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Among Christian Emperors the Vita Basilii by Constantine Vii Porphyrogenitus

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Among Christian Emperors the Vita Basilii by Constantine Vii Porphyrogenitus AMONG CHRISTIAN EMPERORS THE VITA BASILII BY CONSTANTINE VII PORPHYROGENITUS LIEVE VAN HOOF* Constantinople, late September 867. Michael III, emperor of the Byzan- tine empire, is murdered in somewhat obscure circumstances. The reign of the Amorian dynasty comes to an end, as Basil, a scion of a Macedonian peasant family who made a career for himself under Michael III and was appointed co-emperor in 866, takes over the helm. He thus inaugurates the Macedonian dynasty, which was to rule the Christian Empire of the East for almost two centuries. When Basil dies in 886, Leo VI succeeds him. As requested by filial obe- dience, Leo writes an êpitáfiov lógov, a laudatory funeral oration for Basil, from which we may derive some information about Basil’s life.1 After Leo’s death in 912, his son Constantine manages to seize power only around 945, becoming sole emperor after a long struggle. During his reign, Constantine not only engaged in politics, military campaigns and diplomacy, but was also concerned about the arts – starting the so-called Macedonian Renaissance. Literature flourished. The emperor himself was directly or indi- rectly involved in the composition of works such as De administrando impe- rio, De thematibus, De ceremoniis, Excerpta de legationibus, and Geoponika. He also showed interest in history, notably in the emperors since 813. Two works of history concerning this period were conceived at the emperor’s com- mand. The one work treats the period from 813 until 886, and is usually ascribed to a certain Genesius, although the identity of the author is not * Lieve Van Hoof currently prepares a doctoral dissertation on Plutarch in the Dept of Classical Studies of the K.U.Leuven. 1 We used the edition of A. Vogt – I. Hausherr, Oraison funèbre de Basile I par son fils Léon VI le Sage, Orientalia Christiana, 77 (Rome, 1932). 164 LIEVE VAN HOOF clear.2 The other is the so-called Theophanes Continuatus,3 which begins with the year 813 as well, and in six books goes down to the reign of Constan- tine VII himself.4 The author of books 1-4 and 6 is unknown to us. Book 5, however, dealing with the emperor Basil, was written by his grandson, the emperor Constantine. This work, referred to as Vita Basilii, is the object of the present article. Around 950, many years after Basil’s death, Constantine wrote a work about his grandfather, discussing his origins, life, deeds, and death. Why did Constantine write this work? What did he want to say? And whom did he want to say it to? In the following pages both text and context will be taken into account in order to answer these questions. First, we shall analyse the text. What kind of work does it claim to be? To what extent does it meet its claim and in what ways does it fail to do so? To what genre does the text ulti- mately belong? Second, we shall compare the results of our analysis with the context in which the text was written. In this way we hope to give an answer to the questions we are examining. In the prologue (§1), Constantine states that he intends to report from begin- ning to end the deeds and acts of the great and famous emperor Basil. His aim (¿v) in doing this, according to the emperor himself, is twofold: he wants posterity to know the roots of the famous and long reigning house of the Macedonians and (kaí) he wants to provide the descendants of Basil with an example of virtue and courage. Three characteristics of the work can be derived from this statement. One: Constantine is positively prejudiced about Basil, as if writing an encomium. 2 See A. Lesmüller-Werner, Byzanz am Vorabend neuer Grösse. Überwindung des Bilderst- reites und der innenpolitischen Schwäche (813-886). Die vier Bücher der Kaisergeschichte des Ioseph Genesios, Byzantinische Geschichtsschreiber, 18 (Wien, 1989), p. 13. On the other hand H. Hunger, Die hochsprachliche profane Literatur der Byzantiner I, Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft XII, V, 1, (München, 1978), p. 351, points out that it is not even certain that the text was composed by an author called Genesius. 3 Edited in the series of the Patrologia Graeca, volume 109: Historiae Byzantinae scripto- res post Theophanem, ex editione Francisci Combefisii accedit Josephi Genesii Historia de rebus Constantinopolitanis, accurante et denuo recognoscente J.-P. Migne (Turnhout, 1975 [= Paris, 1863]). 4 About the works grouped under the name of Theophanes Continuatus, see Hunger, Die hochsprachliche profane Literatur (see n. 2), pp. 339-343. AMONG CHRISTIAN EMPERORS 165 Two: the author’s primary purpose is comparable to that of an historian. Three: his secondary purpose is biographaphical. We shall examine the Vita Basilii in light of each of these three characteristics, and we shall further examine the interrelationships between them. Because the Vita Basilii contains encomiastic elements and treats the life of an emperor, one is reminded of the basilikòv lógov as defined by Menan- der Rhetor of Laodicea.5 According to this author an eulogy of an emperor should emphasize and magnify the good and pass over the doubtful or bad in silence (368, 3-8). Constantine's work indeed fits this definition in that it profusely describes Basil's good deeds and characteristics. Basil originates from famous families on both his father's and his mother's side; his childhood and youth are surrounded by portents announcing his great future; he is pious, just and obedient; he saves the life of the emperor Michael; and after his accession to the throne, he is successful not only in war, but also in politics, administration, justice and legislation, and social welfare. He respects religion and culture. In doing all this, Basil personifies the four cardinal virtues: temperance, courage, wisdom and justice. Because he is so good and competent, God has elected him emperor and assists him in everything he undertakes. In return, Basil promotes the church both inside and outside the empire. To the Byzantine mind, this is exactly how the relationship between the emperor and God should be.6 These numerous positive elements notwithstanding, the author explicitly states that he will not credit his grandfather with any achievements that are ficticious or doubtful (§47), and that he will refrain from excessive praise (§5). Historical research has shown that there is no reason to doubt the truthfulness of the accomplishments ascribed to Basil in the Vita Basilii.7 5 We use the edition by D.A. Russell – N.G. Wilson, Menander Rhetor (Oxford, 1981). 6 Cf. O. Treitinger, Die oströmische Kaiser- und Reichsidee nach ihrer Gestaltung im höfi- schen Zeremoniell (Darmstadt, 1956 [= Jena, 1938]), pp. 145 and 214-215, and id., Vom oströmischen Staats- und Reichsgedanken (Darmstadt, 1956 [= Leipziger Vierteljarhrsschrift für Südosteuropa, 4, Heft 1/2, 1940]), pp. 253-256. 7 See R.J.H. Jenkins, ‘The Classical Background of the Scriptores post Theophanem', Dumbarton Oaks Papers 8 (1954), pp. 28-29. A. Toynbee, Constantine Porphyrogenitus and his World (London – New York – Toronto, 1973), p. 592. L. Breyer, Vom Bauernhof auf den Kaiserthron. Das Leben des Basileios I., Byzantinische Geschichtsschreiber, 14 (Graz – Wien – Köln, 1981), p. 11. 166 LIEVE VAN HOOF Compared to the praise in Isocrates' Euagoras,8 or to Leo VI's in his funeral laudation, Constantine indeed shows restraint. For example, Constantine has none of the manifold comparationes which are so typical of epideictic speeches and in which the subject of the panegyric is explicitly and favourably com- pared with others.9 Although Constantine's statements may contain a certain truth, one can also read them in a different way. One might indeed wonder what the author means when he writes (§5) that he will not relate any omi- nous stories about Basil's youth. Perhaps this is a subtle praeteritio – “there are many portentous stories to be told, but I will not do so”. And when the author claims not to tell any lies (§§47, 102), we may reasonably question whether he is telling the whole truth, especially since there is not a single negative remark about Basil in the whole work. Indeed, the few elements present that might create a negative impression prove instead to be positive. For example, the fact that Basil's journey from Macedonia to Constantino- ple left its mark upon him (§9) contributes to the image of the common man who made his way to the throne by personal excellence. The negative acts which Constantine could not pass over silently are also given a positive twist. Clearly this is the case for the murder of Michael. According to Constantine, Michael behaved so badly that he sharpened the swords against himself (§20). Despite this Basil did not conspire against him nor take an active part in the murder. Another example is Constantine's account of the quarrel between Basil and Leo (§§100-101). We can conclude that Constantine in general gives a very favourable image of Basil. He does not go as far as Isocrates or Leo VI by writing a straight- forward panegyric. Still there is no doubt that he is positively prejudiced about his subject. Given the way that he spoke about his grandfather in the prologue and his intention to present the latter as an example for his descen- dants, one would not have expected anything else. The basilikòv lógov, however, is characterised by more than just the lauda- tory treatment of the subject. Menander Rhetor indicates topics to be dealt 8 Larue van Hook (ed.), Isocrates, III, The Loeb Classical Library (London – Cambridge, Mass., 1961). 9 Cf. H. Lausberg, Handbuch der literarischen Rhetorik.
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