Section 1: Islamisation in Society

The Islamic forces at play in Bangladeshi politics have a strength that goes beyond mere electoral achievement. They are deeply rooted in parts of society and slowly increasing their influence. To gauge this spread, this section examines four main issues: education, attitudes to women, attacks on non-Muslims and the charity sector. The process of Islamisation is pronounced in the education sector, especially in the recent mushrooming of vari- ous types of madrasa. No reliable statistics exist on how many children attend madrasa in total, but we have collected a range of numbers and estimates from official sources and present what we think is the best collation to date. This suggests up to 4 million children are being educated in 19,000 madrasa in Bangladesh at present, most of them at a primary level. The surprising aspect is that there are almost as many girls as boys in Bangladesh's madrasa. This section notes Bangladesh's substantial progress in women's development and mentions the obstacles to greater female political participation, before examining attitudes towards women's empowerment as articulated by Islamists. It is significant that new Election Commission rules require all political parties to have 30% female repre- sentation in their National Executive Committees by 2020. This poses a potential problem for the Islamic parties. Unfortunately attacks on religious minorities - Hindus, Ahmadiyya and Buddhists - are a litmus test of the spread of a particular brand of religious intolerance and lawlessness. In 2013 we have charted a dramatic increase in attacks on Hindus, after the verdicts in the war crimes trial, collating press reports from the Bengali and English press. It's worth noting that most Muslims in Bangladesh are Sunni, so the country does not suffer from the sort of sectarian violence that has plagued Pakistan and Iraq. Tracing ideological bent in the vast NGO sector in Bangladesh is extremely difficult. We list some of the charities reported to be pushing an Islamist agenda with their development work. To be fair, the Islamists would say the secu- lar NGOs are also inherently political in their agenda. It is not easy to pinpoint foreign involvement in the gradual Islamisation of society. Some Islamic NGOs and madrasa have received funds from the Middle East, especially Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. The influence of the Afghan war was clearly seen as Bangladeshi fighters returned home from jihad in the late eighties and some went on to form militant groups. Today the spread of Internet and mobile phone technology in Bangladesh is playing a greater role in connecting some individuals to radical Islamic ideology abroad.

POLITICAL ISLAM & THE ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH 15 Education

It is important to examine the link between religious education and support for Islamic parties or militancy. The assumption amongst many Bangladeshis is that Islamisation of the education system - both mainstream and infor- mal - is part of a creeping cultural revolution gradually undermining secularism. Bangladesh has a mainstream edu- cation system where Islamic subjects have increased over recent years in the curriculum. It also has a parallel madrasa education system that's been growing. One Awami League sympathiser complained democracy had failed in Bangladesh and the country's education system was pushing Islam forward as the solution. The role of madrasa is especially relevant after the street protests by Hefajate Islam (literally "The Defence of Islam"). These protests relied on madrasa students to come out on to the streets of the capital in vast numbers to defend Islam. To more secular middle-class Bengalis, especially women, these devout angry young men in skull caps seemed like an alien invasion. Madrasa in Bangladesh fall into two categories - those that are regulated by the state, known as alia madrasa and those that are unregulated, known as quomi madrasa. There is some crossover between the mainstream and madrasa educational systems, with madrasa-educated children now appearing in greater numbers at state universities. Pivotal to this is the official recognition given to the certificates awarded by the alia madrasa, which have been made equivalent to HSC school-leaving certificates. This has resulted in increasing numbers of madrasa-educated children being admitted to the top universities. Indeed, several university professors said it was much easier to score high grades from the alia madrasa and as a result easier to be admitted to university, even though many had a poor command of English,13 which is the medium of instruc- tion. This influx of madrasa students into universities primarily affects the social sciences and humanities because the alia madrasa do not prioritise science. Academics complained that as a result of a growing Islamisation, universities were becoming places where it was difficult in class to discuss sensitive topics concerning Islam, such as Muslim family laws, for fear of being branded anti-religion. Secular teachers also felt compelled not to discuss religion because they were ill equipped to hold their own on the subject with their madrasa-educated students. Some argued though that it was not a good idea to rele- gate religion to being a private issue and, on the contrary, it would be better to discuss different interpretations openly in public. Professors said it was only a matter of time before madrasa-educated graduate students qualified as teaching staff because the top scoring students each year are automatically offered university posts.14

POLITICAL ISLAM 16 & THE ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH Mosques:

According to the government-run Islamic Foundation, there are 275,000 mosques spread throughout the country, each with an Imam and muezzin.15 The Foundation tries to educate Imams (and then monitor them afterwards) in science and technology and raise awareness of issues like women's rights, child marriage and domestic violence.16 Under the current Awami League government, the Islamic Foundation has also taken a strong stand in educating Imams against militancy. Interestingly, the Foundation was set up by Sheikh Hasina's father, Sheikh Mujib; before 1971 when Bangladesh was part of Pakistan there was no such state-funded institution to promote religion. During General Ershad's period state support to clerics was increased, with mosques and madrasa receiving free gas, water and electricity supplies. For the first time the Islamic Foundation has just conducted a survey of all madrasa, mosques, Quran schools attached to shrines, Imams and muezzin. It is currently computerising the data.17 Growth in Madrasa Numbers:

There's been a recent mushrooming of madrasa in Bangladesh, with some reports estimating as many as 10 million children now attend these institutions. The sources we gathered suggest nearly 4 million children may be enrolled in 19,000 madrasa - the majority of them at a primary level. Interestingly there has been an exponential growth of madrasa for girls. Some of this growth may be attributable to a growing religiosity at a grassroots level in Bangladeshi society, but there are also economic reasons stemming from the failure of the state education system to meet the needs of the rural poor. There are frequent reports of impoverished families opting for madrasa because they cannot afford school uni- forms, stationery and the informal fees. NGOs18 describe a high level of corruption in the state education system, where teachers reportedly demand money as tuition fees to pass students in exams. One Dhaka University study found three quarters of parents chose madrasa education because they couldn't afford mainstream education. By contrast, food and lodging are free in the madrasa, as well as sometimes clothing. Surprisingly, madrasa teachers often send their own children to mainstream schools, probably because they offer better job opportunities.19 This indicates a madrasa education may not always be the first choice – but rather the only choice.

Training Course for Bangladeshi Imams run by the Islamic Foundation.

There is also a strong religious appeal. Clerics go door to door telling parents their children will receive merit after death if they attend a madrasa. In conservative areas, sending a girl to a female madrasa may be more socially accept- able than sending her to a government or NGO-run school. Madrasa ulema are extremely concerned about the activities of Christian missionaries in Bangladesh; many of them believe foreign NGOs are funded by Christian mis- sions to convert poor Bangladeshi Muslims – something the NGOs of course strenuously deny. Pre-Primary Level Madrasa: the government-run Islamic Foundation says there are 38,000 of these establish- ments. They are very small and localised and do not come under any education board.

POLITICAL ISLAM & THE ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH 17 Maktab: these are village-based centres for reading the Quran, attached to mosques. The director of the Islamic Foundation said a century ago there were 80,000 maktab in East Bengal so today he thought it was possible the num- ber today would reach 400,000.

Types of Primary and Secondary Level Madrasa:

Alia Madrasa Alia Madrasa were formally established in 1780 by the British colonial government, which set up the Madrasa Education Board of Bengal. After 1971, attempts were made to modernise them, making the study of Bengali, Mathematics, English, Social Sciences, and General Science compulsory.20 Alia Madrasa are state-regulated and funded. They follow a nationally assigned syllabus over 16 years of educa- tion. The different levels are:

Ebtedaee: primary level: 5 years Dakhil: secondary level: 5 years, equivalent to SSC. Alim: higher secondary level: 2 years, equivalent to HSC. Fazil: graduate level: 2 years or, with Honours, 3 years, equivalent to BA degreee. Kamil: postgraduate level: 2 years or 3 years for the Honours course, equivalent to MA degree.21

Quomi Madrasa The quomi madrasa system also dates back to British colonial times. Its theology stems from the Deoband School - the institution started in 1866 in Northern India that some say inspired the Taliban movement in Afghanistan. Students in the quomi madrasa have studied almost the same books for over a century, reading mostly the Quran, Hadith, theology and law. Critics complain little attention is paid to Bengali because the emphasis is on Arabic, Persian and Urdu.22 In some cases though it's reported the madrasa don't even teach the Bengali alphabet. In gen- eral, very few books on science or economics are found in the quomi madrasa. Visitors to quomi madrasa say children, who are generally from poor families, are ill fed and have poor health. From early morning they have to memorise the Quran for eight or nine hours a day. Teachers prefer to start with children aged 4 or 5 because they can more easily be trained to recite by rote, normally out of fear. Many madrasa are locally funded but when they reach saturation point, students from further afield start attending. Some quomi madrasa are philanthropic ventures, set up by someone who has retired who wants to do something worthwhile. They gather orphans and feed them and do welfare work. Others are controlled by various quomi madrasa boards, whose members are also involved in the various small religious parties. Madrasa are funded from zakat and grants, as well as Eid donations of cowhides, local charity and money acquired during trips to Mecca. There are no publicly available accounts. Some madrasa are run as commercial ventures, often by a husband and wife. In communities where everyone is poor, it appears impossible for madrasa to survive off local donations and many suspect they receive "secret funds".23 Job opportunities for madrasa graduates are not good; they often work in mosques and madrasa as preachers and teachers. Some find sponsors to build them a new mosque or madrasa while others get invited on a "religious visa" to serve as the Imam of a mosque abroad.24 Quomi madrasa are independent of the state and do not require a license or registration. Consequently nobody knows for sure exactly how many there are. This autonomy - and the fact that access can be difficult for outsiders - has generated considerable suspicion among civil society groups, academia and the international community and much negative media attention. The media has tended to link quomi madrasa with militancy but academic Mumtaz Ahmad finds little evidence of this. He says most Bangladeshi militants actually had alia madrasa or mainstream educations but had fought in Afghanistan.25 He also found that quomi madrasa students and teachers appeared to be largely apolitical, but alia madrasa were actively involved in party politics26 and perceived to be closer to the ideas of Jamaat-e-Islami. Support for Jamaat-e-Islami in the quomi madrasa is low because of ideological differences between the Deobandi School and the Jamaat founder, Maulana Mawdudi, whose books are banned in quomi madrasa. However, the leadership of Islami Oikyo Jote, which runs many quomi madrasa, has also played down the differences with Jamaat-e-Islami as minor, saying both parties were working towards the same goal of promoting Islam.27

POLITICAL ISLAM 18 & THE ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH Spheres of Influence

JAMAAT SPHERE ANTI-JAMAAT OF INFUENCE SPHERE

QUOMI MADRASA Hostility from the Deoband School toward the Jamaat founder, Maulana Mawdudi, whose religious ideas they deem unorthodox. The books written by Maulana Mawdudi are said to be banned in quomi madrasa.

ALIA MADRASA: MADRASA RUN BY Students tend PIRS & BARELVIS to be pro-­‐Jamaat (Sufi influenced)

The Deobandi Islami Oikyo Jote AHL--‐E--‐HADITH Alliance (running many quomi ORGANISATIONS madrasa) is a doctrinal rival of the Ahl-e-Hadith movement.

Official Government Recognition:

"The main objective of this education is to earn the contentment of Allah and his Prophet." Quomi Madrasa Education Commission Bangladesh.28

Ironically a Quomi Madrasa Education Commission Bangladesh was established in April 2012 by the most secular of Bangladeshi political parties, the Awami League, to negotiate official government recognition for the certificates given by quomi madrasa. Some suggest this could never happen under a government run by a BNP-Jamaat alliance because, although it would have a more religious tone, the ideological animosity between Jamaat-e-Islami and the Deobandis in the quomi madrasa would prevent such a move. Official recognition could mean an influx of quomi madrasa graduates into the public university system, which many secular Bangladeshis view as a potential disaster. It would however require all the madrasa to follow a uniform curriculum and text books, though there are currently promises to prevent any government interference in the spirit of these very orthodox and traditional institutions. The quomi madrasa have stressed that a condition of negotia- tions is their continued independence from government:

POLITICAL ISLAM & THE ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH 19 Quomi Madrasa Education Commission Bangladesh, Conditions for approval Some conditions are given so that quomi madrasa do not lose their uniqueness in future due to Bangladesh's socio-economic system and unhealthy politics. It can be mentioned that these conditions are given to maintain the uniqueness and independence of quomi madrasa: 1. There cannot be any interference in quomi madrasa's principles and methodology of teaching. 2. The Aqidah of Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat should be kept absolutely untarnished. 3. There cannot be any interference in the administraton of madrasa. 4. Quomi madrasa will never be brought under the government's Monthly Pay Order. 5. The government cannot interfere in the establishment of any madrasa. 6. The traditional quomi madrasa will be administered as per their respective Boards.

Official recognition of the quomi madrasa would be a major concession to Islamists. Many say the Awami League is just offering it to gain some leverage over the ulema in the run up to elections. The underlying assumption is that it's difficult for the Awami League to take on Jamaat-e-Islami as well as the Deobandi madrasa students. Exploiting the ideological differences between the two Islamic camps may be the strategy. The Quomi Madrasa Education Commission's proposal29 shows the priority is the teaching of Bengali, Arabic and Urdu - not English. The proposed syllabus30 is also not clear as to whether any Bangladeshi or world history would be taught, or for that matter literature. Music and art do not appear to be part of the curriculum. The proposal also says women will have to be educated in full purdah even though they are to be taught in segregated premises. Gender discrimination is apparent in the document's emphasis on educating women to be good mothers:

Since the first school of every child is his/her mother's lap, if the mother is religiously inclined and morally educated, she will be attract [sic] the interest of the child in that path. Besides, children learn from observation. In this case the mother plays a huge role in building the next generation.31

Quomi Madrasa Education Commission Bangladesh, Chapter 8, Women's education system. Main goals and objectives of women's education: 1. Creating religious awareness and conviction among women. 2. Inspiring her about religious education by convincing her of the importance of religious education for children. 3. Making arrangements for women's education under full purdah (veil). In this case, everything, including teaching and administration of the madrasa, will be run by women. 4. Besides education, inspiring women towards creative activities. 5. Making arrangements for separate transportation so that female students do not face harassment while travelling safely to the madrasa. 6. Making arrangements for safe accommodation for resident female students. Making sure that the food is healthy and the education environment is proper. 7. Bringing poor and brilliant students under special scholarship programmes. 8. Not to take any steps that may create inequality while attaining primary, secondary and higher education. 9. Besides education, inspiring female students about the practice of Islam. 10. Creating conviction among female students to protect Islamic values in all spheres of life.

All students will be steered away from "social decadence", though that's not defined. There's a clause saying that students will be endowed with "liberal human values against terrorism and militancy" so as not to bring the madrasa system into disrepute. This document states that there should be at least one quomi madrasa in every village and a pre-school class for 4-5 year olds attached to every mosque and madrasa in the country. Primary education is to be free of charge. It also envisages a senior citizen's Islamic education programme. It should be pointed out that official patronage of the Islamic education system has been going one for some time. General Ershad was the first head of state to attend the madrasa teachers' conference and he became the chief patron of the Bangladesh Jamiatul Mudarressin32, which was founded by one of his ministers. With subscriptions from these madrasa, the newspaper Inquilab was created. Inquilab was the first to demand action against the so called “atheist bloggers” in the Spring of 2013, a cause that was only then picked up by Amar Desh newspaper. General Ershad's Jatiyo party has ranked third in terms of numbers of votes since 1990 and he still maintains close links with Islamists, notably supporting Hefajate Islam before the BNP.

POLITICAL ISLAM 20 & THE ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH The Rise of Female Madrasa:

There was an exponential rise in female enrolment in secondary schools between 1990 and 2000. This was triggered by a government cash transfer scheme33 introduced in 1994. It gave stipends to girls, irrespective of household wealth, if they enrolled in secondary education. Alia madrasa were included in this scheme. The share of female students in madrasa rose dramatically, from 7.7% in 1990 to 52% in 2008.34

TRENDS IN THE SHARE OF FEMALE STUDENTS IN POST- PRIMARY SCHOOL AND MADRASAS IN BANGLADESH, 1970-2008

60

50

40

30

20

10

Female students as a % of total enrolment as a % of total students Female 0 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2003 2008 School Madrasa

Data Source: Bangladesh Bureau of Education and Information and Statistics (BANBEIS), Ministry of Education

The share of female students in mainstream secondary schools also rose as the graph shows. (from 1 Going to School in Purdah: Female Schooling, Mobility Norms and Madrasas in Bangladesh, Mohammad Niaz Asadullah Zaki Wahhaj, December 2012, Forschungsinstitut zur Zukunft der Arbeit, Institute for the Study of Labor, quoting Asadullah & Chaudhury, 2009).

One study argues that35 the growth of female madrasa has helped overcome social constraints on women's mobility, particularly in more culturally conservative areas. In most alia madrasa, the burqa36 is the school uniform. Ironically this restrictive uniform may have played an important role in increasing female madrasa enrolment in Bangladesh. The study also found madrasa strictly enforced purdah even inside the classroom. Female students being groomed for a traditional role as a mother, wife or daughter were described as "domestic angels".

Chart according to a study of Islamic dress in 322 rural schools and madrasa. MADRASA STUDENTS MAINSTREAM SCHOOLS Wearing Burka 69% 1% Wearing Niqab 10% 3% The quality of secondary school madrasa education in Bangladesh (QSSMEB) study, World Bank 2010.

Alia madrasa graduates still have better job prospects. Many women become housewives and mothers but some work as teachers in madrasa and schools or continue their education in the mainstream system. The Islamic banking sector also offers employment to women in special "women's booths", where female alia madrasa graduates stand a better chance of being employed.38 Mumtaz Ahmad's survey of madrasa ulema revealed that only 6% believed women could be equal to men in intellect and judgment, no matter how highly educated they were. A large majority supported the idea that men and women should get the same education but a quarter of madrasa ulema believed a woman was not equally qualified to issue opinions and judgments on Sharia issues even if she had received the same religious education as a man in the same institution and under the same scholar. Seventy percent of quomi (but only 17% alia) madrasa students surveyed believed that women should not be allowed to work outside their homes.

POLITICAL ISLAM & THE ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH 21 On the question of female political leadership, both quomi and alia madrasa students were found to be very conservative. Only 26% thought a woman could become the Prime Minister in Bangladesh despite the fact that the country has had two female prime ministers who've dominated recent politics for two decades. Case Study:

A Female Quomi Madrasa, by Jannat Gulay Jamiya Niyamotiya Quomi Mohila Madrasa

Barandipara in Jessore Established 1980. The first female quomi madrasa in Jessore. Teachers: 22 (12 are women) Boarding Students: 238 Day Pupils: 200 Age at Admittance: 6 years Offers: Mishkat (primary): 10 years and Daura (postgraduate): 12 years Fee: 500 taka monthly

"The purpose of the Quomi Madrasa education system is totally different from the general education system, or even the Alia madrasa. We do not think about the future. We just focus on the spiritual. A graduate from a Quomi Madrasa has no future in the material world; we try to give them the lessons of Sharia and guide women to observe purdah strictly." The Madrasa Principal, Maolana Mouinuddin.

Curriculum: they follow texts published by the Bangladesh Quomi Madrasa Board. Pupils are taught Bengali, English and Maths till Class 8 (age 14 yrs) but in Maths they do not learn how to calculate interest. Instead they teach how to calculate Zakat (donation of wealth) and Fitra (alms). The main aim is to know the Quran and Hadiya properly and capture all their principles in their daily life.

POLITICAL ISLAM 22 & THE ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH "Women are like precious gems; they have to be locked up in a safe"

The girls are taught that women are forbidden to work with men in public. The teaching emphasises the spiritual world and the only profession for a man is becoming an Imam or for a woman becoming a teacher in a female madrasa.

Purdah: The uniform is black burqa, with black nikab, black gloves and socks to cover the entire body. Girls observe strict purdah and are not allowed to exercise outdoors at all. The students and the female teachers are kept locked in the building all the time. The girls are monitored by eight teachers all the time, even when boarding overnight. They have to be silent in front of outsiders and any male teachers. At no time are the girls allowed to speak loudly, enforcing a sort of segregation for their voices. If they go out of the madrasa or talk to outsiders it is only with people appointed by the school authorities or their parents. If they visit their families they must be accompanied by a guardian or close relative. The students believe any kind of photograph is strictly forbidden in Islam.

"A woman is like a diamond. When we hold a diamond in our fist, it will be safe and cannot sparkle and attract attention. But when we open our hand, it will shine alluringly. That's why women have to observe purdah, covering all their body, so they do not attract such attention." Anonymous Teacher

Women are taught that their role in life is to be a virtuous wife, mother and daughter. All believe a Madrasa education will teach them everything they need to know to be an ideal woman'. They remain indoors for fear of committing a sin

POLITICAL ISLAM & THE ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH 23 and in order to win virtue for the after-life. As one teacher put it, '"The rate of violence against women has increased because they answer back to their husbands and make them angry.' The madrasa teaches obedience for the benefit of a quiet family life”.

Female Teacher: The girls who live here are virtuous because they are secure from the devil's eye of society. They are not seen by unknown men except those close relatives allowed in Islam. They also believe if any male glimpses them or any part of their body, then they or that particular part of the body will go to Hell. By teaching this, the madrasa does not allow the girls to go out in public even when at home or with their family members or relatives. When they go home, they observe the rules of purdah."

If a male teacher takes a class he sits in this curtained area (see illustration) and the students are inside the room. They communicate through with a microphone or through a small window in front of the teacher that is shaded so he cannot see through. The male teachers are not allowed to hear the girls' voices except in an emergency.

POLITICAL ISLAM 24 & THE ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH "As a woman, I have learnt everything at this madrasa. Purdah is essential to protect women from the devil and sins." Fatema, (aged 20, Class 12)

"Today's world is not safe for women. In this situation, if we observe purdah, we will achieve moral excellence. If I observe purdah, people cannot see me. Moreover, I will benefit on the Day of Judgment." Jinob

"I left my (co-educational) school because...the students there didn't observe purdah and had an immoral character. They talked to each other in awful language." Risa (aged 9)

Corridors inside the madrasa are badly lit and gloomy.

"Women do not need to be more educated They have to get married. We just sent our daughter to a madrasa to learn religious principles and follow purdah strictly so nobody can see her. By doing this she can get a dignified existence after her death."

Families: Most of the girls' brothers are studying in the mainstream education system or in state-run Alia Madrasa. Parents consciously chose a different education for their daughters, confining them to the four walls of the madrasa or home and ensuring they are told what to think. Some believe by doing this their daughters will pray for them after their deaths.

Note: Access to conduct this research was not easy because the female researcher was initially told the other women didn't want to talk to her even though she was wearing a burqa like them. It took an hour to be admitted and a teacher took notes of every question asked of the students. While she was waiting, she noticed a 9-year-old girl watching her through a small hole in the wall. Later she learnt that was how the students received their meals, through this hole.

POLITICAL ISLAM & THE ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH 25 Cadet Madrasa

Modern general education has reached its peak through technological advancement but this system has proved to be useless without moral teaching. On the other hand, madrasa education has long been suffering from serious shortcomings because of the lack of scientific and technological knowledge. Excerpt from cadet madrasa promotional literature.

Cadet madrasa are private fee-paying institutions that blend an Islamic education with military-style discipline. They could be described as upmarket madrasa for the middle classes who care about inculcating strict moral values into their children but also expect them to have good job opportunities. These establishments have tried to modernise the traditional madrasa education by teaching science and technology. Cadet madrasa teach music without using any instruments, because they believe Islam doesn't allow music. Boys are allowed to play football, cricket and other sports but only wearing full-length trousers.

The Tanjimul Ummah Foundation introduced the first cadet madrasa to Bangladesh in the late 1990s.39 It now operates 22 educational institutions.40 Most are classified as alia madrasa41 , which means they are government approved. Their promotional literature says they have educated students from the USA, UK, Sweden, Italy and Saudi Arabia. Most graduates go to university; only 10% went on to higher madrasa education.

Interview with Habibullah Muhammad Iqbal, Chairman of the Tanjimul Ummah Foundation, By Julfikar Ali Manik

"It was in the 1990s, when I was a student of Ta'amirul Millat Madrasa in Dhaka that I observed some parents wanted to admit their children to the madrasa but didn't think its accommodation was up to their standards. The families were relatively well-off and wanted separate rooms for their children and better facilities, such as good food and a laundry service. That madrasa had to turn them away. The monthly fees used to be Tk 1,500 but those parents were willing to spend four times that sum. Spotting this opportunity some of us students had the idea of setting up a madrasa with better accommodation, strict discipline and good living conditions. We decided not to accept charitable donations but to run it as a commercial venture. We observed madrasa students had limited job opportunities in our society: most find careers in Islamic studies, Arabic and religious teaching or in madrasa and mosques. So our idea was to educate madrasa students so they could be entrepreneurs to provide jobs for other people and compete as equals in any field. We wanted to modernise the madrasa education system. As part of our research we visited military colleges to observe their management, discipline and style. We spoke to some army officers and then appointed a retired army officer in each of our 22 branches. We called our students "cadets" to boost their self-confidence. So far, we know ten of our former students are in the armed forces up to the rank of captain but we have trained them in such a way that one day they could be the Army Chief."

Cadet Madrasa Students:

Fahim Bin Hamid, aged16, the son of a businessman. He studied in an English-medium school before attending a cadet madrasa. He says here a student can simultaneously become an alim (Islamic scholar) and a doctor. His plan is to be a chemist and an Islamic scholar, so people will listen to him when he preaches Islam.

Raiyan Bin Noor, aged 15, the son of a professor of Islamic ethics in a private university. He believes mainstream schools do not offer a proper Islamic education because they teach religion only from a small Islamiat textbook, which is insufficient. On the other hand, alia and quomi madrasa do not offer science education. He wants to be a marine engineer and an Islamic scholar when he grows up.

POLITICAL ISLAM 26 & THE ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH Minorities Hindus: A new wave of disturbing attacks began against the Hindu minority on 28 February 2013 after the War Crimes Tribunal sentenced the popular Jamaat leader, Delwar Hossain Sayedee, to death for crimes against humanity. The scale of the attacks was huge - the worst outbreak since 2001.42 Police and political observers say a repeat of this violence could occur (a) if death sentences are carried out against Jamaat leaders convicted of war crimes and (b) during the election period. The incidents in the Spring of 2013 seemed to follow a pattern - often after Friday prayers a demonstration would start and then head for the Hindu areas and attack. Many arson attacks on temples also occurred in the middle of the night and in most cases the Hindu idols were smashed or vandalised. Since idols are regarded as contrary to Islam, it's a fair assumption that some of the attacks were conducted by Islamic-minded people. Also the timing, just after the death sentence, of this eruption of violence against Hindus suggests a Jamaat hand, especially as, unlike Middle Eastern groups, the party's ideology is more anti-Hindu than it is anti-Western. Members of the party have complained the Awami League has given Hindus a disproportionate role in the administration and view Hindus as staunch Awami League supporters. Jamaat and its student wing, Chhatra Shibir, however denied involvement in the attacks:

"They (the media) are airing false news connecting Jamaat-Shibir with attacks on houses of the minority and arson as well as looting of the shops in various places. They long for a communal riot by publishing such news. We like to dauntlessly declare that Jamaat and Shibir neither had in past nor have now any connection with such vile actions."43

Many Bangladeshis opposed to Jamaat said there were also criminal and opportunist elements involved in these attacks on Hindus, suggesting all political parties were involved. India was relatively muted in its response to the attacks on Bangladeshi Hindus. "If they had occurred on this scale under a BNP government there would have been much more outcry," pointed out one newspaper editor. Number of Incidents: In the period between 28 February 2013 and 8 April 2013, the NGO, Ain o Shalish Kendro, reported 162 Hindu homes and 163 businesses, 96 temples attacked and 81 idols vandalised. This report collates the Ain o Shalish Kendro list of incidents44 with others reported in the English-medium newspapers and news agencies. There appear to have been a total of 130 incidents in 70 days. These are listed in detail in the appendices. A group of several NGOs has filed a petition before the High Court, which ordered the government to investigate the communal attacks and submit a report by July 2013.45

PHOTO COURTESY OF THE DAILY STAR NEWSPAPER

POLITICAL ISLAM & THE ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH 27 Buddhists

The first attacks on Buddhists in Cox's Bazaar and Chittagong were in September and October 2012. Amnesty International said more than 20 temples and monasteries and scores of shops and homes were set on fire after thousands protested against an image of a destroyed Quran on Facebook. It said: "The attacks are believed to be the first to have taken place on such a large scale against minority places of worship in Bangladesh." There was a second and less devastating series in late April 2013 in the Chittagong area. Temples and an associated orphanage were looted, set on fire and vandalised.46

By Julfikar Ali Manik Islamic fanatics launched unprecedented attacks on Bangladesh's Buddhist community on September 29, 2012. Buddhist pagodas were the main targets of the orchestrated attack in Ramu in the southern district of Cox's Bazar, a tourist hub of the country. The attacks came after a planned hate campaign against the Buddhist community, which raged through Ramu, previously known for centuries of communal harmony. None of the Buddhist community was hurt physically by the attackers. It was a very focused operation that only targeted Buddhist pagodas, monasteries and homes. In Ramu twelve pagodas were fully burnt to ashes and six others were vandalised. Some of those were centuries old. Many Buddhist artifacts preserved for decades in the monasteries were destroyed in the mayhem. "My civilisation is destroyed. A lifetime of worshipping has been in vain. I am a lost man and will continue to be lost", said Venerable Satyapriya Mahathera when I spoke to him the day after the attacks. The second most senior priest of the Buddhist community in Bangladesh, Venerable Mahathera is also in charge of one of the Shima Bihar pagoda, which was destroyed. Muslim zealots burnt down or vandalised eighteen pagodas and about 50 Buddhist homes in Ramu within just six hours. A small, run of the mill mobile phone repair shop in Fakirabazar market was the starting point of the communal campaign against Buddhists. It began with claims that a picture insulting the Quran had been spotted on the Facebook page of a Buddhist called Uttam Kumar Barua.

PHOTO COURTESY OF THE DAILY STAR NEWSPAPER

POLITICAL ISLAM 28 & THE ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH The young shop owner, Omar Faruk, and his friend Abdul Moktadir claimed to have seen Uttam's Facebook page but other than them nobody else could be found in Ramu who'd seen it. Later a journalistic investigation by Bangladesh's largest circulation English newspaper, The Daily Star, found that the Facebook page had been photoshopped to add a picture insulting Islam and this is what provoked the September 29 attacks. A rumour was spread that the Buddist, Uttam, had placed his feet on the Quran. Correspondents later saw a picture showing white feet wearing nail polish on the Quran. The picture circulated like wildfire from mobile to mobile using Bluetooth or picture messaging. It was also copied by some demonstrators and shared on the evening of September 29. Weeks after the attack, a police investigation committee found 205 people in Ramu responsible for the violence. Among the accused was the Buddhist man, Uttam Kumar Barua. Later a judicial investigation report, submitted in May 2013, found about 300 people in Ramu were involved and this time exempted the Buddhist boy Uttam, exonerating him of responsibility for the trouble. Agitated Muslims brought out processions and chanted slogans against the Buddhist community, including Islamic chants such as "Naraye Takbir Allahu Akbar". Many of the attackers were transported from other places to the area using different vehicles throughought the night of September 29. The communal attacks in Ramu had a domino effect. The following day Muslim zealots also attacked and damaged six pagodas in Ukhia sub-district and a pagoda in Teknaf. On the same day Muslims in Chittagong attacked and damaged four Buddhist pagodas and two Hindu places of worship in Patia sub-district. Police cases have been filed in connection with the attacks with the local police stations but a police investigation has not yet been completed. Some local people were arrested in Ramu over the months following the attacks but were then freed on bail because the police couldn't bring charges against them. Justice is still pending in Ramu and other places where the Buddhists were attacked. And the longstanding communal harmony in Ramu, which was disrupted on the night of September 29, has not been restored yet. Instead misunderstanding, mistrust and fear still remain among the Buddhists of Ramu. As Venerable Mahathera told me, "Please save our future generation! Please!"

POLITICAL ISLAM & THE ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH 29 Ahmadiyya

"We are a low profile community…theology is our subject; politics is not." 47

Ahmadiyya believe Mirza Golam Ahmad of Qadian (1835–1908) in India was the Messiah promised by the Prophet Mohammad – as well as Imam Mahdi. They see themselves as a revivalist movement within Islam, not as a new religion. Their teachings incorporate Sufi mysticism and traditional Islamic teachings. This is not accepted by the majority of Muslims, who believe Mirza Golam Ahmad declared himself a Prophet. This is a vital issue because one of the key tenets of Islam is the belief in the finality of the Prophet Mohammad at the end of a long line of Prophets including Moses, Abraham and Jesus. Ahmadiyya contend that Mirza Golam Ahmad was a "subservient Prophet" sent as a subordinate to Prophet Mohammad to reform the Muslims and revive Islam. Some refer to the community as Qadianis, which Ahmadiyya consider a derogative term as it is derived from the name of the birthplace of their founder. As Human Rights Watch observed in 2005,48 and it holds true today, attacking Ahmadiyya, ostensibly in order to preserve the faith, provides a fast track to political power. The Ahmadiyya movement is now established in more than two hundred countries and has a large following worldwide.49 During Pakistani rule, the Munir Commission Report of 1953 initially took a liberal approach to the issue of Ahmadiyya, but in 1974, under Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the Constitution was amended to declare Ahmadiyya non-Muslims.50 In Bangladesh, the sect officially began in 1913 and its followers are now represented by the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jama'at, Bangladesh. The BBC reported in 2004 and HRW in 2005 that there were 100,000 Ahmadiyya in Bangladesh51 and in 2013 Ahmadiyya Muslim Jama'at Bangladesh estimated their numbers to be between 100,000-150,000, but they've held no census recently to see how many people they've converted.52 The Ahmadiyya say they do not get involved in politics.53 Since the mid-eighties there has been a trend of attacks on Ahmadiyya in Bangladesh, correlated with the increasing Islamisation of politics. Sporadic attacks took place in the early 1990s but increased during the BNP government of 1991-96 and intensified again from 2001 when the BNP came to power in alliance with Jamaat-e- Islami and Islami Oikyo Jote. The campaign against Ahmadiyya has been orchestrated since 1991 by the Khatme Nubuwat Andolon Bangladesh54 – which literally means, 'Movement to preserve the finality of Prophet Mohammad'. This umbrella movement of different Islamic groups calls for Ahmadiyya to be declared non-Muslims and their religious practices banned in Bangladesh. It finds support among the students of the quomi madrasa and the political party, Islami Oikyo Jote. It is also reported to have links with the BNP through its ally Jamaat-e-Islami.55 Jamaat-e-Islami also believes Ahmadiyya are non-Muslims. Many madrasa teachers and students are involved in the Khatme Nabuwat Andolon. A survey of madrasa ulema found 94% thought that the government should declare Ahmadiyya non- Muslims.56 Bangladeshi officials have sometimes actively supported and at other times turned a blind eye to the attacks and discrimination against Ahmadiyya. Ahmadiyya leaders complain that in 2011 the Islamic Foundation, which is a government organisation, produced a booklet in Bengali denouncing them, even though the Constitution guarantees freedom of religion. Between 2003-6, the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jama'at Bangladesh says there were 36 attacks in 26 months, all of them declared in advance in the media. In January 2004 the BNP government banned all Ahmadiyya publications in response to an upsurge in protests by Islamist groups. In December the same year, the High Court temporarily suspended the order banning Ahmadiyya publications in response to a legal challenge launched by human rights groups in the country. The case is still pending. Under the current Awami League government, the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jama'at Bangladesh says the number of attacks has been curtailed but still continues. The community received an exam paper for Class 8 from a private school in Chuadanga in which one of the questions was "Why are the Qadianis non-Muslims?" They've also twice tried to construct a mosque in Tangail but every time it's been destroyed by their opponents. The Ahmadiyya say they received no response from the government to these infringements of their right to practice their faith in freedom. In 2013 the Ahmadiyya said propaganda against them was appearing on social media sites like Facebook, wrongly accusing them of adding extra verses to the Quran. Ahmadiyya leaders believe Bangladesh is the target of radicals who "exploit the innocence of the vast majority who love Islam but aren't radical". They are very critical of the Awami League for failing to use the media to challenge Islamic radicalism through logic and ideology, instead relying on politicking. They complain the Awami League is trying to woo over maulvis to their side to win votes. "We call them 'Awami Muslim League' because their leaders are so afraid of the clergy and keep mum about radicalisation," said one Ahmadiyya follower.57

POLITICAL ISLAM 30 & THE ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH Women and the Islamists Economic Development:

Over the last four decades in Bangladesh there have been some striking successes in terms of the economic development of women, especially when the country's low starting point is considered:

- Fertility levels declined from 7.3 children per woman in 1974 to 2.7 in 2007. - Maternal mortality more than halved over the period 1986-2001. - Girls now outnumber boys in both primary and secondary schools.

However, Bangladeshi women still lag behind their counterparts in India and Nepal in terms of development indices.58 Girls' parity with boys in school enrolment has been achieved much faster than stipulated in its Millennium Development Goals or in other comparable countries. It's thought this is due to the cash incentives system introduced by the last BNP-Jamaat government. There are even concerns now that boys from the poorest households may be left behind girls as a result of the success of the incentive programme.59 Greater numbers of women in urban areas are in paid employment – two million at any one time in the garment factories during the last decade. More than eleven million women have benefited enormously from microcredit programmes pioneered in Bangladesh. Others have found public sector jobs as teachers or health workers, or are in self-employment. This is a shift away from agriculture to better paid jobs with longer hours. Those who've benefited have mainly been the more affluent and educated. Violence against Women:

However, advancements in the economic field have not necessarily translated into greater empowerment of women in the domestic arena. Various studies suggest half of all married Bangladeshi women have suffered violence from their husbands – and 18% have been raped within marriage.60 An ICDDR,B study on Violence Against Women found four out of ten women reported physical violence by their husband, and an even higher proportion - five out of ten - reported sexual violence in general61 . Another study found 20–24% of women had experienced sexual violence from their husbands in the previous 12 months.62 One report commented that it was common for husbands to assault wives:

..for even minor mistakes, such as an unsatisfactory meal, an untidy room, a conversation with another man, or any act of disagreement or disobedience. Men have been socially conditioned to genuinely believe in their own superiority. From childhood they are treated differently from their sisters. They grow to believe that they are more valuable and more deserving than PHOTO COURTESY OF THE DAILY STAR NEWSPAPER

POLITICAL ISLAM & THE ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH 31 women, and that their opinions and views should have more weight than any woman's. Furthermore, predominant religious misinterpretations have further legitimised these feelings. These religious interpretations have also provided men with the justification to chastise wives for disobedience and bring them back to the so-called correct path. In this way, men are able to delude themselves into believing that abuse of their wives amounts to a religious duty and they are completely justified in their actions.63

This is the backdrop against which religious education in villages stresses that it is a Muslim woman's religious duty to obey her husband. Women in Politics

The emphasis amongst donors in Bangladesh has been on empowerment of women through poverty alleviation, not through direct participation in national politics. This is in spite of the fact that recent Bangladeshi politics has been dominated by two women Prime Ministers. Some academics suggest this could reflect a "somewhat misogynistic debate within Bangladeshi elite civil society that elides governance failures with the gender of the political leadership (the so-called 'Begum problem')".64 Others argue there is a pattern of Asian women being catapulted into high office after the death or detention of a close relative who is a political leader. Daughters and widows appeal to "a very strong victimisation sentiment", which they use to mobilise support.65 These women leaders, it's argued, "act more like tame kittens within a male- dominated political establishment than roaring Tigresses".66 This means they may not be strong role models for other women seeking to enter politics. Often in Bangladesh it's not just women leaders but most of the female candidates in elections, who are also wives or relatives, acting as "proxies, contesting seats on behalf of disqualified or jailed male family members".67 In their manifestos none of the parties, even those run by women, refers to inequality for women in the home. Instead there is a widespread assumption that education and prosperity will automatically improve domestic or social relations for women. There is also little discussion in donor literature of the impact of a possible religious backlash against the advances made by women. As our village level case study shows, religious preaching and outreach work inculcates very conservative ideas about the role of women in the home and engenders opposition to women taking up microcredit, which could improve their status. Reserved Seats for Women:

Bangladesh has a system of 50 unelected reserved seats68 in parliament for women but aside from this arrangement, few women are chosen by the parties to represent them. Women's groups would like the reserved seats directly elected so the women are more accountable to the electorate. They would also like the number increased to 100. One study looking at local bodies showed direct elections gave women more confidence to raise issues of importance.69 Most women's groups complain candidates appointed to reserved seats are "voiceless tools in the hands of the major parties" because "it is impossible for women to gain power, authority and honour through indirect election. It makes them dependent on male members of their party."70 Political parties have delayed introducing direct elections because they use these reserved seats as patronage and bargaining chips in forming coalitions.

Male Domination of Politics:

Bangladesh has been governed by women Prime Ministers since 1991 but most of their advisers are men. "Male politicians take it for granted that politics is a matter of black money and armed hooliganism, coupled with pressuring voters to vote”, with the result that they prefer to nominate men with money and musclemen.71 In a society where a woman literally embodies a family's honour, the risk of physical violence puts off many women. However, women with elite status are generally protected from sexual harassment. Women leaders do not seem too bothered about the absence of other women in politics. In a televised debate in 2001, Sheikh Hasina commented that "women's capacity to run campaigns and win elections was inadequate" and went on to imply that the system of reserved seats for women was better than nothing for women.72 Though women may not be welcomed (even by other women) as politicians, all parties are very keen on mobilising them to gain power. Political parties have women's branches but women tend to have relatively little power in the central executive committees. The 2008 election saw the highest number of women contesting and winning general seats in parliament to date but Bangladesh still lags behind most other countries in Asia.73 No woman has ever been Election Commissioner or

POLITICAL ISLAM 32 & THE ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH Deputy Election Commissioner. In 2008 only 3% of Returning Officers were women.74 International observer groups reported that only between 0-2% of Presiding Officers at polling stations or booths were women.75 Women in the National Executive Committees of Political Parties

After the collapse of the election process in January 2007, the Election Commission embarked on a reform agenda initiated by the caretaker government. All parties now have to register with the Election Commission, whereas before this had been optional. Information on candidates' backgrounds was also made publicly available to encourage the emergence of "clean" candidates. Also a rule said parties could not discriminate on grounds of religion, race, caste, language or sex.76 To register, political parties have to amend their constitutions to promote internal democracy. All committee members have to be elected, parliamentary candidates chosen based on the recommendations of committees at grassroots level, and controversially they have to fill at least a third of all party committee seats with women by 2020. The number of women in the National Executive Committees of the major political parties ranged between 2.89 to 11.6877 during the last election. National Women's Development Policy

All the Islamic political parties opposed the policy, claiming that the 2011 version gave men and women equal inheritance rights. They complained that the policy was "anti-Quran" and the government would fall if the legislation were enacted. This has angered women activists, who say the intention is to keep women confined to the home.1 The various versions of the policy have been gradually watered down:

1997 Version: Gave women equal rights over inheritance, as well as control over earnings, wealth, loans, land and savings. 2004 Version: Women's groups complained changes were introduced "to deny women equal rights to property, land and inheritance, to limit their access to employment opportunities, deprive older women of much needed support, and undermine their participation in public decision making."78 The Islamic allies of the BNP were suspected of being responsible for the changes, because the then Prime Minister, Khaleda Zia, was still stressing her government's role in advancing women's rights. 2008: The Chief Advisor of the Caretaker Government announced they would revise the policy, watering it down again. Three of the advisers openly courted the Islamists and conceded their demand to withdraw it altogether. 2011 Version: This version has no charter of rights and is silent on the issue of equal rights in marriage, divorce, custody and guardianship.79 As one commentator put it, "By ignoring the personal, the policy has hesitated to move towards substantive equality, perhaps to avoid confrontation with the religious right and to placate social conservatism."80 The policy no longer allows for equal rights for women to inherit - it gives women control only over property they might have already acquired and only if allowed by religious laws. Implementing the 1997 version of the policy had been a manifesto promise of the Awami League in 2008. Under pressure from Islamists, the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina said she'd decided to remove portions of the policy that contradicted the Quran.81 Some have described the "spiral of silence from all the political parties regarding women's equal right to property" as part of the desire of a patriarchal society to keep wealth in the hands of men. They argue the policy has other clauses that might contradict Islamic interpretations, but these haven't caused uproar like the inheritance issue. Jamaat-e-Islami: Women

Jamaat does not believe in women's equality or empowerment. It says men and women have complementary roles. The language it uses is often vague, referring to what is "appropriate" for women without defining this. It talks of affording women their dignity through Islam and Islamic dress. As scholars82 point out, Jamaat has focused on reproductive health and improving quality of service delivery, but not women's rights. The party is also careful how it discusses female employment, given so many Bangladeshi women are in the workplace. It says employment will be "based on merit", and doesn't discuss quotas for women. Academics note that Jamaat incorporates "the dominant concepts and ideas on women's development issues related to work and violence against women in the public and private spheres etc. without challenging the basic tenets around the complementary role played by the sexes."83 A senior adviser to Jamaat84 stressed that the party had opened up on what he called "the gender question". He said

POLITICAL ISLAM & THE ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH 33 they were keen to fight for gender rights like the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and "did not make any distinction really". He said a quarter of Jamaat members were women and their share in the Majlis-e-Shura or Executive Council was increasing.85 The same adviser's book stated that "Islam has prohibited free mixing of sexes and does not approve of dancing or acting because they encourage indecency86 ". In spelling out the obligations of a married couple, the book said a husband is obliged to maintain his wife only if she does not show "her hatred or defiance of her husband or her attraction to another person". A wife "should be attentive to the comfort and well-being of her mate", who is the head of the family in the Islamic system. Furthermore it is "the duty of the wife to obey the husband in all lawful matters". On the issue of Islamic dress the same book says everything should be covered "except a woman's face and forehead" and she must wear a "flowing outer garment". Speaking anonymously because of the current crackdown, a female Jamaat member said she wasn't bothered that women members didn't have top positions in the party. She said they could express their opinion through voting and were still active. On the issue of equal inheritance, she said it contradicted Islam and anyway in a country like Bangladesh women were generally supported by their husbands. Hefajate Islam: Women

Their 13-point demands call for the segregation of men and women, as well as the scrapping of the National Women's Development Policy. On 6 April 2013 at their rally in central Dhaka, Hefajat supporters allegedly beat up a woman reporter and refused to allow female rubbish collectors to go near the rally area to perform their duties. Hefajate Islam subsequently denied involvement.87 Women's groups protested that Hefajat's 13-point demands contradict Article 28 of the Constitution, which says: The state shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth and women shall have equal rights with men in all spheres of the state and of public life. Keeping women at home is not practical in a country where the vast majority of garment factory workers are female, as well as many of the migrant workers sending remittances from abroad.88 Newspapers quoted female garment factory workers saying times had changed and there was no way they would obey Hefajate Islam's edicts and sit at home, because their salary was needed to feed their families.89 Garment manufacturers also said it would be impossible to remove their female workforce just because Hefajate Islam might like that. The Bangladeshi Foreign Minister, Dipu Moni, who is one of the few Asian women to hold such a post, said she found the Hefajate Islam demands "absolutely absurd" and expressed concern that a political party headed by a woman (the BNP) should support a group with such retrogressive views.90 Islami Oikyo Jote: Women

A senior member of the party said there was no need to hold direct conversations with their women members. Indeed he would not allow our researcher to meet any female member of the party, saying her answers would be the same as his. He stressed that in Islam men and women could only inherit property in 2:1 shares but if a father gave property away before he died, then he could give more to his daughter. He complained that "the so-called women's movement" defines inheritance in a way that totally contradicts traditional religious beliefs.

POLITICAL ISLAM 34 & THE ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH Footnotes for diagram.91 WOMEN CANDIDATES IN NATIONAL ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH JEI Jatiya Election Total candidates Women Constituencies Women Women BNP AL Independ Gana Forum Won Women with Nominated Nominated & validated 2008 1565 17 55 54 82 13 17 0 6 4 5 2001 1935 6 47 38 4 10 0 8 6 3 or 1939 1996 2574 15 48 35 5 6 0 4 3 7 June 1991 9 1988 4 7 1986 7 19 1979 2 15 1973 0 3 Case Study:

Village Women's Lives and Religion By Jannat Gulay In the villages of Salkuna, Shibobas and Bagachra in Jessore.

Jamaat has local women activists who go into villages to educate and canvass in advance of elections. They hold what are known as boithok sessions. Women also take part in preaching circles known as taleem, that are less overtly political. These are groups of women meeting regularly in homes or in the local mosque to read the Quran and Hadith and be instructed in Islamic texts by religious teachers. These sessions do not challenge patriarchal interpretations of Islam. They focus on practice – what to do in particular situations. The movement is worldwide and nominally apolitical but clearly has huge political potential. In Egypt for example, all such teachers must by law undergo two years of training run by the Ministry of Religious Affairs to be licensed or face a fine and imprisonment. In Bangladesh it is totally unregulated. Some argue this sort of education helps women by giving them knowledge of Islam as "an alternative means of gaining respect and authority within their households and immediate communities - an empowerment route most have not had before". In Bangladesh it seems to be part of a growing Islamisation at grassroots level, which NGOs report observing. Changes

Villagers surveyed believe their lives are becoming more religious day by day but they don't credit this entirely to Jamaat-e-Islami or other religious parties. They say the influences are:

• Religion based parties; especially Jamaat-e-Islami. • Tablik, known as taleem at the local level, which is education and preaching. • Religious Leaders (Imam at the mosque). • Oajj92 and Islamic Gatherings. • Negative attitudes towards the ruling party (BNP or Awami League), which is viewed as non-Islamic.

In Salkuna and Shibobas they describe their village as well run, with a low level of corruption but this wasn't always the case. They believe they've become more "civilised" because of the taleem sessions and the influence of the Imam. In Bagachra they say that the changes appeared because of "women's boithok", which is the term for Jamaat-e- Islami grassroots mobilisation among women.

POLITICAL ISLAM & THE ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH 35

"We are trying to bring up our children according to the Quran and Sunna. It is said in the Quran that those who obey their husband and parents will not face difficulties or conflict in their lives. This is also same for those who say their prayers. By attending boithok, we come to understand that we have to undertake the responsibilities of family and society." Woman in Bagachra Village

Villagers confirm that more women than before are wearing a burqa when going out, even to visit their father's house, and they observe purdah. They say the reason is Jamaat's religious mobilisation sessions, or boithok:

"Everyone would like to observe purdah but they don't know how to go about it. When they come to boithok sessions, they learn how to do it and that's when the changes come. I've seen a lot of women start observing purdah but then there are also many people who don't do it." – Woman from Bagachra.

"Our standards of dress have improved. It doesn't matter what women wear inside the home but when they go into public areas they must be pious, irrespective of how educated or uneducated they are. They cover their head and body and I think that looks very beautiful." – Farida from Shalkuna.

Women in the villages need permission from their father or husband to go outdoors, even to go into the public areas of the village, and even if they are covered in Islamic dress. This appears to be a change.

"When I want to go outside, I have to take permission. The girls from our village hardly go outside for their needs. If there's an emergency, they tell their brothers or fathers to bring the things they need. Another important issue is our parents and villagers often think that it is an issue of prestige for them, if their daughters and wives go outside. This is because they have a religious mindset." – Farida, from Salkuna

Micro-Finance

It's estimated that there are some 21.2 million micro-finance borrowers in Bangladesh, the overwhelming majority of them female. There are studies showing female access to micro-finance helps empower women in terms of their bargaining power with their husbands. Jamaat has been critical of the credit revolution on the grounds of Islam banning interest but also because they say its undue emphasis on women borrowers creates tension in the family. In this village attitudes to taking loans and paying interest have changed. The religious education sessions have made women unwilling to borrow because of being taught that Islam prohibits interest.

"When I came to understand that interest is strictly prohibited in Islam, I made up my mind that I will not take or give any loans with interest. If I borrow 10,000 taka, then I have to pay 100 taka per 1000 as interest. So I decided not to borrow money." – Anowora, from Shalkuna Women's Taleem

Taleem is a gathering where women learn and share Islamic knowledge with each other. Tablik/taleem is organised in different houses of the village, mainly on Mondays or Wednesdays. The organisers believe they are inviting women to share knowledge of Islam and to become more religious and lead a dignified, calm life. They discuss • How they lead their lives and manage their families • How to observe purdah • The Quran and Hadith

POLITICAL ISLAM 36 & THE ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH "Taleem guides us and gives us a framework. It's to our benefit if we can mange some time to sit together and discuss leading a more religious life. We even discuss the Quran and Hadith to acquire religious knowledge. We realize that life is short and we have to return to the Almighty and show what we have done. We need to recite prayers for the Prophet (PBUH) as well as Zikir and Namaz. Not only this, we also have to learn how to run our family according to the teachings of Islam." — Nasima Begum, a middle-aged woman of Salkuna

Women's Boithok

Those who are involved in the boithok sessions organised by Jamaat say that they are different from taleem sessions, which only focus on personal issues. In boithok women also discuss social and political changes. The sessions stress the need to acquire knowledge, practise Islam in their lives, preach religion to others and address their local responsibilities in the community. Women in Bagachra village didn't want to give their real names for this report because of the current political instability but they believe eight or nine years of boithok sessions have brought about some change. Before the boithok sessions many women didn't even know how to say their prayers, and had no knowledge of Islam, didn't observe purdah and spent much of the time quarrelling with one another, they say.

"We didn't know about purdah properly but now we understand it. Before people didn't even pay their zakat (Islamic tax) or know that it was mandatory for rich people. " – Ayesha & Salma

Elections

When it comes to voting, women in the villages are torn between making their own judgment and following their families. Several women say they choose their own candidate since they're the one voting. But others, like Anowara from Salkuna Village, say they have to follow their husband's choice in order to be a good Muslim:

" I have to follow my husband. If he tells me to vote for a particular person, I have to do that. He is my husband so I cannot do anything without his permission. He has standing and knows the affairs of the village better than me. Besides, he tells me which party symbol I have to vote. I cannot follow the laws of the Government; I must obey God's laws. At this moment, if I were to die and my husband told the Almighty that I do not pay attention to his words, what would happen to me?"

Interestingly, many of the women in Awami League or BNP families in the village wanted to vote for the Islamic parties because they're attending taleem or boithok sessions and are much more religiously minded. This can cause serious friction within families. The overwhelming demand was for a well organised, peaceful, secure environment with no corruption or murder. Islam is seen by many as the route to this sort of society. Villagers said they definitely did not want a military government but they were utterly frustrated with the fighting between the two main political parties. Researcher's Observations

Women are still seen as a symbol of prestige and honour for the family, as well as society as a whole – and as such are to be protected. But there is also an increased religiosity apparent in women's private lives, though not for men. The shift can be seen in the changing clothing of women that has become more Islamic but these changes are not seen among men. For men, religiosity is often measured by how well their women perform their assigned religious identity. Islamic parties are trying to benefit from this increased religiosity among women.

POLITICAL ISLAM & THE ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH 37 Islamic Charity Work

In response to the expansion of secular NGOs, Islamists of all shades have set up their own organisations to do micro- finance, infrastructure development and education; they give out sewing machines, free health care, help widows and orphans, the disabled and elderly and provide scholarships to needy students. Academic Mumtaz Ahmad says: "Several Saudi, Kuwaiti and UAE-based official, semi-official and private charitable foundations have been pouring huge amounts of funds into Bangladesh since the early 1980s to build mosques and madrasas, establish orphanages, and help in relief operations during floods and cyclones."93 Islamic charities now have their own umbrella body, the Association of Muslim Welfare Associations, Bangladesh or AMWAB, with more than 320 members.94 It claims to be the largest Islamic micro-finance apex body in the world. The quomi madrasa clerics, the pro-Jamaat groups and the Ahle Hadith groups all have charity outreach activities of their own. Foreign funding has, according to Mumtaz Ahmad, dried up considerably since the August 2005 bombings in Bangladesh but is still forthcoming from international Islamic relief organisations and from remittances from Bangladeshi workers in the Middle East. Along with physical assistance, Islamic values are propagated. Oversight by the NGO Bureau

NGOs directly receiving foreign funding must be registered with the government's NGO Bureau.95 These NGOs can in turn fund local NGOs, which register with the Social Welfare Department. There are over 50,000 of the latter. In an interview with the NGO Bureau director,96 he indicated he didn't have sufficient staff to monitor the activities of the 2,198 organisations97 he oversees. His department has only one office in Dhaka and no field offices. In the civil service, the District Commissioners and local executive officers at upazilla level are supposed to monitor NGO activities in their respective areas but in practice they are far too busy. The contrast between the office of this government body and the premises used by major international NGOs, such as BRAC, is very stark. Some NGOs would have a budget at least a thousand times bigger than the department meant to monitor them. Women's groups complained how difficult it was to renew their registration with the NGO Bureau and said that the Jamaat-e-Islami former farmer's wing was registered as an NGO, despite the fact that they distribute agricultural equipment to potential voters. When questioned about this organisation, Chashi Kollyon Samity, the NGO Bureau director, claimed not to know anything about its links to Jamaat-e-Islami despite media coverage of the issue in 200898 and 2010.99 He said it builds mosques, madrasa and orphanages and gives farmers shallow tube wells but confirmed it is registered and receives funds from donors in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. That an organisation so closely linked to a political party should be receiving foreign funding in an election year seemed to indicate the level of monitoring was very low. Kushi Kabir said her organisation, Nijera Kori, had its offices in Jamaat strongholds attacked by Chashi Kollyon Samity members to stop them forming groups of landless peasants and women in the late eighties and early nineties. Rickshaw pullers in the area were instructed not to take Nijera Kori workers to villages, though they didn't obey. Mosque Imams were told to announce that any men working for Nijeri Kori were not allowed to say Friday prayers in the mosque. According to Kushi Kabir, Chashi Kollyan Samity appeared to be well funded and gave farmers seeds and arranged religious classes for women in villages. Some well known Islamic NGOs connected to Bangladesh100 :

The Daily Star reported in 2008 that there were 34 foreign-funded major Islamic NGOs registered in Bangladesh, receiving money mainly from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates, as well as the US and UK..101

Below are some NGOs that have been covered in the press for their links to Islamic politics.

Rabita Al-Alam Al-Islam: According the director of the NGO Bureau, this is no longer functioning, with no incoming funds or projects after 2007. Its country director was Mir Qassem Ali, from Jamaat-e-Islami, who is now accused of war crimes. Rabita Al-Alam played a significant role after 1971 in helping to repatriate the “stranded Pakistanis” to Punjab after the end of the Liberation War.102

Muslim Aid: Submitted project proposals for a vocational institute, sanitation and nutrition in Cox's Bazaar with Rohinga refugees, which the NGO Bureau examined and referred to the relevant ministries and after they gave their opinion it was registered, according to the Director of the NGO Bureau. The NGO has now stopped working in Cox's Bazaar after the government withdrew permission for several NGOs there.

POLITICAL ISLAM 38 & THE ELECTIONS IN BANGLADESH One of the Trustees in the UK was Chowdhury Mueen-Uddin103 . The chief investigator of the Bangladesh War Crimes Tribunal has said, “There is prima facie evidence of Chowdhury Mueen-Uddin being involved in a series of killings of intellectuals.”104 These are allegations Mr Mueen Uddin has denied. His lawyer, Tony Cadman, said, “The comments by the Chief Investigator are highly improper and serves as a further basis for raising the question as to whether a fair trial may be guaranteed before the International Crimes Tribunal in Bangladesh.”

The World Assembly of Muslim Youth: This is headquartered in Saudi Arabia; its Bangladesh website says it is building mosques and Islamic centres. Islami Chhatra Shibir105 is said to be a member. It was registered with the NGO Bureau until 2010; their website list106 doesn't make it clear if they're still registered.

Al-Haramain Islamic Foundation: Suspended in Bangladesh in 2003/4. It is banned in the USA. International Islamic Relief Organisation (IIRO): Still registered in Bangladesh according to the NGO Bureau website.

Servants of Suffering Humanity: Reported to have links to HUJI. Not clear if it's still functioning in Bangladesh.

Al-Markajul Islami: Al Markajul Islami is a service oriented NGO that mainly provides services for burial, and for transporting dead bodies and patients in Bangladesh. Media reports alleged their offices were used for meetings in the run up to the militant bomb blasts on an Awami League rally on 21 August 2004 and alleged they supplied one of their ambulances as a get away vehicle. The acting chairman of the NGO denied this but the vice chairman was detained for questioning.107

Kuwait Joint Relief Committee: This gives awards to students in Bangladesh from Darul Ihsan University.108 Revival of Islamic Heritage Society (RIHS): Reported to be running an office in Bangladesh in 2009, despite being banned two years earlier.109 The US government also says it operated behind a front organisation after being banned.110 According to the reports, Ahle Hadith Andolon chief, Asadullah Al Ghalib, had helped RIHS register in November 1996. After the Bangladeshi government banned Al Haramain Foundation (now banned worldwide) in 2003, many Haramain staff, including five foreign nationals, joined RIHS. Four of the foreign nationals were later withdrawn from the country following the August 17 serial bomb blasts. Executed JMB chief (Abdur Rahman) told the media in 2004 that he used to get funds from the RIHS and Rabita-e Alam al Islami. RIHS has so far erected 1,000 mosques, madrasa and orphanages across the country. It is banned in Russia, the US and on the UN list for bankrolling al Qaeda.111

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