Byzantine Empire (Ca 600-1200)
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St. Michael and Attis
St. Michael and Attis Cyril MANGO Δελτίον XAE 12 (1984), Περίοδος Δ'. Στην εκατονταετηρίδα της Χριστιανικής Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας (1884-1984)• Σελ. 39-62 ΑΘΗΝΑ 1986 ST. MICHAEL AND ATTIS Twenty years ago, when I was working on the apse mosaics of St. Sophia at Constantinople, I had ample opportunity to contemplate what is surely one of the most beautiful works of Byzantine art, I mean the image of the archangel Gabriel, who stands next to the enthroned Theotokos (Fig. 1). Gabriel is dressed in court costume; indeed, one can affirm that his costume is imperial, since he is wearing red buskins and holding a globe, the symbol of universal dominion. Yet neither the Bible nor orthodox doctrine as defined by the Fathers provides any justification for portraying an archangel in this guise; no matter how great was his dignity in heaven, he remained a minister and a messenger1. Only God could be described as the equivalent of the emperor. How was it then that Byzantine art, which showed extreme reluctance to give to Christ, the pambasileus, any visible attributes of royalty other than the throne, granted these very attributes to archangels, who had no claim to them? An enquiry I undertook at the time (and left unpublished) suggested the following conclusions: 1. The Byzantines themselves, I mean the medieval Byzantines, could offer no reasonable explanation of the iconography of archangels and seemed to be unaware of its meaning. On the subject of the globe I found only two texts. One was an unedited opuscule by Michael Psellos, who, quite absurdly, considered it to denote the angels' rapidity of movement; "for", he says, "the sphere is such an object that, touching as it does only a tiny portion of the ground, is able in less than an instant to travel in any direction"2. -
1 the Literary Culture of the Renaissance Venetian Empire Erin
The Literary Culture of the Renaissance Venetian Empire Erin Maglaque University of St Andrews This article examines a corpus of fifteenth-century geographical and epigraphical literature representing the Venetian Mediterranean empire. It was collected and read by Venetian patrician men who were both humanists and part of the political class that governed Venice and its empire. Navigating between literary analysis and history of the book, the article first examines the Venetian legacy of the writings of Cyriac d’Ancona, before investigating the provenance of individual books and their collecting histories. Then, it turns to study the marginalia and annotations in these books by Venetian readers. It suggests that, in its composite construction, this literature provided ways for Venetian readers to imagine their own composite maritime state, particularly its history. Building on recent art historical analysis, I argue that the legitimacy that the aura of antiquity gave to the Venetian imperial enterprise was one of persistence: the Mediterranean empire was a space in which Venetians could encounter a living Greco-Roman imperial past. Keywords: Renaissance Venice, stato da mar, Mediterranean, geography, cartography, annotation, history of the book Literary culture and the Venetian empire At the centre of this article is a corpus of manuscripts and printed books which were owned, read, collected, and exchanged by Renaissance Venetian men who were both humanists and part of the political class which governed Venice and its maritime empire.1 1 The standard work on the Venetian patriciate’s involvement in humanist literary culture is Margaret L. King, Venetian Humanism in an Age of Patrician Dominance (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987). -
Χρονολόγηση Γεωγραφικός Εντοπισμός Great Palace In
IΔΡΥΜA ΜΕΙΖΟΝΟΣ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΥ Συγγραφή : Westbrook Nigel (21/12/2007) Για παραπομπή : Westbrook Nigel , "Great Palace in Constantinople", 2007, Εγκυκλοπαίδεια Μείζονος Ελληνισμού, Κωνσταντινούπολη URL: <http://www.ehw.gr/l.aspx?id=12205> Great Palace in Constantinople Περίληψη : The Great Palace of the byzantine emperors was the first imperial palace in Constantinople. It was founded as such, supposedly by Constantine the Great, in his newly founded capital. It remained the primary imperial palace in Constantinople up to and beyond the reign of emperor Constantine VII (913-959), in whose Book of Ceremonies its halls are named. Χρονολόγηση 4th-10th c. Γεωγραφικός εντοπισμός Constantinople, Istanbul 1. Introduction The Great Palace of the Byzantine Emperors in Constantinople was the ceremonial heart of the Byzantine Empire for a millennium, and occupied a site that is now recognized as a World Heritage precinct [Fig. 1].1 The Great Palace has a high cultural and historical significance, exerting a significant influence on both Western European and Levantine palatine architecture, and forming a link between Imperial Roman and medieval palaces. It is, nonetheless, only partially understood. Its remains are largely buried under later structures, notably the Sultan Ahmet Mosque, and can only be interpreted through texts and old representations. 2. The Upper Palace, including the Daphne Palace The oldest portion of the Great Palace, the Palace of Daphne, built by Constantine the Great and his successors in the 4th and 5th centuries, was a complex that is thought to have occupied the site upon which the Sultan Ahmet, or Blue, Mosque now stands. Its immediate context comprised: the Hippodrome and adjacent palaces; the Baths of Zeuxippos; the Imperial forum or Augustaion, where Justinian I erected his equestrian statue on a monumental column in the 6th century; the churches of St. -
Constantinople As Center and Crossroad
Constantinople as Center and Crossroad Edited by Olof Heilo and Ingela Nilsson SWEDISH RESEARCH INSTITUTE IN ISTANBUL TRANSACTIONS, VOL. 23 Table of Contents Acknowledgments ......................................................................... 7 OLOF HEILO & INGELA NILSSON WITH RAGNAR HEDLUND Constantinople as Crossroad: Some introductory remarks ........................................................... 9 RAGNAR HEDLUND Byzantion, Zeuxippos, and Constantinople: The emergence of an imperial city .............................................. 20 GRIGORI SIMEONOV Crossing the Straits in the Search for a Cure: Travelling to Constantinople in the Miracles of its healer saints .......................................................... 34 FEDIR ANDROSHCHUK When and How Were Byzantine Miliaresia Brought to Scandinavia? Constantinople and the dissemination of silver coinage outside the empire ............................................. 55 ANNALINDEN WELLER Mediating the Eastern Frontier: Classical models of warfare in the work of Nikephoros Ouranos ............................................ 89 CLAUDIA RAPP A Medieval Cosmopolis: Constantinople and its foreigners .............................................. 100 MABI ANGAR Disturbed Orders: Architectural representations in Saint Mary Peribleptos as seen by Ruy González de Clavijo ........................................... 116 ISABEL KIMMELFIELD Argyropolis: A diachronic approach to the study of Constantinople’s suburbs ................................... 142 6 TABLE OF CONTENTS MILOŠ -
Gregory Palamas at the Council of Blachernae, 1351 Papadakis, Aristeides Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Winter 1969; 10, 4; Proquest Pg
Gregory Palamas at the Council of Blachernae, 1351 Papadakis, Aristeides Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Winter 1969; 10, 4; ProQuest pg. 333 Gregory Palamas at the Council of Blachernae, 1351 Aristeides Papadakis HE STORY of the last centuries of Byzantium is one of shrinking Tfrontiers and inevitable disintegration, graphically illustrated by the disasters of Manzikert (1071) and Myriocephalon (1176). The final disaster of 1453 only marks the end of a story the outcome of which had long been determined. Curiously enough, however, these years of increasing decay, when Byzantium proved Ha marvel of tenacity,"1 were also years of extraordinary vitality in such areas as Byzantine theology and art. The profound puzzle of cultural energy amidst political inertia and exhaustion is best illustrated by hesychasm -a movement long organic to Byzantine spirituality, but which first gained momentum with its first eminent exponent, Gregory Palamas, theologian and monk of Mount Athos, and subsequent archbishop of Thessalonica. Happily, confusion and obSCUrity no longer shroud the personality and achievement of Gregory Palamas. Recent research has shown that Pal amite theology-the cause celebre that shook the fabric of Byzantine society in the 1340s-constitutes an organic continuation of the strong biblical and patristic tradition of the Byzantine Church. The theology of Palamas is in no wayan innovative or heretical deviation from orthodoxy (and therefore of marginal importance as some have thought).2 No one has contributed more to making Palamas accessible 1 Cf. G. Ostrogorsky in CMedHI IV.l (Oxford 1968) 367; J. M, Hussey, "Gibbon Re written: Recent Trends in Byzantine Studies," in Rediscovering Eastern Christendom, ed. -
Georgiadi, F.-E. (2021): 'Classicising Histories, Chronicles, and The
Georgiadi, F.-E. (2021): ‘Classicising histories, chronicles, and the advantages and disadvantages that are associated with these terms as used by modern scholars to describe Byzantine historical narratives.’ Rosetta 26: 44-49 http://www.rosetta.bham.ac.uk/issue26/Georgiadi.pdf Classicising histories, chronicles, and the advantages and disadvantages that are associated with these terms as used by modern scholars to describe Byzantine historical narratives Foivi-Eirini Georgiadi1 In Byzantine literature (which we nowadays know historical writing to be),2 there was a relative (but not strict or clear) distinction between histories (“ἱστορία”) and chronicles (“χρονικόν” or “χρονογραφία”). Histories were written in classical Attic Greek, according to the stylistic rules set by the ancient Greek tradition of history writing (mainly by Herodotus3 and Thucydides), and covered a relatively short period of time, close to the times when historians themselves had lived. Chronicles, on the other hand, were written in a simpler, less difficult language (although not in the vernacular). They either covered the period from the Creation of the world to the time of their composition (or perhaps a little before that), or continued the chronicle of another author, which had again started with the Creation. Early chronicles, such as the Chronicon Paschale of the seventh century and that of Theophanes Confessor (eighth/ninth century), were rather laconic, as they were structured year by year in order to record various events in a very succinct way. Subsequently, chronicles, such as those of John Skylitzes (late eleventh century), John Zonaras, Constantine Manasses and Michael Glykas (all dated to the twelfth century), were written in a language that combined Attic Greek and forms that were close to the spoken language. -
Sex, Lies, and Mosaics: the Zoe Panel As a Reflection of Change in Eleventh-Century Byzantium*
SEX, LIES, AND MOSAICS: THE ZOE PANEL AS A REFLECTION OF CHANGE IN ELEVENTH-CENTURY BYZANTIUM* Brian A. Pollick, University of Victoria Abstract The stereotype of Byzantine art as static and unchanging still compels Byzantine specialists to emphasize that change is readily evident in Byzantine art if one knows where and how to look for it. This paper is a case study about such change and how a unique set of social forces in the early eleventh century induced cultural change that resulted in new visual forms. The subject of this case study is the mosaic known as The Zoe Panel, located in the South Gallery of the Hagia Sophia in Constantinople. The panel depicts the Emperor Constantine IX presenting a bag of money to the enthroned Christ, while the Empress Zoe presents an imperial scroll probably signifying an ongoing grant. Although there has been much written about this mosaic, the fact that the moneybag and imperial scroll represent two new iconographic elements in imperial portraits has gone largely unnoticed. This study argues that the appearance of these new iconographic features is a direct reflection of the specific dynastic, economic and social circumstances in the Byzantine Empire in the early eleventh century. he stereotype of Byzantine art as static and unchanging still compels Byzantine specialists to emphasize that change is readily evident in Byzantine art if one knows where and how to look for it. This paper is a Tcase study about such change and examines how a unique set of political, economic and social forces in the early eleventh century induced socio-cultural change that resulted in new visual forms. -
ROUTES and COMMUNICATIONS in LATE ROMAN and BYZANTINE ANATOLIA (Ca
ROUTES AND COMMUNICATIONS IN LATE ROMAN AND BYZANTINE ANATOLIA (ca. 4TH-9TH CENTURIES A.D.) A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY TÜLİN KAYA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE DEPARTMENT OF SETTLEMENT ARCHAEOLOGY JULY 2020 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Yaşar KONDAKÇI Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Prof. Dr. D. Burcu ERCİYAS Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Assoc. Prof. Dr. Lale ÖZGENEL Supervisor Examining Committee Members Prof. Dr. Suna GÜVEN (METU, ARCH) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Lale ÖZGENEL (METU, ARCH) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ufuk SERİN (METU, ARCH) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ayşe F. EROL (Hacı Bayram Veli Uni., Arkeoloji) Assist. Prof. Dr. Emine SÖKMEN (Hitit Uni., Arkeoloji) I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name : Tülin Kaya Signature : iii ABSTRACT ROUTES AND COMMUNICATIONS IN LATE ROMAN AND BYZANTINE ANATOLIA (ca. 4TH-9TH CENTURIES A.D.) Kaya, Tülin Ph.D., Department of Settlement Archaeology Supervisor : Assoc. Prof. Dr. -
Gerhard Müller. Die Römische Kurie Und Die Reformation 1523–1534
Modern Europe AVERIL CAMERON. Agathias. New York: Oxford MODERN EUROPE University Press. 1970. Pp. ix, 168. $5.50. GERHARD MULLER. Die romische Kurie und die Agathias, a poet, anthologist, and practicing Reformation I523-I534: Kirche und Politik lawyer, wrote a continuation of Procopius, wiihrend des Pontifikates Clemens' VII. (Quel len und Forschungen zur Reformationsge relating the wars of Justinian from 552 to schichte, Number 38.) [Gutersloh:] Gutersloher 559. He is one of the few secular historians Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn. 1969. Pp. 307. DM 45. of the early Byzantine period whose work survives in full; and although we might well In attempting to comprehend the actions of prefer the accidents of preservation to have Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/ahr/article/76/3/767/94214 by guest on 30 September 2021 Pope Clement VII, even Charles v's memoirs spared Eunapius, Priscus, or Menander in express the exasperation: "God knows why stead, Agathias is of uncontestable value not the Pope acted thus." Divine understanding only as a source of data but also as a repre aside, Gerhard Muller's historical under sentative of the literary tradition in which he standing of Clement's politics does omit very wrote. revealing evidence as to the pope's rationale. It is particularly from the latter standpoint Contarini, "the Venetian More," put an ar that Mrs. Cameron has studied him, for, as gument before Clement as regards the latter's she insists, Agathias prized the literary qual choice of seeking the particular good of the ity of his work at least as highly as its veracity. -
Arcadius 8; (Column
index INDEX 319 Arcadius 8; (column of) 184 Balat 213–14 Archaeological Museum 93ff Baldwin, Count of Flanders 15 Argonauts, myth of 259, 263, 276 Balıklı Kilisesi 197–98 Major references, in cases where many are listed, are given in bold. Numbers in italics Armenian, Armenians 25, 189, 192, Balkapanı Han 132 are picture references. 193, 241–42, 258, 278; (Cemetery) Baltalimanı 258 268; (Patriarchate) 192 Balyan family of architects 34, 161, 193; Arnavutköy 255 (burial place of) 268 A Alexander, emperor 67 Arsenal (see Tersane) Balyan, Karabet 34, 247 Abdülaziz, sultan 23, 72, 215, 251; Alexander the Great 7; (sculptures of) 96 Ashkenazi Synagogue 228 Balyan, Kirkor 34, 234 (burial place of) 117 Alexander Sarcophagus 94, 95 Astronomer, office of 42 Balyan, Nikoğos 34, 246, 247, 249, Abdülhamit I, sultan 23, 118; (burial Alexius I, emperor 13, 282 At Meydanı (see Hippodrome) 252, 255, 274, 275 place of) 43 Alexius II, emperor 14 Atatürk 24, 42, 146, 237, 248; Balyan, Sarkis 34, 83, 247, 258, 272, Abdülhamit II, sultan 23, 251, 252, Alexius III, emperor 14 (Cultural Centre) 242; (Museum) 243; 267 278; (burial place of) 117 Alexius IV, emperor 15 (statue of) 103 Bank, Ottoman 227 Abdülmecit I, sultan 71, 93, 161, 164, Alexius V, emperor 15 Atik Ali Pasha 171; (mosque of) 119 Barbarossa, pirate and admiral 152, 247; (burial place of) 162 Ali Pasha of Çorlu, külliye of 119–20 Atik Mustafa Paşa Camii 216 250, 250; (burial place of) 250; Abdülmecit II, last caliph 24 Ali Sufi, calligrapher 157, 158 Atik Sinan, architect 130, 155, 212; (ensign -
Byzantine Empire (Ca 600-1200): I.1
INSTITUTE OF HISTORICAL RESEARCH ΙΝΣΤΙΤΟΥΤΟ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΚΩΝ ΕΡΕΥΝΩΝ SECTION OF BYZANTINE RESEARCH ΤΟΜΕΑΣ ΒΥΖΑΝΤΙΝΩΝ ΕΡΕΥΝΩΝ NATIONAL HELLENIC RESEARCH FOUNDATION ΕΘΝΙΚΟ IΔΡΥΜΑ ΕΡΕΥΝΩΝ Τομοσ 31 VOLUME EFI RAGIA CHRISTOS G. MAKRYPOULIAS – TAXIARCHIS G. KOLIAS – THE GEOGRAPHY OF THE PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION GEORGIOS KARDARAS OF THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE (CA 600-1200): I.1. THE APOTHEKAI OF ASIA MINOR (7TH-8TH C.) AN OVERVIEW OF ARMED CONFLICTS IN LATE BYZANTIUM: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND CURRENT RESEARCH ΑΘΗΝΑ • 20092021 • ATHENS CHRISTOS G. MAKRYPOULIAS – TAXIARCHIS G. KOLIAS – GEORGIOS KARDARAS AN OVERVIEW OF ARMED CONFLICTS IN LATE BYZANTIUM: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND CURRENT RESEARCH* Military history, although viewed by most outsiders as a unified field of scholarship, usually takes two forms, not necessarily mutually exclusive, but often quite distinct from each other. On the one hand, there are those who view military history from the point of organisation and institutions; to pose it differently, they are interested in establishing what an army is. Others focus on warfare itself: battles, tactics, and military strategy; in other words, they study what an army does. Historians of the latter persuasion are viewed by proponents of the so-called “new military history” as nothing more than devotees to an obsolescent histoire événementielle1. However, one can hardly question the pivotal role played by warfare in human history and, since military engagements are the tesserae which form this mosaic in all its gory detail, the necessity to study armed conflict and its effects on human society is self-evident. * The project entitled “ANAVATHMIS. Historical research and digital applications” (MIS 5002357) is implemented under the “Action for the Strategic Development on the Research and Technological Sector”, funded by the Operational Programme “Competitiveness, Entrepreneurship and Innovation” (NSRF 2014–2020) and co-financed by Greece and the European Union (European Regional Development Fund). -
Diplomarbeit
Diplomarbeit Titel der Diplomarbeit Stifter am Throne Christi: Das Mosaik von Zoë und Konstantin IX. Monomachos auf der Empore der Hagia Sophia in Istanbul Zoë 1028 - 1050, Christus und Konstantin IX. Monomachos 1042 - 1055 Verfasserin Maria Gabriele Schreidl-Rannegger angestrebter akademischer Grad Magistra der Philosophie (Mag. Phil.) Wien, 2012 Studienkennzahl A 315 Studienrichtung Kunstgeschichte Betreuerin Univ. -Prof. Dr. Lioba Theis Seite 2 1. Vorwort 5 2. Einleitung 7 3. Die Freilegung der Mosaiken in der Hagia Sophia im 20. Jahrhundert 11 3.1. Anbringungsort des Mosaiks in der Hagia Sophia 14 4. Historischer Hintergrund 16 4.1. Zoë und Romanos III. Argyros 16 4.2. Zoë und Michael IV. 17 4.3. Michael V. Kalaphates 18 4.4. Der Volksaufstand 19 4.5. Zoë und Theodora 20 4.6. Zoë und Konstantin IX. Monomachos 21 5. Der aktuelle Forschungsstand 24 5.1. Datierung und Inschriften des Mosaiks 24 5.2. Thomas Whittemore, 1942 26 5.3. Gyula Moravcsik, 1947 29 5.4. Thomas Whittemore, 1948 30 5.5. John Beckwith, 1961 33 5.6. Cyril Mango, 1967 36 5.7. Nicolas Oikonomides, 1978 38 5.8. Robin Cormack, 1981 44 5.9. Ioli Kalavrezou, 1994 48 5.10. Lynda Garland, 1994 56 5.11. Barbara Hill, Liz James und Dion Smythe, 1994 64 5.12. Barbara Hill, 1997 69 5.13. Barbara Hill, 1999 72 5.14. Robin Cormack, 2000 76 6. Bilddokumentation und Rekonstruktion des Mosaiks 79 6.1. Cyril Mango,1962 79 6.2. Natalia B. Teteriatnikov, 1998 80 6.4. Ioli Kalavrezou 82 6.4. Schreidl-Rannegger, 2012 83 6.4.1.