the years, for his friendship always present when most needed, and for best illustrating to me how true knowledge does in fact produce better humanity.
    [Show full text]
  • 00 TZ Konstantin Nulte:Layout 1.Qxd
    Tibor Živković DE CONVERSIONE CROATORUM ET SERBORUM A Lost Source INSTITUTE OF HISTORY Monographs Volume 62 TIBOR ŽIVKOVIĆ DE CONVERSIONE CROATORUM ET SERBORUM A Lost Source Editor-in-chief Srđan Rudić, Ph.D. Director of the Institute of History Belgrade 2012 Consulting editors: Academician Jovanka Kalić Prof. Dr. Vlada Stanković This book has been published with the financial support of THE MINISTRY OF EDUCATION AND SCIENCE OF THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA (project No III47025) CONTENTS PREFACE 9 ABBREVIATIONS 13 INTRODUCTORY NOTE The Workshop of Constantine Porphyrogenitus 19 THE STORY OF THE CROATS 43 THE STORY OF DALMATIA 91 THE STORY OF THE SERBS 149 THE DISPLACED SECTIONS OF CONSTANTINE’S PRIMARY SOURCE ON THE CROATS AND THE SERBS 181 CONCLUSIONS 197 SOURCES 225 REFERENCES 229 INDEXES 241 Nec plus ultra To the memories of the finest gentleman Božidar Ferjančić (1929 – 1998) PREFACE This book is the result of 20 years of research on the so-called Slavic chapters of Constantine Pophyrogenitus’ De administrando imperio, the last stage of which took place in Athens 2009/2010, where I was completing my postdoctoral research on the supposed main source Constantine Porhyrogenitus had used for the earliest history of the Croats and the Serbs. The research took place at the Centre for Byzantine Research in Athens (IVE) with the financial support of the Ministry of Science and Technology of Serbian Government and the Serbian Orthodox Metropoly of Montenegro. The first preliminary results on the supposed, now lost source of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, were published in an article in Byzantina Symmeikta (2010) and the results I presented at that time allowed me to try to make a more profound analysis of that source and eventually to reveal the most significant number of its fragments preserved in the Croat and Serb chapters of De administrando imperio – its original purpose – as well as the possible background of its composition.
    [Show full text]
  • Terminology Associated with Silk in the Middle Byzantine Period (AD 843-1204) Julia Galliker University of Michigan
    University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Textile Terminologies from the Orient to the Centre for Textile Research Mediterranean and Europe, 1000 BC to 1000 AD 2017 Terminology Associated with Silk in the Middle Byzantine Period (AD 843-1204) Julia Galliker University of Michigan Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/texterm Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, Art and Materials Conservation Commons, Classical Archaeology and Art History Commons, Classical Literature and Philology Commons, Fiber, Textile, and Weaving Arts Commons, Indo-European Linguistics and Philology Commons, Jewish Studies Commons, Museum Studies Commons, Near Eastern Languages and Societies Commons, and the Other History of Art, Architecture, and Archaeology Commons Galliker, Julia, "Terminology Associated with Silk in the Middle Byzantine Period (AD 843-1204)" (2017). Textile Terminologies from the Orient to the Mediterranean and Europe, 1000 BC to 1000 AD. 27. http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/texterm/27 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Centre for Textile Research at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Textile Terminologies from the Orient to the Mediterranean and Europe, 1000 BC to 1000 AD by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Terminology Associated with Silk in the Middle Byzantine Period (AD 843-1204) Julia Galliker, University of Michigan In Textile Terminologies from the Orient to the Mediterranean and Europe, 1000 BC to 1000 AD, ed. Salvatore Gaspa, Cécile Michel, & Marie-Louise Nosch (Lincoln, NE: Zea Books, 2017), pp. 346-373.
    [Show full text]
  • MARKOPOULOS 1.7.2020.Indd
    https://doi.org/10.26262/par.v10i0.7724 THEOPHANES CONTINUATUS AND MICHAEL PSELLOS A DISCREET RELATIONSHIP ATHANASIOS MARKOPOULOS – CHRISTINA SIDERI As is widely known, during the tenth century, the “official history” of the rul- ing house of the Macedonians, conventionally called Theophanes Continuatus (henceforth ThCont), was composed at the court of Constantine VII Porphyro- gennetos (945-959), most probably at the behest of the emperor himself. This historical work – being certainly a great innovation in Byzantine historiography, as it employs the biographical form – covers the years 813-886, encompassing the reigns of five emperors, i.e. Leo V (813-820), Michael II (820-829), Theophi- los (829-842), Michael III (842-867) (included in books I-IV respectively), and Basil I (867-886), the founder of the Macedonian dynasty, to whom is dedicated book V, the famous Vita Basilii (henceforth VB); the narrative of this last book acquires a clearly laudatory character.1 1 For the relevant bibliography, the reader can refer to the following works: Vita Basilii, ed. I. Ševčenko, Chronographiae quae Theophanis Continuati nomine fertur liber quo Vita Basilii Imperatoris amplectitur (CFHB, 42). Berlin/Boston 2011, 36*-55*; ThCont (I-IV), ed. M. Featherstone – J. Signes Codoñer, Chronographiae quae Theophanis Continuati nomine fertur libri I-IV (CFHB, 53). Boston/Berlin 2015, 33*-36*; Ch. Sideri, Νεωτερικές τάσεις στην ιστοριογραφία των Μακεδόνων: η περίπτωση της Συνέχειας Θεο- φάνη (βιβλία α´-δ´), Athens University 2017, 397-439 (unpublished doctoral thesis). See also more recently J. Signes Codoñer, The author ofTheophanes Continuatus I-IV and the Historical Excerpts of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, in: L.
    [Show full text]
  • Stouraitis Byzantine Romanness Revised Final Draft GW
    Byzantine Romanness: From geopolitical to ethnic conceptions Ioannis Stouraitis In a paper focusing on the issue of personal identity, the philosopher Derek Parfit summarized the distinction between the concepts of numerical and qualitative identity as follows: Two white billiard balls may be qualitatively identical, or exactly similar. But they are not numerically identical, or one and the same ball. If I paint one of these balls red, it will cease to be qualitatively identical with itself as it was; but it will still be one and the same ball. Consider next a claim like, “Since her accident, she is no longer the same person”. That involves both senses of identity. It means that she, one and the same person, is not now the same person. That is not a contradiction. The claim is only that this person's character has changed. This numerically identical person is now qualitatively different.1 These two conceptual approaches to sameness seem to me to provide an appropriate point of departure for an introduction to the issue of Romanness in early medieval Byzantium. The loss of the Late Roman Empire’s western parts in the fifth century and the extensive territorial contraction of Justinian I’s restored empire, along with the linguistic Hellenization of the Roman imperial administration, between the late-sixth and late-seventh centuries, meant that the numerically identical political entity Roman Empire, the realm demarcated by the boundaries of enforceable authority of the Roman imperial office, was not the same any more, i.e. became qualitatively different. This difference is conceptualized in modern-day scholarly discourse by the terminus technicus: the Byzantine Empire.
    [Show full text]
  • Basil I's Genealogy and Byzantine Historical Memory of The
    Artaxerxes in Constantinople: Basil I’s Genealogy and Byzantine Historical Memory of the Achaemenid Persians Nathan Leidholm HE EMPIRE FOUNDED by Cyrus the Great in 550 BCE proved to be exceptionally long-lasting in its impact on T subsequent polities throughout much of the ancient and medieval world. The memory of ancient Persia and its mean- ing were constantly made and re-made for centuries from Western Europe to India and beyond. Its impact was so great that modern scholars have even coined a term to describe it: ‘Persianism’. Rolf Strootman and Miguel John Versluys have recently collected a number of essays dedicated to the concept, which is designed to encapsulate “the ideas and associations revolving around [Achaemenid] Persia and appropriated in specific contexts for specific (socio-cultural or political) rea- sons.”1 The empire encouraged and accommodated a wide range of ideological purposes across several linguistic, religious, and political communities from antiquity to the present. In- deed, Garth Fowden once described large portions of antiquity as “living in the shadow of Cyrus.”2 Yet the medieval Roman Empire, Byzantium, has been largely absent from these discus- sions. The Byzantines maintained a knowledge of and interest in 1 R. Strootman and M. John Versluys, “From Culture to Concept: The Reception and Appropriation of Persia in Antiquity,” in Persianism in An- tiquity (Stuttgart 2017) 9. 2 G. Fowden, Empire to Commonwealth: Consequences of Monotheism in Late An- tiquity (Princeton 1993) 3–4. ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 60 (2020) 444–471 Article copyright held by the author(s) and made available under the Creative Commons Attribution License CC-BY https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ NATHAN LEIDHOLM 445 the Persian past throughout the empire’s history, employing and drawing from this past in ways that went beyond simple antiquarianism.
    [Show full text]
  • Reinventing Roman Ethnicity in High and Late Medieval Byzantium
    Reinventing Roman Ethnicity in High and Late Medieval Byzantium Yannis Stouraitis* This paper seeks to position the Byzantine paradigm within the broader discussion of identity, ethnicity and nationhood before Modernity. In about the last decade, there has been a revived interest in research into collective identity in Byzantine society, with a number of new publica- tions providing various arguments about the ethno-cultural or national character of Byzantine Romanness as well as its relationship to Hellenic identity. Contrary to an evident tendency in research thus far to relate Byzantine, i.e. medieval Roman, identity to a dominant essence – be it ethnic Hellenism, Chalcedonian orthodoxy or Roman republicanism – the approach adopt- ed here aims to divert attention to the various contents and the changing forms of Byzantine Romanness as well as to its function as a dominant mode of collective identification in the medieval Empire of Constantinople. The main thesis of the paper is that the development of Roman identity in the East after the turning point of the seventh century and up to the final sack of Constantinople by the Ottomans in 1453 needs to be examined as one of the most fas- cinating cases of transformation of a pre-modern social order’s collective identity discourse, one which culminated in an extensive reconstruction of the narrative of the community’s his- torical origins by the educated élite. Last but not least, the problematization of the function of Romanness as an ethnicity in the Byzantine case offers an interesting example for comparison in regards to the debated role of ethnicity as a factor of political loyalty in the pre-modern era.
    [Show full text]
  • Jacobsonk0518.Pdf
    LOCATING THE ANCIENT OF DAYS: APPROPRIATION AND SYNCRETISM IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF A BYZANTINE CHRISTOLOGICAL MOTIF by Kearstin Alexandra Jacobson A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Art History MONTANA STATE UNIVERSITY Bozeman, Montana April 2018 ©COPYRIGHT by Kearstin Alexandra Jacobson 2018 All Rights Reserved ii TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. GENESIS: AN INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................1 2. SITUATING THE BYZANTINE CLIMATE .................................................................7 Introduction of Images to Byzantine Christianity ..........................................................14 3. BYZANTINE CULTURAL AGENCY: A METHODOLOGICAL BREAK FROM SCHOLASTIC TRADITION ............................................................................18 Means of Movement ......................................................................................................21 The Equestrian Dragon-Slayer Model ...........................................................................29 4. AN AGED MAN WITH WHITE HAIR AND BEARD ...............................................34 5. IMAGING THE DIVINE ..............................................................................................44 6. INTO ETERNITY .........................................................................................................60 BIBLIOGRAPHY ..............................................................................................................79
    [Show full text]
  • The Column of Constantine at Constantinople: a Cultural History (330-1453 C.E.)
    City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 9-2017 The Column of Constantine at Constantinople: A Cultural History (330-1453 C.E.) Carey Thompson Wells The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/2213 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] THE COLUMN OF CONSTANTINE AT CONSTANTINOPLE: A CULTURAL HISTORY (330-1453 C.E.) BY CAREY THOMPSON WELLS A master’s thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Liberal Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, The City University of New York 2017 © 2017 CAREY THOMPSON WELLS All Rights Reserved ii The Column of Constantine at Constantinople: A Cultural History (330-1453 C.E.) By Carey Thompson Wells This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Liberal Studies in satisfaction of the thesis requirement for the degree in Master of Arts. _______________________ _____________________________ Date Dr. Eric Ivison Thesis Advisor _______________________ _____________________________ Date Dr. Elizabeth Macaulay-Lewis Executive Officer THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii Abstract The Column of Constantine at Constantinople A Cultural History (330-1453 C.E.) By Carey Thompson Wells Advisor: Dr. Eric Ivison This thesis discusses the cultural history of the Column of Constantine at Constantinople, exploring its changing function and meaning from Late Antiquity to the end of the Byzantine era.
    [Show full text]
  • The Problem of the Marriage of the Emperor Theophilus Treadgold, Warren T Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Fall 1975; 16, 3; Proquest Pg
    The Problem of the Marriage of the Emperor Theophilus Treadgold, Warren T Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Fall 1975; 16, 3; ProQuest pg. 325 The Problem of the Marriage of the Emperor Theophilus Warren T. Treadgold HE MARRIAGE of the Emperor Theophilus (A.D. 829-42) took Tplace in the year 830 according to Symeon the Logothete, the only primary source to mention the event. In 1901, however, E. W. Brooks redated the marriage to 821/22. Brooks noted that Theophanes Continuatus has the youngest of the emperor's five daughters marry at least by 839, while a passage in the De Ceremoniis seems to assume the daughter was married by 831; Brooks con­ jectured that this daughter was the eldest and married at nine.1 Though Brooks' date of 821/22 for Theophilus' marriage has gone unchallenged, its implications, especially for Theophilus' coinage, have been argued over ever since. 2 I believe that a resolution of the controversy is impossible under Brooks' theory, but the date and account of the Logothete, if accepted, can lead not only to solving the chronological problem but also to explaining some peculiar facts about Theophilus' life and reign. A survey of the sources will show the attractiveness of believing the Logothete. Except for the chronicle of George the Monk, which has mostly invective against iconoclasm to contribute, Symeon's chronicle is probably the earliest literary source for the reign of Theophilus. According to Bury, Symeon finished writing in either 944 or 948 and made use of the "Lost Amorian Chronicle" of an adherent of The- 1 E.
    [Show full text]
  • How Armenians Made Byzantium
    Armstrong Undergraduate Journal of History Volume 6 Issue 2 Article 2 11-2016 Inside and Outside the Purple: How Armenians Made Byzantium Michael Goodyear University of Chicago Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/aujh Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Goodyear, Michael (2016) "Inside and Outside the Purple: How Armenians Made Byzantium," Armstrong Undergraduate Journal of History: Vol. 6 : Iss. 2 , Article 2. DOI: 10.20429/aujh.2016.060202 Available at: https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/aujh/vol6/iss2/2 This article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Digital Commons@Georgia Southern. It has been accepted for inclusion in Armstrong Undergraduate Journal of History by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@Georgia Southern. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Goodyear: Inside and Outside the Purple: How Armenians Made Byzantium Inside and Outside the Purple: How Armenians Made Byzantium Michael Goodyear University of Chicago (Chicago, Illinois) In the past few decades, there has been an increasing academic and popular focus on ethnic minorities, even turning minority studies into a viable academic field. In this new trend, however, minority studies are primarily focused on the present and recent past. This ignores the importance of historical minorities, especially ones that impacted states to such a degree as the Armenians impacted the Byzantine Empire. In addition to their own national history and culture, ethnic Armenians were also a highly important minority inside the Byzantine Empire.1 During the middle centuries of Byzantium, from 610 to 1071, the Armenian populace served as an important source of manpower, and individuals of Armenian descent rose to the highest dignities in the Byzantine Empire as generals, politicians, patriarchs, intellectuals, and even emperors.
    [Show full text]