PURDAHOF THE HEART AND THE EYES: AN EXAMINATION OF PURDAHAS AN INSTITUTION IN PAKISTAN

By

RIFFAT HAQUE B.A., M.Sc., & M.Phil

Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Faculty, Women's & Gender Studies Program and the School of Social Work, University of New South Wales, Australia.

October 2003 C DEDICATED TO THE MEMORY OF MY MOTHER, SHAH BEGUM; FATHER, MOHAMMAD SARWAR AND BROTHER, JAVED SARWAR TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

LIST OF TABLES

LIST OF FIGURES ABSTRACT

This research examined the influences of purdah on the lives of a sample of urban lower middle-classes women of Rawalpindi, Pakistan. The inquiry was designed to explore women's understanding and experiences of purdah and also examines the influence of socio-economic changes in their choices of purdah practices. It further explores how purdah influences women's awareness of their political and legal rights, and their participation in these arenas.

A feminist framework underpinned the design of the in-depth interviews providing the basis of this qualitative study. The thesis analyzed data using a grounded theoretical approach, the interviews provide data of the extent of overt and covert complexities involved in purdah, and its overarching influence in women's lives.

Historically, purdah developed as an institution to preserve female chastity, however this research found extensive exploitation and misuse of purdah by the Pakistani patriarchal society, and that this exploitation was further legitimized through particular practices of the Islamic religion. Importantly, due to socio-economic pressures the women participants in this study were experiencing a shift in their practice of purdah. To come out of seclusion, they adopted purdah dress as 'a portable space', even though their experiences showed that this presence was not always welcomed in the public domain. Purdah dress did not guarantee respect or avert street harassment. Therefore, to preserve their chastity and status in society the participants preferred to use segregated facilities, thus avoiding contact with non-kin men.

Further, analysis of the participants' experiences indicated that the overt use of purdah to preserve female chastity was not seen as problematic by the women. Rather, it was the covert use of purdah, which was experienced by the women as a severe impediment to the quality of their lives. This study found that there is a need to preserve and facilitate these women's 'newfound' freedom from seclusion by providing them with segregated facilities and by sensitizing the society in general to the women's newfound role and contribution to the society. The findings of this research provide insights which may be considered in the action plans of both women activists and policy makers at all levels. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Foremost, I wish to thank the participants of this research, who willingly shared their lives with me and made the project possible.

I am grateful to Allama Iqbal Open University, Islamabad, for granting me study leave and financial assistance because of which I could undertake this project. My inspiration for this work also comes from my professional interaction with thousands of rural and urban women in Pakistan.

I am indebted to my supervisors for their ceaseless encouragement, listening to my thought process as and anxieties, for reading drafts and correcting them and for intellectual guidance, which shaped this work. Especially, I am grateful to my supervisor Dr Diane Dames, who was always there to help me academically as well as being generous in providing emotional support. I am grateful to my co-supervisor Dr Jan Breckenridge for helping me in developing a clear theoratical perspective. I am obliged to Dr Rogelia Pe-Pua for accepting my request to come aboard as an additional co-supervisor and especially for providing me clarity in regarding to the qualitative methodology and organizing the research findings. Thanks to Dr Helene Bowen Raddeker, Coordinator of Women's Studies at UNSW, for her warm support. I am especially thankful to her for supporting my application for financial assistance from the Dean's Office and help in administrative matters. I am also grateful to Morgan Stewart for doing the editing of some of the chapters.

Special thanks to my entire family, who not only encouraged me, but always trusted in my capabilities. Without their cooperation this endeavor would not have been possible. In all my achievements I owe a great deal to all of them.

Finally, this work would not have been possible with out the cooperation of my husband, M. Haqbab. I am grateful for his extraordinary support, constant encouragement and bearing with my occasional anxieties. I am grateful to my two beautiful boys, Hanaan and Nomaan, for their understanding and appreciating my endeavor in many ways. ix

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

SSC Secondary School Certificate NGO Non-government Organization APWA All Pakistan Women's Organization UFWR United Front for Women's Rights MFLO Muslim Family Law Ordinance NWFP North West Frontier Province COP Combined Opposition Party PPP Pakistan Peoples Party UN United Nations WAF Women's Action Forum FSC Federal Shariat Court SAARC South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women NPA National Plan of Action PML Pakistan Muslim League X

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1. Population in urban and rural area of Pakistan in 1995 42

Table 2. Gender breakdown of medical personnel registered in Pakistan in 1993 43

Table 3. Gender breakdown of enrolment in professional colleges in Pakistan 44 (1992-1993)

Table 4. Educational institutions provided for males & females, 1994-95 45

Table 5. Enrolment of males & females in educational institutions 1994-95 45

Table 6. Males & females participation in the - Labor Force in 1991-92 46 xi

LIST OF FIGURES

1. Shuttle-cock burqa 62

2. Two piece burqa 63

3. Nikab with dupatta 64

4. Mother and daughter wearing chaddar 65

5. Scarves being worn by school girls 66

6. Scarf with coat 67

7. (From right to left) Examples of dupatta and chaddar, chaddar, coat and 68 dupatta and dupatta just draped on shoulders

8. Variations ofpurdah outfits 69

9 The pervasiveness ofpurdah in women's lives 224 xii

CHAPTER! INTRODUCTION

1. Introduction 2. Taking a journey 2 2.1 How the seeds were planted 2 2.2 Thinking more deeply about the topic 3 3. Research questions 4

4. Theoreticalframework 4 5. Significance of the study 5 6. Structure of the thesis 6

CHAPTER2 GOVERNANCE IN PAKISTAN AND WOMEN'S QUEST FOR PARTICIPATION IN SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS 8

1. Introduction 8 2. Women's relationship to the state of Pakistan 9 3. Advancing women's activism during successive governments in Pakistan 13 3.1 Women's contribution to the new Pakistan during a period of initial constitutional experimentation (194 7 - 58) 13 3.2 The Muslim Family Law Ordinance of 1961 during the period of the first military regime (1958 - 72) 17 3.3 Progressive attitudes towards women during the period of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (1972 - 77) 20 3.4 Anxiety and confrontation for women during the second period of martial law (1977 - 87) 23 3.5 Epoch of promises and hopes, democratic rule under four successive governments (1988 - 99) 30 3 .6 Rekindling of hopes during the third period of military rule ( 1999 - xiii

onwards) 35 4. Conclusion 37

CHAPTER3 SOCIAL AND DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF PAKISTANI WOMEN 39

I. Introduction 39 2. Social profile of Pakistani women 39 3. Demographic profile of women in Pakistan 42 4. Conclusion 47

CHAPTER4 THE INSTITUTION OF PURDAH 48

1. Introduction 48 2. Purdah and related terms 48 3. Historical perspective ofpurdah tradition 49 4. Islamic Interpretation 53 4.1 The Quran 54 4.2 Hadith 59 5. Practices/ Manifestations ofpurdah 60 5.1 Seclusion-restriction to family living quarters 60 5.2 Range ofpurdah outfits prevalent in Pakistani culture 61 5.3 Segregation in public places 71 6. Implications ofpurdah for women in Pakistan 72 7. Conclusion 74 xiv

CHAPTERS FEMINISM AND ISLAM 76

1. Introduction 76 2. Historical background of Muslim feminism 77 2.1 What is Feminism? 77 2.2 How feminism is perceived in the Muslim/Third world 77 2.2.1 Dawn of Islam and earlier centuries 79 2.2.2 Period from 1860s to 1920s 80 2.2.3 Period from 1920s to 1960s 82 2.2.4 The resurgence of feminism from the 1970s 86 3. Feminism and Islam 89 4. Diverse nature of feminism in Muslim countries 93 4.1 Islamist feminists 95 4.1.1 Liberal Islamist feminism 95 4.1.2 Radical Islamist feminism 97 4.1.3 Conservative Islamist feminism 98 4.2 Secular groups 99 5. Feminism and purdah 100 6. Theoratical lens of the present study 104 7. Conclusion 105

CHAPTER6 METHODOLOGY 106

I. Introduction 106 2. A qualitative feminist methodology 106 2.1 Rationale 106 2.2 Nature of the design 108 xv

3. Interviewing the women ofRawalpindi 110 3.1 Rawalpindi: the research site 110 3.2 The primary research participants 111 3.3 Gaining access to the primary participants 111 3.4 The interview guide 112 3.5 How the interviews were conducted 113 3.5.1 Location and timing of interviews 114 3.5.2 Researcher's credibility 115 3.6 Dealing with ethical issues 117 4. Key informant interviews and other sources of data 119 4.1 Key informant interviews 119 4.2 Use of documents and statistics 120 5. Data analysis 120 6. Validity and reliability 122 7. Research as a transformative process 124 7 .2 Leaving the field 124 7.3 The 'journey': the process and its impact on my life experience 125 8. Conclusion 126

CHAPTER7 WOMEN'S UNDERSTANDING AND PRACTICE OF 127 PURDAH: FAMILIAL, CULTURAL AND RELIGIOUS INFLUENCES

1. Introduction 127 2. Introducing the research participants 128 2.1 Age 128 2.2 Marital status 128 2.3 Living arrangements 128 2.4 Education 129 xvi

2.5 Employment 129 2.6 Religion 130 3. Factors influencing the women's observance of purdah 131 3.1 Family influence 131 3.1.1 Female family members as role models 132 3.1.2 Generational influence 134 3.1.3 Influence of father 134 3.1.4 In-laws' influence 136 3.1.5 Husband's influence 137 3.1.6 Influence of other male relatives in extended family households 138 3.1.7 Upholding family honor and traditions 139 3 .1.8 Conflicting notions ofpurdah within the family 140 3.1.9 Overview of family influences 140 3.2 Influence of society 141 3.2.1 Social norms 141 3.2.2 Image projected 142 3.2.3 Role models outside the family 144 3.2.4 Situational influences 144 3.3 Religious influence 146 3 .3 .1 Religious beliefs 146 3.3.2 Participants' interpretation ofreligious obligation 147 4. Women's perceptions of the benefits of observing purdah 149 4.1 Security/safety 151 4.2 Comfort/satisfaction 152 4.3 Self-confidence 153 4.4 Freedom to attend school and work 154 4.5 Social acceptance 155 5. Personal positioning of the women in relation to practicing or not practicing purdah 155 5.1 Submission to the practice 156 5.2 Personal conviction of the value ofpurdah 156 xvii

5.3 Disagreement with the concept ofpurdah 157 5.4 Metaphorical concepts ofpurdah 158 6. Women's perceptions of meaning of purdah 159 6.1 Purdah practice of unmarried women of21 - 30 year age group 159 6.2 Purdah practice of married women in the 21 - 30 year age group 160 6.3 Purdah practice of divorced and widowed women in the 21 - 30 year age group 162 6.4 Purdah practice of married women in the 31 - 40 year age group 164 6.5 Purdah practice of widowed and divorced women in the 31 - 40 year age group 164 6.6 Purdah practice of divorced and widowed women in the 41 - 50 year age group 165 7. Discussion 165 7 .1 Purdah and the social construction of family 166 7.2 Intensity of societal influences 167 7.3 Religion and code ofbehavior 167 7.4 Social construction and the women's internalization ofpurdah 168 8. Conclusion 170

CHAPTERS THE IMPACT OF PAKISTAN'S CHANGING SOCIO - ECONOMIC CIRCUMSTANCES ON WOMEN'S PRACTICE 171 OF PURDAH

1. Introduction 171 2. Opportunities afforded by urbanization 171 3. Education, employment and economic empowerment 173 4. Exposure, training and awareness due to the non-government organization 177 5. Influences of media 179 6. Variations due to socio-economic status 181 xviii

7. Generational shifts (differences) 182 7.1 The first generation (grandmothers and mothers of the participants) 182 7.2 The second generation (participants) 184 7.3 The third generation (daughters and younger sisters of the participants) 186 8. Discussion 190 8.1 Urbanization and purdah practice 190 8.2 The liberating impact of 'portable seclusion' 191 8.3 Media, fashion and purdah practice 193 8.4 Purdah as a tool of empowerment 194 9. Conclusion 194

CHAPTER9 INFLUENCE OF PURDAH ON WOMEN'S POLITICAL AND LEGAL AWARENESS AND PARTICIPATION 196

1. Introduction 196 2. Political life of women 197 2.1 Registration as voters 197 2.2 Exercising the right to vote 199 2.3 Decision-making in casting votes 200 2.4 Opinions about political conditions 202 3. Women's legal rights and participation in legal processes 203 3.1 Awareness oflegal rights and access to legal entitlements 203 3.1.1 Education 204 3.1.2 Health 206 3 .1.3 Marriage 209 3 .1.4 Widowhood 213 3.1.5 Divorce 214 3.1.6 Property 216 3.2 Participation in legal processes 217 xix

4. Discussion 219 4.1 Purdah and women's awareness and practice of their political rights 219 4.2 Purdah and women's awareness and practice of their legal rights 220 5. Conclusion 221

CHAPTERl0 AND THE JOURNEY CONTINUES ... 223

1. Introduction 223 2. Contribution to knowledge 225 3. Purdah and chastity 225 4. Purdah as disempowering - the effect of seclusion 226 5. Social change and shift in purdah practice 226 6. Implications 228 7. Recommendations for further research 230 8. Conclusion 230

GLOSSARY 223

LIST OF REFERENCES 235

LIST OF APPENDICES Appendix 1. Interview guide for the primary participants of the research 256 Appendix 2. Structure of education system in Pakistan 258 Appendix 3. Progressive changes in purdah attire adopted by participants' over time and some metaphorical expressions 259 CHAPTER! INTRODUCTION

The journey of my life Begins with home, Ends at the graveyard. My life is spent like a corpse, Carried on the shoulders Ofmy father and brother, husband and son. Bathed in religion, attired in customs, and buried in a grave of ignorance (Goodwin 1994).

1. Introduction

Purdah is broadly defined as the seclusion of women, and involves boths 'purdah of the heart' and 'purdah of the eyes' 1• Is it that simple? If so it should be a woman's concern how she maintains it. As in many other Islamic cultures, women's practice of purdah in Pakistani society appears to be controlled and determined by everybody else but the women themselves. Perhaps it is others' (men's) hearts and eyes which need to be controlled. Is it because of men's lack of restraint that women's lives are restricted by the enforcement of purdah in the name of religion, culture and family tradition? The present study is a journey to explore a complex set of purdah rules and practices that have evolved around female seclusion and gender segregation in Pakistan.

1 Meaning self-check or restraint on one's heart and eyes towards the opposite sex. Here it means that women can have control over their desire to look at men. 2

2. Taking a Journey

2.1 How the seeds were planted

My interest in the topic of purdah was triggered a few years ago when I was involved in the Secondary School Certificate (SSC) Project in Pakistan. While asking questions related to educational problems experienced by women in Pakistan, I realized purdah is one of the constraints mentioned time and again by parents, students and teachers, and purdah is also . repeatedly mentioned in research on female education as a restraint to girls' opportunities. Official reports also indicate that purdah is a constraint to women's progress. Yet the Quran and Islamic Law do not explicitly justify such restrictions. This apparent contradiction raises questions about the basis of purdah, especially in the context of Pakistan, which is an Islamic state governed by a secular constitution. For example, what are the discourses that govern women's lives? To what extent do the religion of Islam and cultural codes of behavior influence each other and influence purdah practices? Even though it is a practice pertaining solely to women, who has control of it: women, men or the state? Before such multi-faceted questions concerning purdah can be answered one needs to gain a deeper and broader knowledge of the social, cultural and political influences that have shaped Pakistani society. Though there are many variations of the purdah practice within Pakistan, I have chosen to concentrate my study on a specific segment of Pakistani society, urban lower middle-class women, because I believe their lives are most affected by the practice of purdah.

During my association with the SSC project my awareness of gender-related issues increased, and this contributed to my aspiration to work towards improving the situation of the female population of Pakistan. I had also noticed that there were very few educated women who had an opportunity to contribute in practical ways to women's issues in our society. 3

2.2 Thinking more deeply about the topic

Initially, I had thought about purdah in terms of the constraints it placed upon Pakistani women. Investigation of the existing literature revealed that, internationally, purdah in terms of women's use of hijab and veil, is being explored widely both by Muslim and Western scholars. And whatever the broader discourses of purdah may be, women themselves attach meaning to the concept on the basis of their personal experiences. The variations in the interpretation of the original religious sources such as the Holy Quran (holy book of Muslims) have resulted in ambiguities and variations in the practice of purdah, and in other issues related to women. It appears that societies have been able to misuse the religion of Islam to control women's lives.

In the last few decades substantial research has been carried out on topics related to purdah in international discourse especially in Muslim societies. The rhetorical power of the imagery of purdah lies in its vacuity as it depends on who is describing the phenomena, for whom and to what end. With powerful symbolism connected with Islam, Islamic law and status of women, purdah has functioned in different times and different contexts as the bearer of specific, shifting, symbolic and social inscriptions during colonialism, liberation struggles, modernization, fundamentalism and secularism. In most of these studies, the concept is attacked, dismissed, trivialized, defended or transcended, and under the guise of humanism, feminism or human rights much of the debate is ethnocentric without the whole concept being contextualized within particular socio-cultural settings. Whilst not denying the need for a macro representation, this thesis contends that micro representations of the situation should not be ignored. To identify the relevant issues there is a need to untangle 'the knots' in relation to women's position contextualized within the experiences of their social class. For this, instead of homogenizing individuals and groups under a pre-imposed paradigm, an analysis of economic and social conditions, including the system of norms that influence women's lives in the various social and cultural systems, is necessary. Any blurring of cultural, regional, and class distinctions eventually exhausts the dynamic nature 4

of day-to-day life under various social strata by collapsing the understanding into a few frozen indicators which can end up constructing monolithic images. To redress this short­ coming, a contextualized study within a particular stratum of Pakistani society seemed timely.

3. Research Questions

The research in hand is an empirical study, designed to explore the complexities and overarching impact of purdah in the lives of Pakistani women through investigating four broad research questions: Research Question 1: How do women understand and practice purdah in their everyday lives? Research Question 2: How do the familial, cultural and religious influences impact upon women's practice of purdah? Research Question 3: How has Pakistan's changing socioeconomic situation influenced women's lives and their practices of purdah? Research Question 4: How does purdah influence women's awareness of their political and legal rights and their participation in these arenas?

4. Theoretical Framework

A feminist theoretical framework has informed this study of the institution of purdah in the lives of women in Pakistan. The study has a multidisciplinary approach pertaining to various areas of social science. An adequate study of purdah requires an interdisciplinary perspective encompassing the full spectrum of the humanities as purdah permeates every aspect of women's lives. It encompasses social, cultural, historical, religious, political, legal, and economic aspects of a woman's life. But overarching all these are the patriarchal social structures, which affect the totality of women's experiences. Based on grounded 5

theory first developed by Glaser and Strauss (1967), the researcher set out to explore women's expressions and let the participants' voices be heard to sufficiently problematize purdah by understanding those who practice it. The study is designed to explore the institution of purdah through women's voices and experiences.

5. Significance of the study

This research seeks to expore the context of purdah in contemporary Pakistani society as well as the changing attitudes towards it over the last 30 years or so. This empirical study of the practice of purdah on the lives of urban lower middle-class women in Pakistan has four specific dimensions as indicated in the research questions stated above. The totality of women's social experience is encompassed by these questions. Exploration of the literature leads to an understanding that the 'institution' of purdah controls women's lives through internalized behavior codes and sets of externally enforced rules of gender segregation and female seclusion. As will be explored more fully in chapter 4, the complex rules of purdah governs all interactions between the genders by dividing space into the public area (for male) and the private area (for female). In situations when women enter the public space, they wear a purdah outfit that serves as a portable private space or as Jansen (1987: 184) calls it, a 'movable private space'. The contours of these spaces vary, for example, according to ethnicity, socioeconomic status and geographic regions. In women's lives, purdah is obligatory from a very young age and whatever they do they have to follow this moral code. So, as life unfolds for them they adjust to the tradition of purdah and its various aspects which can manifest in their dress, speech, right to decision making, mobility and so on.

There is a dearth of data and research on women's issues in Pakistan. Therefore, there is a need for research that will generate reliable data that can lead to an improvement in the lives of Pakistani women. At present, development plans in Pakistan are not based on a solid understanding of the numerous socioeconomic and cultural factors hindering the advancement of women. By providing insights into the pervasive influence of purdah, this research can contribute as a source of reference for future development planners both in the 6

public and private sectors, in formulating projects and policies to advance women's rights. The data and findings of this study will also contribute to the growing international body of feminist research and resources. In particular, the use of qualitative methodology and the study itself will be beneficial for other students interested in gender issues. Finally, for the women participants of this study, the sharing of experiences could be empowering, in terms of raising their consciousness about their situation and allowing for reflection.

6. Structure of the Thesis

This thesis is divided into ten chapters. The literature review related to purdah has been integrated throughout the thesis. The literature includes a plethora of research undertaken on purdah from different perspectives by both Muslim and Western scholars, and includes studies done by Pakistani scholars.

The first five chapters provide the background to the study. This chapter gives a brief introduction consisting of a statement of the problem, the rationale for the study, the research questions, and outlines the structure of the thesis. Chapter 2 analyzes the governance, public policy and exploitation of women in Pakistan. It also explores women's activism during the successive governments of the last five decades. In Chapter 3 the social and demographic pro fine of Pakistani women is given. Chapter 4 explores the historical and Islamic roots of purdah. The manifestations of purdah institution are defined along with its overarching implications. Chapter 5 theorizes the framework of feminism(s) in Muslim societies and the concept of purdah.

Chapter 6 explains the qualitative feminist methodology applied in this research. It details the selection of participants and key informants, the in- depth interview process, and the grounded methodological approach taken in data analysis. It also provides a discussion of research as a transformative process and its impact on the researcher, and the challenges encountered in the process of undertaking this research. 7

The next three chapters present the research findings and a discussion of the implications of these. Chapter 7 details the characteristics of the participants and includes the factors influencing their practice of purdah, in other words, their rationale for their own behavior and perceptions of purdah. Chapter 8 reveals changes in the practice of purdah due to the changing socio-economic circumstances of the participants. It also reports on trends that have gradually emerged over three generations in the practice of purdah in the families of the participants. Chapter 9 examines the participants' experiences of purdah in terms of how it influences their participation in Pakistan's legal and political life. Last, Chapter 10 summarizes the findings of the research and comprehensively discusses the implications of these. Additionally, the limits of this research project are recognized, and possible directions for further research are suggested. 8

CHAPTER2 GOVERNANCE IN PAKISTAN AND WOMEM'S QUEST FOR PARTICIPATION IN SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS

It is we sinful women who are not awed by the grandeur of those who wear gowns who don't sell our lives who don't bow our heads who don't fold our hands together.

It is we sinful women While those who sell the harvest of our bodies Become exalted Become distinguished Become the just princes of the material world. (Naheed 1990: 22)

1. Introduction

The status of women in Pakistan cannot be understood except in the context of the countrys' history, and its political, ideological, socioeconomic and cultural institutions. An examination of the situation of women over the past fifty- five years of Pakistan's history reveals the existence of powerbrokers in different governments abusing women's rights, often under the guise of the religion of Islam. Whenever women were given a chance to negotiate their position in social and political life, conservative groups have tried to dictate that a woman's place is at home and not in public life. These deep- seated practices and attitudes of secluding and in effect excluding women are justified in the name of religion and traditions. Thus women's lack of physical mobility and lack of awareness increase their dependency on men and allow for oppressive conditions.

This chapter will provide information on the approach to women's issues taken by successive governments in Pakistan since the founding of the country in 1947 and the emergence of women's activism in response to these various governments. Comparative 9

demographic statistics on men and women are provided, the social situation in contemporary Pakistan is described. The chapter concludes with a brief discussion of the extent of purdah limitations on women's contribution and participation in Pakistani society resulting from purdah.

This chapter, together with Chapter 5 that expands the theoretical framework based on feminism in Muslim countries, provides a basis for understanding the present research and for contextualizing the analysis of data from this research as well as the emerging themes in the findings and discussion chapters.

2. Women's relationship to the State of Pakistan

The independence movement to free the Indian subcontinent from British rule flowered in the twentieth century, religion being integral to the movement. Due to cultural differences between Hindus and Muslims, the freedom struggle for two separate nations emerged, and the Muslims' goal of a free homeland materialized in August 1947. Women played a crucial role in this struggle (Saiyid 1998; Khan 1999). Pakistan was created in the name of Islamic modernism, and thus religious values operate in every aspect of life. During the first decade of Pakistan's existence, in the process of developing its constitution, ambiguities emerged about the nature of the country's Islamic character. An unending conflict between the secularist and religious leaders ensued in the governance of the country. This protracted debate once started was reflected in Pakistan's administration of its legal, political, economic, judiciary, social and foreign policy (Esposito 1980: 142).

The country's tumultuous history of fifty-five years reflects serious political instability as during this time period it has had thirteen different national level legislatures and three revisions of the Constitution. In 1970 elections were held for the first time on the basis of universal adult franchise. For eleven years there were no legislatures at all and for another fourteen years the legislature functioned W1der military rulers ( and since October 1999 Pakistan is once again under military rule). Assemblies were repeatedly dissolved in 1954, 10

1955, 1969, 1977, 1988, 1990, 1993, 1996, and 1999. The Constitution of the country has been honored more in its breaches than in observance.

The status of women in Pakistan has always been obscure. In spite of the guarantee of equality of sexes given by the religion of Islam and the Constitution, in practice the upholding of women's rights is far removed from the written word (Ali & Naz 1998). The relationship between women and the state has been paradoxical (Jalal 1991: 77). An overwhelming majority of the population ( especially women) has little knowledge of their rights as citizens and of orthodox Islam. Life in the country is governed by a complex legal system fragmented with Islamic law, secular law and customary norms, which creates contradictions and duality (Arif & Ali 1998).

To fully understand the plight of women in Pakistan, it is important to understand the contextual framework of culture, society, religion and politics which constructs their lives. Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the leader of the movement for an independent Muslim state of Pakistan, at Aligarh University in 1944, first spoke of women's rights suggesting that:

"No nation can rise to the height of glory unless your women are side by side with you. We are victims of evil customs. It is a crime against humanity that our women are shut up within the four walls of the houses as prisoners. There is no sanction anywhere for the deplorable conditions in which our women have to live. You should tak:e your women along with you as comrades in every sphere of life." 1

In the struggle for an independent state of Pakistan, in spite of social and cultural taboos, women came forward by arranging and taking part in political meetings, processions, fund raising, and consciousness raising of the general public, for which some even went to jail. The historical records show that there was much conjecture in the Indian subcontinent over purdah as a practice disadvantaging women (Saiyid 1998; Rosenbloom 1995; Mumtaz and Shaheed 1987) as well as being a way to establish political identity (Lateef 1990; Khan 1999). In the wake of this freedom movement the participating women's practice of purdah

1 Quote from Rosenbloom, Rachel. 1995. 'Islam Feminism and the Law in Pakistan under Zia.' In Syed, M. Aslam (ed.) Islam and Democracy in Pakistan. National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, Islamabad. p 248. I I

had a political rhetoric behind it because purdah also symbolized an Indian Muslim's cultural identity and integrity.

An historical overview of the dynamics shaping the relationship between women and the Pakistani State is embedded in the politicization of Islam. In the first decade after Independence (1947-1958), women hoped for a better legal and political status in the new state than they had had in colonial times. The first Constituent Assembly passed a resolution in March 1949 called the Objective Resolution, which was to become the Preamble to all the constitutions (1956, 1962, 1972 interim and 1973). This resolution, in Article 2-A, provides that:

' ... sovereignty over the entire universe belongs to God Almighty alone and ... Muslims shall be enabled to order their lives in the individual and collective spheres in accordance with the teaching and requirements of Islam as set out in the Holy Quran and the Sunna.'

And Article 198 of the Resolution provides an all-inclusive statement for the whole population, including women, that:

'No law shall be enacted which is repugnant to the injunctions of Islam as laid down in the Holy Quran and Sunna ... and ... existing law shall be brought into conformity with such injunctions'.

During the first military regime of Ayub Khan (1958 to 1969), women were able to gain a major breakthrough in the Family Laws of 1961. The Bhutto regime in the 1970s recognized women's contribution and advanced their status in many ways. In the 1973 Constitution (Commission of Inquiry Report: 199: x) provision is made for women's equality in Article 25, which states:

1) 'All citizens are equal before law and are entitled to equal protection of law. 2) There shall be no discrimination on the basis of sex alone. 3) Nothing in the article shall prevent the State from making any special provision for the protection of women and children.' 12

Further emphasis is found in the 1973 Constitution, which contains a number of provisions acknowledging the importance of participation of women in the national spheres of life. Articles 32 and 34 expresses that:

'-The State shall encourage local government institutions composed of elected representatives of the areas concerned and in such institutions special representation shall be given to peasants, workers and women'. - Steps shall be taken to ensure full participation of women in all spheres of national life' (Ali 2000: 130).

In fact, consecutive regimes have overlooked the applicability of these lofty provisions to the female half of the population. Successive constitutions of Pakistan have attempted to maintain a balance between the secular law and Islamic provisions up until the push for further Islamization by General Zia-ul-Haq during his period of martial law (1977 to 1985). That Islamic law is not a monolithic entity, and that there can be more than one interpretation of this law depending on the adoption of a particular philosophy, were taken into account in formulating public policy. However, in reality, the formulation of the law was left in the hands of one body, the National Assembly, which was given advice and recommendations by several Islamic organizations. In her analysis of Islamic law in Pakistan, Mehdi (1994) aptly points out that the articles in the Constitution of Pakistan according formal equality to women were in reality held in abeyance, while a number of laws appeared that were discriminatory to women.

Islamic law, secular law and customary norms intersect to govern the lives of the people. Contradictions abound, and a dual legal system has evolved. The complex nature of Pakistani laws has created dichotomies in both the public and private spheres. The secular law directs the public sphere and the private sphere is directed by Muslim personal law. The private sphere pertains to marriage, dower2 (mahr), divorce, inheritance, polygamy, custody and guardianship, and it is further influenced by the cultural forms and prevailing political compulsions. However, Islamic Jurisprudence does not recognize such a divide in the legal sense because Islam is a way of life and not merely a system of belief. In the light

2 This is a right of the bride specified within the marriage contract itself, and is an integral component (For details see Ali & Naz 1998: l l 0). 13

of these dichotomies, the provisions in the Constitution pertaining to equality for women do not have much meaning in practice. Moreover, in the event of conflict it is not clear what body's or forum's decisions will prevail (Ali 2000).

During the Islamization process of General Zia from 1977 to 1987, women's participation in all spheres of life was curtailed. Women's rights were revoked and their public visibility was reduced. But this was the time when women gathered a new spirit of activism and developed a strong pressure group against the government. After 1988 when Benazir Bhutto took over government, women had high hopes for the repeal of the martial law regime's ordinances, which were highly discriminatory towards women, but this did not happen. However, she did not stay in office long enough to concentrate on national matters such as the repeal of discriminatory laws against women, improvements in their education, health and participation in economic matters. The current military regime, which took power in October 1999, revived women's hopes because of bold utterances by President Pervez Musharref. But it remains to be seen how women's groups are going to reorganize and present their cause and what practical measures the government will take to improve the status of women in contemporary Pakistan.

3. Advancing women's activism during successive Governments in Pakistan

The status and participation of women during six benchmark periods of Pakistan's history will now be described in more detail, and some analysis will be provided of the nature and influence of purdah in their lives.

3.1 Women's contribution to the new Pakistan during a period of initial Constitutional experimentation (1947 - 58)

After the creation of Pakistan in 1947, women's political activism slowed down, as they believed that independence had brought universal franchise and the principle of equality in educational, political and economic participation. Women who had been mobilized during the colonial rule had to concentrate on the rehabilitation of millions of refugees who were 14

pouring in from across the border. They were busy in relief and social work e.g. distributing food, dealing with health problems and providing first aid. This work was being done under the leadership of Begum Rana Liaqat Ali Khan, wife of the first Prime Minister of Pakistan. She formed a Voluntary Service in 1948 (Zafar 1991: xvi). However, women's early optimism was short lived. Waddy (1980: 166) noted that though women played an active role in the freedom movement, they were disappointed by the consequent lack of recognition given to them and faced an uphill task in having their rights recognized.

In February 1949 during the first session of Pakistan's Muslim League (political party), women's demand to elect a woman for the office of Joint Secretary was turned down, which resulted in a walkout by all women members. Within days Begum Rana Liaqat Ali Khan (who had an independent political career in addition to being married to thr Prime Minister) laid down the foundation of a non-government organization (NGO) called the All Pakistan Women's Association (APWA). It was an urban-based welfare non-political organization. APWA was not viewed by political leaders as a threat. Rather, it enjoyed the government's support in opening schools, welfare centers and industrial homes. It also had a section on women's legal rights (Shaheed & Warraich 1998: 274). According to Ayesha Jalal ( 1991: 90) the official publicity which APWA received was an indication of the State's support of women rights, but only within prescribed limits. In exchange for supporting APWA, the State did not expected the group to make any radical or embarrassing demands, which would be politically difficult for the government to handle. Soon after, Begum Rana Liaqat founded the Pakistan Women's National Guard and Pakistan Women's Naval Reserve. This move was not appreciated by the government and came under strong public criticism, particularly by the maulvi 's (Muslim preachers). The politics of purdah clearly emerged at this time and opponents focused their attacks on women recruits' uniform not requiring their head to be covered and on the fact that men trained them. Hence, this organization was disbanded in 1954 (Mumtaz and Shaheed 1987: 52).

Concurrently, in 1948 another group of women founded Anjuman Jamhooriat Pasand Khawateen (Democratic Women's Association), focusing on organizing women at a 15

political level. The group worked on labor issues for women who worked in factories, railways and fisheries (Mumtaz & Shaheed 1987: 54). In the later years group's activities and its fate can not be traced in the available historical records.

The government's discriminatory attitude towards women during this period is best indicated in its decision to slash allocations for higher education for women. This was a step intended to discourage and prevent women from taking part in the affairs of the State. In 1955, a United Front for Women's Rights (UFWR) was formed to secure women's . economic rights. The Front organized a protest rally, and thousands of women marched to the assembly chambers in Lahore. With only a handful of women in the Constituent Assembly, they lobbied for their educational and employment rights, though there was an opposition group comprised of conservative women arguing against their demands. In the Assembly there were men who did not want to sit with women who were not covered from head to toe. In other words, the women were being pushed back to their 'purdah cocoons', a clear indication that their future path would not be easy (Mumtaz & Shaheed 1987: 55).

In the area of inheritance rights women were suffering under the secular law, and they therefore sought to exercise their rights under Islamic law. The West Punjab Provincial Assembly resisted pressures to adopt the Muslim Inheritance laws. In the landlord dominated Assembly where the majority was from the Muslim League, no one wanted to sacrifice their interests at the altar of religious rectitude. Women protested in front of the Assembly against these delay tactics. This was the first protest by women in the new state. These were urban educated women who came out in purdah, suggesting that they would prefer Islamic right rather than none (Jalal 1991: 87). As a consequence, the Muslim Personal Law of Shariat became effective, thus recognizing women's right to inherit property, including agricultural property. However, another demand of the women members, that of increasing the quota of seats reserved for women from three to ten, did not materialize (Mumtaz & Shaheed 1987: 54).

In 1955 another collaborative effort of APWA and UFWR was a campaign against Prime Minister Mohammad Ali Bogra's right to take a second wife. This sparked off agitation by 16

women both inside and outside parliament, against polygamy. In response, the government appointed a seven-member Commission3 headed by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court to give women their due right in society. The Commission was assigned the task of examining the existing laws of marriage, divorce, maintenance and custody of children, and determining whether any modification was needed to bring the laws into accord with Islam. The Commission's report was finalized in 1956 but included a lengthy note of dissent from the religious member. The forces of religious orthodoxy called the report progressive and un- Islamic. To pacify the orthodox religious opposition, the report was shelved. In the 1956 Constitution, Pakistan was declared an Islamic Republic and the Ulema (religious leaders) were given an advisory role (Shaheed & Warraich 1998: 274).

This was not be the end of the matter, however. The Federation of University Women, the Karachi Business and Professional Women's Club, the Family Planning Association of Pakistan, the Pakistan Red Cross, the Girl Guides Association, the Democratic Women's Association and Young Women's Christian Association were some of the other organizations which continued to work towards awakening and widening women's horizons. In July 1958, APWA along with other organizations held a 'Women's Demand Day' to coax the government to implement the Commission's recommendations. Although some women were posted overseas as ambassadors, on the whole politics was not seen as an appropriate arena for women's participation (Mumtaz 1998: 320- 352).

The only women who were able to voice their opinions on a public platform during this period were wives, sisters or daughters of the elite. Their participation was not an indication of an increase in the visibility of women in the broader society as there was very limited participation from the middle or lower middle- class. Upper class women activists played an important role in extracting concessions from the state and fought at the social level as well as at the political front. Women's groups like All Pakistan Women's Association were characterized by an acceptance of an Islamic framework in their campaigns for family laws, property rights and community work but beyond this their activism was unsuccessful. The government's and the religious leaders' attitude towards women's right issues such as

3 Three members were women and another was from the religious lobby. 17

education, property, employment and politics obviously reflected a patriarchal perspective by impeding women from entering public life.

Generally at this time purdah was an accepted norm and its philosophy was not challenged, as it would have meant challenging the Islamic character of the newly formed country (Hensman 1996: 56). Even if purdah restrictions were lifted for a few privileged upper class women, this was not a possible choice for the majority of women whose class defined the boundaries of their mobility.

3.2 The Muslim Family Law Ordinance of 1961 during the period of the first military regime (1958 - 72)

The passing of the Muslim Family Law Ordinance (MFLO) in 1961 was the most significant development in relation to women's rights during this period of military rule. The military government of Ayub Khan (1958 - 69) was liberal and progressive in its outlook. Khan himself had an aversion to reactionary ideas and practices. The bureaucracy, the higher echelons in the government, became increasingly pragmatic and progressive and shunned religious orthodoxy, which they considered to be the reason for the 'backwardness' of the masses. In enforcing reforms, the military government of Ayub Khan overturned the first Constitution, dissolved the assemblies and banned political parties. In this climate the UFWR also became inactive and finally disbanded (Mumtaz & Shaheed 1987: 58).

The 1961 Family Law Ordinance provisions were based on the recommendations of the 1956 Rashid Commission's report that had been shelved by the previous regime (Mumtaz and Shaheed 1987: 57). Though the Ordinance did not approve all the recommendations of the Commission, it was nevertheless a breakthrough in that it restored women's Islamic rights (Shahab 1983: 292). The Ordinance made amendments to the Dissolution of the Muslim Marriages Act, 1936, and the Child Marriage Restraint Act, 19294, giving women

4 These two acts were introduced during the British rule to dissipate the political tensions in the Subcontinent. 18

the right to sue for divorce on the grounds of cruelty or non-maintenance of the family for two years. In addition it amended the Child Marriage Restraint Act, 1929, raising the legal age for marriage from 14 to 16 years for females and from 18 to 21 for males.

The main aims of the 1961 Ordinance provisions were to discourage polygamy and to regulate divorce, by prescribing procedures for both. Under Islamic law, a marriage contract may be dissolved by the death of one of the parties or by divorce. Divorce takes several forms. The prerogative of the male to unilaterally terminate the marriage contract, without assigning any causes written or orally, is known as talaq. The wife has no part in this procedure to the extent that she does not have to be present, nor does she need to be informed about it. This is an example of the discriminatory position of women in Muslim societies (Ali & Naz 1998). In such a situation, a woman has to apply through the law courts to claim her right to dower, property and custody of children, which can take years to process (Patel 1991). The MFLO does not nullify the traditional forms of divorce. It is noteworthy that non-observance of the procedure prescribed in the Ordinance does not render a divorce ineffective. Traditions and practices in customary law still exist, and the Ordinance in its entirety is therefore confusing (Mehdi 1994). According to a survey conducted by Ali and Naz (1998) in three areas5 of the North West Frontier Province (NWFP) in Pakistan clause 186 are either left blank or crossed out, and it is rare that delegation of power is included in the marriage contract7 (Ali & Naz 1998: 118).

The ulema were disturbed by these changes as they considered the interpretation of religious laws to be their domain, and perceived the Ordinance as an achievement of the progressive forces. Because the prominence of the Ordinance was reducing and threatening the authority of the ulema, they declared it to be totally un-Islamic (Shahab 1993: 283 &

5 Three urban areas of University Town, Saddar and Nauthia in Peshawer, capital of NWFP. The socio­ economic status of University Town is upper class, Saddar is middle- class and Nauthia is lower middle­ class. 6 In marriage contract, the husband can delegate the right of divorce to the wife - this is called 'talaq-i­ tafweez '. 7 But it was interesting to note that out of the three areas only in Nauthia which was a lower middle-class household area, two marriage contracts contained a stipulation restraining the husband from pronouncing talaq as well as delegation of the right of divorce to the wife (Ali & Naz 1998). 19

287). Across the country sermons were delivered in which the new Laws were declared to be an attempt to tamper with the Quran. To counter this, select women retaliated and launched a movement in support of the Ordinance, which they perceived to be a milestone for women's rights in Pakistan (Shaheed 1998; Shahab 1993). The adverse reaction of regressive sections of society, especially the religious hierarchy, towards the Family Laws Ordinance, was criticized by Shamim Anwar (1995: 21) in 1964, in the following terms:

'Not only that polygamy is inhuman in this context only, it is interesting to note that 'purdah ' and segregation of the sexes is a natural aftermath of polygamy. A polygamous society that gives unlimited sexual opportunity to its males, women can never be secured and protected in it.,

Even at the time of this research these Laws are considered a bone of contention between women and the reactionary elements in Pakistani society. However, it is important to note that the passing of the Ordinance did not mean that it would necessarily be effectively implemented. Because of entrenched customs and traditions, implementation of the Ordinance has been limited and even today it is sometimes ignored.

There were other developments during this period of military rule that deserve mention. In 1963, the first woman Cabinet Minister was appointed. Maternity benefits were introduced and the employment of women in mines was prohibited. The presidential candidature of Ms Fatima Jinnah, (sister of Quaid-i-Azam) in the 1965 election was also significant. Although the Combined Opposition Parties (COP) had chosen her because of the death of the original candidate, the right wing leaders of various religious parties chose her because of her high profile and respectability. Despite several ulema denouncing her candidature, the COP justified the reversal of their usual stand by explaining that in extraordinary circumstances women could hold this office, whereas Ayub Khan also used ulema fatwas against a woman aspiring to be head of the state. Ms Jinnah gained enormous popularity but due to the controlled indirect elections by an Electoral College it was impossible for her to win (Mumtaz & Shaheed 1987). 20

Hence, in general, the environment for women had improved during the Ayub era (1958- 69). Among many unforeseen consequences of the State's economic policies, but consistent with increased liberal attitudes, was an increase in the participation of women in the labor market, from 3.1 percent in 1951 to 9.3 percent of the total civilian labor force in the 1960s (Jalal 1991: 96). The Family Ordinance emerged as a step towards recognizing women's rights and the positive environment thus contributed to an increased number of women leaving their homes for education and employment. This signified a decrease in the seclusion of a select number of women.

In February 1969, political upheaval led again to the suspension of the National Assembly, resulting in an end to the short-lived martial law of Army Chief, General Yahya Khan. In 1970, general elections resulted in constitutional dialogue and political confrontation. In the aftermath, a civil disobedience movement took hold in East Pakistan. In November 1971, India exploited the situation by attacking East Pakistan, resulting in a separation of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) from West Pakistan. In West Pakistan, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's government was subsequently formed. In the lead-up to the elections, Bhutto's movement against Ayub mobilized women along with men. The manifesto of the Pakistan People Party (PPP) had made a special appeal of gaining women equal rights with men. The exposure of upper and middle- class women to the needs and experiences of the working class had finally taken place after many years (Shafqat 1995: 212).

3.3 Progressive attitudes towards women during the period of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (1972 - 77)

Z. A. Bhutto' s period of government ( 1972 - 77) is considered to have a good record in advancing the cause of women through constitutional and administrative measures. Two founding women members of the Pakistan People's Party participated in the formulation of the 1973 Constitution, which gave women more rights than in any other Constitution of Pakistan. The Fundamental Rights in Articles8 25 (1), 27(1) 34 and 37(C) provided additional safeguards for women:

8 In the Constitution Act of 1972. 21

• 'that all citizens are equal therefore no discrimination on the basis of sex, • that there would be no discrimination on the basis of race, religion, caste or sex for appointment in the public service, • the guarantee for reservation of seats for women in the local bodies, • to ensure the participation of women in all spheres of national life, • that the state shall protect the marriage, family, the mother and the child and • to include one woman member in the Council of Islamic Ideology.'

Another significant achievement during this period was the reservation of ten seats in the parliament for women by constitutional provision for a period of ten years. Women already had the right to vote, but this gave them an opportunity to strengthen their previous position of five women parliamentarians which had been achieved in the 1970 elections (Mumtaz 1998).

The acknowledgement of women's capabilities and potential by appointment to high office was another way of raising their status. For the first time a woman Governor of a Province was appointed. A female Vice Chancellor was appointed in a University and a woman was elected deputy speaker of the National Assembly. All government services were opened to women, including the Foreign Service and district management groups of the Civil Services. The International Year of Women in 1975 was celebrated and to mark this, a Women's Institute was established in Lahore. The public visibility of Mrs Bhutto, wife of the head of state, was quite a contrast to the purdah observance of Ayub's wife. And there was a sharp increase in the participation of unveiled women in public in general, including media and public appearances.

For example, in the U.N Conference marking the International Year of Women (1975) in Mexico City, where the UN Decade for Women was launched, Mrs. Bhutto led the Pakistani delegation and became a signatory of the Declaration. Following the Pakistan government's commitment to 1975 as the International Women's Year, a 15-member Commission on Women's Rights (which included nine women) was formed under the Chairmanship of the Attorney General of Pakistan. The Commission's terms of reference were to consider and formulate proposals for law reform, so as to improve the legal and economic condition of women in Pakistan. The recommendations were prepared in 1976, 22

but were never ratified or implemented in any form and were not made public. The Commission noted the lack of success in the implementation of the Family Law Ordinance and suggested some changes in its provisions as well. In the Commission's recommendations women were to be involved in every aspect of national life, thus pursuing equality between the sexes. The only recommendation that did get attention led to the creation of a Women's Division9 in 1979 placed in the Cabinet Secretariat of the Government of Pakistan (Shaheed & W arraich 1998: 277).

For Bhutto's Pakistan People's Party (PPP), women were an important constituency. They opened the political arena for women by setting up an independent woman's wing in the party, as well as branches at provincial and district levels (Shafqat: 1995). This new awareness of women's rights brought a new awakening in the politics of the country. Some independent factions with Marxist and socialist tendencies also emerged. These groups consisted of university and college teachers and students. There were also integrated groups of men and women. During this period some of the NGOs which emerged as strong pressure groups were the Women's Front, Aurat and Shirka.t Gah. These groups started contacting factory workers, squatter settlements, students and other strata of society. This resulted in the establishment of trade unions and student fronts. Thus women political workers developed a 'grass roots' awareness of feminism by being close to under­ privileged and marginalized women.

The Bhutto period ended with the emergence of an anti-Bhutto National Alliance movement, which produced an inconclusive election in 1977 (Shaheed & Warraich 1998; Mumtaz & Shaheed 1987). The Alliance's agenda was focused on the imposition of Nizam­ e-Mustafa (the system of the Prophet Mohammad). They wanted to return women to the sanctity of the home, which had been disturbed by the freedom given to women under the Bhutto regime. Women's increased visibility in public life and their participation in the development process of the country had obviously been the result of more women leaving

9 The Division was assigned two tasks by the Cabinet: 1) Improvement of the quality of life of women in the country, particularly rural areas and 2) Improvement and solution of problems peculiar to women in general and working women in particular (Klein and Nestvogel 1992: 132). The Women's Division has subsequently become a full Ministry of Women's Development. 23

seclusion and their purdah restrictions, which did not please the conservative National Alliance political leaders. It led the way for an extreme backlash producing renewed social conservatism in the next decade (Jalal 1991: 100). Zia-ul-Haq emerged against the backdrop of a general disillusionment with the resulting political process and convergence of interests of the politico- religious Alliance.

3.4 Anxiety and confrontation for women during the second period of martial law (1977 - 87)

The next ten years under the martial law regime of General Zia-ul-Haq was a period of regression not only for Pakistani women but also for the society in general. The military regime responded to the whims of the opposition Alliance against Bhutto, and with Zia's support they established a position of authority. This increased repression gave a new zeal to women's activism in Pakistan, ultimately giving emergence to an autonomous woman's rights movement (Mumtaz 1994a). Women came forward, organized more than ever before, by initiating a reactionary and resistance movement against the so-called Islamization process of General Zia and the religio-political Alliance group.

According to Esposito (1980), Zia-ul-Haq's rule was a period of re-emergence of Islam in the politics of Pakistan. As a result of Zia's oppressive policies, directives and laws imbued with Islamic values and patriarchal traditions created confusion and difficulties. Because of complexities and ambiguities, the application of these new initiatives created exploitative and unjust conditions and a breach of the fundamental rights for women. The process of Islamization was a watershed (Khan 1997: 3) in that it significantly downgraded the position of women and minorities. Women's participation in all spheres of life was curtailed and measures were taken to reduce their visibility in public life. In promising to protect the sanctity of the chaddar (veil) and chardivari (four walls of home), Zia not only appropriated the political call of the Nizam-e-Mustafa but 'manipulated the vital chord of the priority structure of the traditional middle and lower middle-class values' (Mumtaz Ahmed, quoted by Jalal 1991: 101). Actually, by emphasizing and exploiting the traditional values and religiosity of the people, he wanted to gain the favor of the masses. 24

The Islamic Ideology Council was reactivated and the Federal Shariat Council was established. These two bodies formulated the Hudood Ordinances10, the Retribution and

Blood Money Ordinance and Law of Evidence11 , which seriously jeopardized the status of women (Shaheed & Warraich 1998: 279). The amendments to the Constitution were related to Family Laws and all measures affecting the rights of women (Ali 2000: 105-108; Zia 1994; Shaheed et al 1998: 26).

Innumerable directives were passed and steps were taken to restrict and control various aspects of women's lives and participation in day to day affairs. For example:

• 'Female government employees were ordered to wear Islamic dress. • Women were banned from attending spectator sports. • Censorship was placed on female models on television and instructions were issued regarding their dress. • Female students from grade nine were required to wear duppata (head cover) and their teachers were ordered to wear chaddar (see Chapter 4) over their clothes. • Film supplements of newspapers carrying photographs of female actresses were banned. • Religious scholars gave sermons on television, radio and on public loudspeakers against women who leave their homes, maintaining that this is only allowed in emergencies. • Abortion was declared illegal under any circumstances, carrying a penalty of seven years imprisonment. • In the Civil Superior Services of Pakistan, single women were not given foreign postings and those who were in foreign countries were recalled during the military regime of Zia-ul- Haq' (Mumtaz and Shaheed 1987; Mintjes 1984).

10 The Hudood Ordinances (1979) are five laws relating to theft, fornication, adultery and rape, false testimony, prohibition of intoxication (drugs, alcohol etc) and whipping. 11 The Law of Evidence stated that in matters relating to financial and future obligations the evidence of at least one man or two women will be required, and through the Retribution and Blood Money Ordinance the blood money given to a female victim will be half given to a man. 25

Through the eighth Amendment Bill, the National Assembly indemnified and validated all the Ordinances issued by the military regime. To add to this, the Ansari Commission12 (1983) proposed that the office of Head of State be closed for women and that women candidates to the Assembly be above fifty years of age and that they must have the written permission of their husbands to contest seats. Another discriminatory recommendation was the idea of a separate University for women. The Government adopted many of the recommendations, but those related to women were largely ignored. Mumtaz and Shaheed ( 1987: 118) question whether the Government took this step to gain half of the population's votes (i.e., the females) in the forthcoming non-party elections, or whether it was due to the women's groups agitating against the Commission's suggestions to further marginalize women.

Women's organizations did not initiate any action until the implications of some of the new laws began to be felt. The initial mustering took time, as according to Shahla Zia (1998: 375), it was difficult for women to believe what was happening. Furthermore, the resources had to be mobilized. The women's activist lobby had been in abeyance due to the political victimization, but in 1979-80 several petitions by lawyers and a position paper were prepared by APWA against the Ordinance of Retribution and Blood Money. It was to be a time of collaboration between different women's organizations. The formation of the Women's Action Forum13 (WAF) in September 1981 was the result of a court decision to charge a 15 year-old girl, who was subsequently sentenced to flogging for adultery. Thus began the long-drawn out and painful struggle against the state apparatus by the WAF and its allied organizations (Jalal 1991: 104). After the creation of a joint platform, WAF activities turned this previously non-political women's rights pressure group against the government. Its activities took in the form of protests, petitions, fostering public awareness,

12 The recommendations of the Commission were related with political life in the country, the organizational infrastructure of the State, elections, political parties, judiciary, provincial administration, etc, and discriminatory provisions affecting women (Mumtaz and Shaheed 1987: 117). 13 WAF was established in a meeting called at Shirkat Gah (a women's resource center) office in Karachi, the catalyst being an adultery case enforcing the Zina (extra-marital sex) Ordinance. Now a day WAF has expanded with its chapters in urban centers in Quetta, Peshawer, Bahawalpur, Faisalabad, Lahore and Islamabad. 26

and lobbying people who could influence government's policies (Mumtaz and Shaheed 1987).

Women's Action Forum (WAF) had two models to follow: the first was the tradition of Islamic modernism rooted in the political struggle of the country and the second was the logic of secular and Western feminism (Petherbridge 1987; Mumtaz and Shaheed 1987). The latter often proved to be in contradiction with a traditional Islamic framework. According to Rosenbloom's (1995: 245) analysis, WAF preferred pragmatism and flexibility and in this way avoided adopting either model in its entirety. Shahla Zia (1998) believes that this unpredictability negatively affected W AF's cause in the long run. But the flexibility of their stance was in some way unavoidable given the nature of its broad-based membership which included different groups (with different agendas and ideologies), different generations, middle and upper-middle class, professionals, western educated women, journalists, and academics.

In reality, the muted approval of broader society went in the government's favor. Moreover the majority of women belonging to the lower- middle and upper middle- classes who were to be affected by the growing tide of social conservatism remained silent, perhaps due to not experiencing any direct repercussions from the laws (Mumtaz & Shaheed 1987; Jalal 1991). WAF and its associated groups, being urban, educated middle and upper class women were constrained in realizing their demands because they did not enjoy the support of the majority. Dr Anis Ahmad14 (1991: 12) refers to the 1980's generation of women activists as 'crypto-colonialists' while still acknowledging that 'the legal, social and economic issues related to women should not be brushed aside under the pretext that these are lone voices, rumblings of a few Westernized individuals'. In government circles W AF's efforts were considered irrelevant because the women in W AF were labeled as elitist, upper middle-class, W esternized, not good Muslims and not inclusive of the larger population of women in Pakistan (Mumtaz and Shaheed 1987).

14 He is a scholar of Islamic religion and comparative religions, and has long experience in teaching in Pakistan and in International Universities, and frequently talks on women issues in the media. 27

To sideline the demands of WAF, the government exploited ideological divisions between the Islamic and secularly oriented women by supporting new groups of women like Jamiat­ i-Tulaba15 (Women's party/group at campuses) and Majlis-i-Khawatin 16, an Islamic women's organization. These groups17 belonged to Jamiat-e-lslami (an Islamic political party) and mainly recruited members from campuses and families of ulema (religious scholars) or maulvi 's (clerics) the urban middle-class, first generation educated women who were sometimes foreign-qualified and working outside the home (Mumtaz 1994b ). This latter group of women also contributed to the revival of the use of various purdah outfits such as the Middle Eastern hijab and scarf, the Iranian chador and long coats with veils.

These groups initiated organized religious preaching called daras and institutions like Madrassah Faisal-al-Banal in Lahore, Ayesha Arabic Academy in Faislabad, Al-Huda in Islamabad and Karachi. The Majlis-e-Khawateen accused WAF members of being westernized and non-religious, and organized demonstrations and issued press statements to highlight their complaints against the women's rights activists of WAF (Mumtaz 1994a). By 1990, the Khawateen Nifaz-e-Sharia Mahaz (Women's Enforcement of Sharia Front) was formed to support the Sharia Bi11 18•

Despite the obvious differences between WAF and Majlis-e-Khawateen, they do have some common concerns including violence against women and children, the effect of polygamy, inheritance rights, and the commercial exploitation of women. Although the Maj/is women did not overtly oppose patriarchy, there was some evidence that their position shifted on issues such as education levels, and the type of jobs available for women, violence against women and the observance of purdah as being a solely operational condition (Mumtaz 1994a).

15 Since then a permanent subsidiary of the Jamiat-e-Islami party. 16 Its president, Nisar Fatima, was elected in the National Assembly in 1985 elections. She was also appointed to the Council of Islamic Ideology and a member of the 1984 Commission on the Status of Women. 17 In 1974-75, in response to this situation, left wing students formed a Women's Front in Punjab University, Lahore. The Jamiat countered this move and set up its women's wing. These women identified themselves by wearing a typical burqa (see Chapter 4) (Mumtaz 1994: 237). 18 This was a charter moved in the Senate, according to which Islamic law or a particular way of life was enjoined on the public as the supreme law of the land. And under such law, very limited and constrained roles were visualized for women (Zia 1998). 28

To forestall domestic and international criticism, the government, despite its negative legislation and directives undermining women's status, did take some measures to show that it was sympathetic to women's issues. Zia's government established the Women's Division (1979) in the Cabinet Secretariat. The Division, however, failed in its explicitly stated purpose of incorporating strategies to meet the needs of women ( as a special interest group) into the national development plan. Another initiative was the appointment of a woman to the highest echelon of the administrative hierarchy, as Secretary of a ministry. And in 1983 a Commission on the Status of Women was established, consisting of thirteen women and three men. In the introduction of its subsequent report, Begum Zari Sarfaraz, Chairperson of the Commission, stated that the approach taken by the Commission was Islamic, dynamic and futuristic. But the report was damning of the state of affairs for women in Pakistan, and its recommendations were never made public or adopted. It therefore suffered the same fate as the previous Commission's (1976) Report (1983: v) and was not implemented.

In 1985 Martial Law was lifted and a government, hand picked by the military, was established. The inclusion of twenty women in the Assembly was unprecedented in the history of the State. In this way military rule remained in power until 1988, ending with President Zia's death in an air crash.

Due to the Zia regime's politicization of Islam, some of the positive steps for women taken by his government went unnoticed. But it is a fact that during this period unprecedented woman's activism played a vital role in keeping some sort of check on the regime's policies, and WAF and its allied organizations emerged as pressure groups.

The military regime's overall strategy to establish a healthy society was linked to the restriction of female mobility. The wearing of purdah garments such as chaddar or burqa was not the issue, as most women already practiced it. In Pakistan the actual objective was to keep women out of public life. 29

From the legal perspective if one looks into women's rights and the legal aspect of purdah, it is very interesting that there is no formal law that requires women to dress in prescribed ways. But the informal moves that are the construction of social norms and cultural values have supported purdah as an institution. The relationship between law, policy and customs is such that laws cannot be implemented if social policy or public approval does not support them. Nausheen Ahmed refers to a case filed in the Federal Shariat Court (FSC) to test the issue of whether it is un-Islamic for women to appear in public without purdah. The FSC side-stepped the issue on the basis that since there is no law, custom or usage on seclusion of women, this did not come within the definition of Article 203-B(c) 17 and FSC was therefore not required to decide the issue (1998: 15).

The imposition of purdah, including seclusion and segregation by official directives, created difficulties for those women who for one reason or the other had to go out of their homes for education, work, and household purposes. In addition, conservative elements of the society took both the opportunity and the responsibility of checking for any 'immoral women' seen in public. In many instances, young boys went to the extent of insulting women seen in public. Women who had previously relaxed their purdah practice had to adopt the custom of the day (i.e. wearing chaddar) to maintain their respectability.

At the workplace women were also subjected to discrimination. Gender bias increased in the realm of employment, and women seeking jobs were forced to wear burqa or chaddar to get a job. In February 1983, a protest march organized by WAF and the Pakistan Women's Layers Association was tear-gassed and baton-charged by police. This was an unprecedented development that added to the dispute about the place of women in an Islamic social order (Faruki 1987: 69). The state's response was challenged strategically by questioning why na-mehram (non-kin) men touched women when the government was propagating segregation and purdah.

17 Article 203-B(c) states' law includes any custom or usage having the force of law but does not include the Constitution, Muslim personal law, any fiscal law or any law relating to the levy and collection of taxes and fees or banking or insurance practice and procedure (Nausheen 1998: 27). 30

3.5 Epoch of promises and hopes, democratic rule under four successive elected Governments (1988- 99)

After the sudden death of Zia, the interim government announced elections, which in 1988 resulted in Benazir Bhutto20 becoming the first Prime Minister and first woman head of government of a Muslim State. She was considered a symbol of women's resistance against the conservative Zia regime and her coming to power was a psychological revolution (Jalal 1991: 77). Women had high hopes for changes in Zia's Islamization when she was elected (Shafqat 1995: 212). However, Kennedy (1996) notes that after coming to power the issue of repealing Islamic reforms faded from center stage despite having been emphasized in the election campaign. During this period concrete changes were far less evident than the creation of a general environment supportive of women's participation and greater openness. To the disappointment of the WAF, Benazir Bhutto did not prove to be an advocate of operationalizing measures to uphold women's rights. Despite the Party's pre­ election manifesto to repeal the repressive Hudood Ordinance and the Law of Evidence, her government did not take serious steps to repeal those statutes (Jalal 1991; Petherbridge 1987).

Some of the positive developments for women during Benazir Bhutto's first tenure (1988- 90) were that the Women's Division in government was given the status of a full Ministry; and subsequently the Ministry's Research wing set up five committees related to women's rights. Centers of Excellence in Women Studies were then established at five universities, and also establishment was the Women's Bank, which today has thirty-two branches throughout the country. Importantly, a five percent quota for women was reserved in various government services. In 1990 at the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) Ministerial meeting on Women and Development, an eleven point strategy was adopted for facilitating the formulation of a joint approach to integrate women into the development process and to maximize the number of female ministers. The government also tabled the idea of an Islamic Women's Parliamentary Group (which materialized during her second period of tenure in 1993-1996).

20 Daughter of Z.A Bhutto, who headed the government from 1972 to 1977. 31

According to Shafqat's (1995: 207-237) analysis of Benazir's regime, both the religious groups and the military found it difficult to digest the idea of a woman ruling the country. Furthermore, she did not prove to be persuasive at many levels of governance. She struggled for mere survival for her regime rather than being able to direct her efforts towards the maintenance of a durable government (Lawrence 1998). This political insecurity paved the way for the dismissal of her government by the President and the scheduling of fresh elections in November 1990.

To conform to societal norms, Benazir had to follow the traditions by 'Islarnizing' her wardrobe and covering her head (Goodwin 1994), which gave a new twist to the adoption of a purdah outfit as a kind of glamorous fashion accessory. It also became apparent that, like the majority of Pakistani women, she was subservient in the home front and could not interfere in her husband's wrong doings. His corruption and misuse of power was one of the reasons for her government's dismissal. In general, due to her governance whilst in power, there was some respite for the women of Pakistan from the repressive environment of the previous government, but there was little or no affirmative action taken in regard to women's rights.

Following Benazir's first term, after elections, the Muslim League of Nawaz Sharif (1991- 93) formed a new government, in conjunction with the Islamic Democratic Coalition. With the support of Jamiat-e-Islami this government brought in the Sharia Act, which posed a direct threat to women by directing the courts to observe Sharia as the supreme law in the decision of cases. In opposition to the bill, WAF generated pressure and support from political parties, media, treasury benches and the public, but passage of the bill could not be prevented as the government gained a majority with support from the religious groups (Zia 1998). In 1991 at its 10 year Convention WAF and Human Rights non government organizations (NGOs) declared themselves to be secular21 considering that even in a

21 However, many groups within W AF avoided calling themselves secular because it was incorrectly being translated as 'without religion' meaning the elimination ofreligion. This misunderstanding was doing damage to the work of secular groups, allowing them to be described as un-Islamic (Zia 1998: 384). 32

progressive interpretation of Islam the danger of reverting to a more reactionary Islam would always be present (Zia 1998: 384). WAF also demanded that Pakistan be considered a secular state although they recognized that the influence of religion could not be completely avoided.

Up until 1993 WAF's attention was on legislation, but from this time their agenda broadened to include the social as well as the political arena. Thus, they initiated the lobbying of various political parties on social issues. Another development was that they also approached government officials and participated in policy debates, opened active collaboration with the Ministry of Women's Development and became involved in regional and international forums. However this regime was short-lived. The President dismissed Nawaz Sharif's government, in 1993, on charges of corruption, inefficiency, rigging the elections and for ignoring women by leaving them out of economic reforms altogether.

Benazir Bhutto was then re-elected for a second term (1993-96). During this period she took some constructive steps to address the situation of Pakistani women by appointing a Commission of Inquiry for Women, headed by a judge, to examine discriminatory laws against women. The 1995 the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing was a catalyst for furthering women's issues in Pakistan. The NGO's of Pakistan were given full representation in the Beijing NGO Forum of 1995, and thus became visible in policy dialogues upon their return to Pakistan. During this period women's organizations entered into active collaboration with the Ministry of Women and Development. It was in response to pressure from NGO's in 1996 that the Government ratified the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). To implement the Beijing Forum recommendations, the Ministry of Women and Development started work on a twenty year National Plan of Action for Women (NPA) by establishing core groups comprising of NGOs and government officials at the federal and provincial levels (Government of Pakistan, NPA 1998). The appointment of women as Magistrates, Family Court judges and judges in Superior Courts of Justice can also be credited to Benazir's Government. During this period, the Supreme Court started entering public interest cases on issues of human rights, rendering some landmark judgments (Zia 1998). 33

In order to raise the status of women, concrete measures were needed during Benazir's second term of government. To work out the Shariat Laws, the legal and judicial system needed overhauling, but apart from some isolated steps not much was done. Due to the NGO Forum in Beijing, increased collaboration of the Ministry of Women and Development with the NGOs in Pakistan was a step in the right direction.

Benazir's government was dismissed on corruption charges in 1996. The caretaker government introduced elections on universal franchise. In 1997 the registered voters with the Election Commission numbered 55, 026, 324, out of which 55.5 percent were male and 44.5 percent were female. Out of the total registered voters there were six million less women registered to vote compared to men (Zia 1998: 282). In some areas women's right to vote was hindered by cultural norms such as purdah, discrepancies between the names entered in electoral list and those on identification cards, identification cards without photographs, etc. Despite protests from W AF and some political parties that women's right to vote had been hindered, the government did not denounce the election (Zia 1998: 293).

In spite of the constitutional provisions, women were still invisible in public life. This can be seen from the low level of representation given to women in their decision-making bodies and number of ticket allocations in major political parties. For example, in the 1997 election the two major political parties were comprised as follows: the Pakistan Peoples' Party (PPP) where there were only three women out of 21 positions in the party's Central Executive Committee, and the Pakistan Muslim League (PML, Nawaz group) where there were five women out of the total of 4 7 numbers. In PPP 9 women were given tickets out of a total of 161 candidates for the National Assembly, while PML put up six women from a total of 177 seats. The proportion of women in the four provincial assemblies was also negligible (Report of the Commission of Inquiry for Women 1997: 10). The Women's Commission of Inquiry Report (1997: 14) rightly pointed out that Local Government bodies are the political arenas most accessible to women because of greater familiarity, limited geographical area and confidence. The Report further noted that it is in these local bodies in which women, especially at the grassroots level, can play an effective and 34

meaningful role. But this system of government has only been effective during periods of military rules rather than during the period of democratic rule in Pakistan. The small numbers of women who have gained public office have been largely from the privileged class belonging to the upper strata of the society, as is also the case for male representatives. The socially disadvantaged position of the majority of women in Pakistan and the manifold socio-cultural norms, economic and legal obstacles, as well as being subject to male control in the private sphere, makes it difficult for women to participate in the political process as per the constitutional doctrine.

The 1997 national elections resulted in the re-installation of the Muslim League, with Nawaz Sharif as Prime Minister. In the second term (1998-99) of Sharifs government there were seven women members and only two female ministers out of 207 in the National Assembly. At the Provincial level only one female gained a seat out of a total of 460 seats. The Muslim League had included in their manifesto a promise to restore women's reserved seats, but once in power they avoided fulfilling this promise. When the Opposition introduced the Amendment Bill, it was rejected by a vote of 10 to 70. Some of the demeaning remarks of members from the Treasury benches were, "if you give special seats to women, then tomorrow the members of the third sex will also demand special seats" and "children are also discriminated and exploited in our society, then they can also demand separate seats" (Zia 1998: 291). One can imagine the state of democracy and political environment for women in Pakistan where they can be treated as a commodity and property, without the right to constituency. But the government, with regard to the Party's manifesto and in reference to pressure from the international and internal women groups, carried on with the draft National Plan of Action for Women. In 1998, after review and revision, it was finalized for implementation at the National and Provincial levels.

During Nawaz's second term the general political atmosphere perceptibly changed towards a conservative direction. Shela Zia writes that Nawaz Sharifs two terms in office have surfaced painful memoirs of Zia's period, dangerously disguised under a veneer of democratic governments (1998: 388). The NGO Bill brought all non-government organizations directly under government control. The privatization of the First Women's 35

Bank, without any safeguards to maintain its character, was another retrogressive step. The introduction of the fifteenth Constitutional Amendment Bill (the Sharia Bill) typifies the government's intention of seeking to place absolute power in the hands of the federal government, thus destroying the concepts of a federation, parliamentary democracy, and supremacy of the judiciary, all of which had implications for women and minorities (Shaheed & Warraich 1998; Zia 1998). The Report of the Commission of Inquiry for Women was released in August 1997 but was ignored, as it was an initiative of the previous government, as they did not complement the agenda of Nawaz's government. The promise to increase the number of women's seats in legislative assemblies also proved to be an empty promise (Zia 1998: 387). Nevertheless women's activism continued during this period. The women's rights organizations challenged the privatization of the First Women's Bank in the High Court and won the case for maintaining the original mandate of the bank.

Due to the case of Saima Waheed22, the right of an adult woman to marry by her own choice without the permission of her Wali (guardian) was re-opened by superior courts. WAF and human right's organizations advocated strongly on the issue. Even the religious scholars were approached for their opinions. Due to strong lobbying and a split majority decision, the case was decided in favor of Saima. During the later years of the 1990's the women's movement was able to extend its outreach by establishing links in political circles and civil society, but the government's onslaught of conservative laws, policies and directives gave no respite to the women's rights activists.

3.6 Rekindling of hopes during the Third Military Rule (1999 onwards)

In October 1999 the military ousted Nawaz's Government. The present military government, under the leadership of Pervez Musharraf, claims that it will make Pakistan a moderate and progressive Islamic State.

22 Saima Waheed, is a well educated adult Muslim women who married against the wishes of her family. Upon learning of her marriage her father, who had links with religious groups, reacted strongly and tried to break the marriage. Saima escaped to a shelter home for women and sought legal help by a renowned woman lawyer. The father filed a case against the lawyer for forcefully abducting his daughter and sought recovery of his daughter (for details see Zia 1998). 36

The current government's broad-mindedness has provided a breath of fresh air for women's organizations. The demand for thirty three percent female representation at national, provincial and district levels of government through direct elections has recently been revived and the elections of local bodies have been held on this basis. In the Core Advisory Group of the national government there are two women, as well as three female Ministers with the portfolios of Education, Law and Women's Development. At the outset of this military rule a permanent Status of Women Commission was constituted, initially headed by Dr Shaheen Sarder Ali and then by Justice Majida Rizvi. The role of the Commission is not yet clear, as the recommendations of earlier Commissions and Committees are still lying with the State awaiting action (Dawn 30 April 2000). The demand from women activists for the repeal of the Hudood Ordinance, their actions against discriminatory laws and attempts to safeguard the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance 1961 respectively, testify to continued action by select Pakistani women.

From APWA to WAF, women's activism may not have made universal strides in improving the status of all Pakistani women, but as a women's rights movement it has made significance gains. After Zia-ul-Haq the high profile of WAF's activism slowed and many of the WAF members limited their involvement to their projects in individual organizations funded by international agencies (Khan 1985: 26). The foreign financial assistance to individual women, women's organizations and NGO's further supported the governments' created impression that these activists were pursuing Western agendas. The movement has gone through a process of continuous metamorphosis in which the issues as well as the vision and aspirations have continued to develop and change (Zia 1998: 395). According to some, there is confusion about the direction of women's activism, and a need for deeper analysis and clarity of thinking (Haroon 1994). Although W AF might have ceased to occupy center-stage, its activists have played a critical role in the modification, and the prevention of the passage of many repressive decisions, Ordinances and Amendment Bills in Pakistan. As Jalal ( 1991: 104) points out, in Pakistan, the dilemmas and constraints in relation to a women's rights movement have been in the development of a package of demands which was intended mostly to satisfy the will and capacity of the State. 37

During the Islamization process there was an underlying subtle promotion of purdah as an Islamic value. WAF countered the promotion of purdah by arguing that there is a difference between cultural customs and Islam, and by proposing that purdah as an issue of class rather than religion, because purdah has been used to publicize wealth rather than modesty. WAF also attacked purdah as a remnant of feudal culture, claiming that purdah (seclusion, segregation and dress) was not an issue important to the majority of the poor of the country who cannot afford the luxury of keeping women indoors and out of the workforce (Mumtaz and Shaheed 1987: 115). The response of women activists towards the broader impact of purdah in the ensuing period found expression and articulation in writings, poetry, paintings, and drama and duppatas were even used as flags and slogans of liberation (Naheed 1994; Hashmi 1994; Kirmani 1994). During the last quarter of the century purdah has gained an international appeal among Muslim women, which has also influenced Pakistani society.

This review of successive periods of governance in Pakistan has shown that any government's agenda for improving women's status has been superficial and complicit with the oppressive forces in the society. WAF's agenda was not owned in any real way by any of the governments, each one considering it not to be representative of the majority of Pakistani women. WAF, as a movement, has come a long way in defining its agenda, but probably now needs fresh zeal and persistent strategies to deal with some of the major issues such as discriminatory laws.

4. Conclusion

This chapter has provided an overview of the generally superficial and sometimes defensive policies related to women that have been adopted by different governments in Pakistan, and the related inculcation of purdah in the society. In the Islamic social setting of Pakistan, women's relationship with the state has remained substantially unchanged in economic, legal and political terms despite various innovations in certain eras. Mumtaz and Shaheed 38

(1987)23 suggest that when describing Pakistani women, it is really 'two steps forward, one step back': this situation still prevails. Against this broad backdrop of women's frustrations in gaining recognition and participation in the governance of Pakistan, the next chapter describes the demographic and social realities of women in contemporary Pakistan.

23 Mumtaz, K. and Shaheed, F. (1987) Women of Pakistan: Two Steps Forward, One Step Back? Lahore: Vanguard. 39

CHAPTER3

SOCIAL AND DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF PAKISTANI WOMEN

1. Introduction

In this chapter the social profile of Pakistani women is described in the context of regional and class limitations of purdah traditions. The chapter will also present the comparative demographic statistics on men and women related to education, health and labor force, illustrating women's limited contribution and participation in the society.

2. Social Profile of Pakistani Women

The position of women in Pakistani society is closely linked to their social class. The education and occupations directly correspond to the class, and religious practices and cultural norms are also influenced by the social stratification (Rouse 1994). A woman's tribal, feudal or urban environment also influences her. Women's experiences range from highly qualified middle- class women who excel in different fields of life to low status working peasants, women living a nomadic life, the cloistered life of lower middle class women cut off from information with no decision- making power, and the upper class' women who live in luxury. An overwhelming majority have little knowledge of conventional Islam, much less of their rights as citizens. As analyzed by Shaheed (1991), the life of a Pakistani woman, whether she belongs to the elite or working majority, whether she belongs to tribal or feudal villages or is from a rural or urban environment, is governed by the same rules of patriarchy that cut across all differences. In all classes and in all regions of Pakistan, a woman is seen as a liability and a social burden. Within a family, all of the male kin have a stake in the subordination of women, and maintenance of their honor. Examples of regional and class variations are provided below. 40

In the Baluchistan Province (which borders Afghanistan and Iran) and North-West Frontier Province (bordering Afghanistan) life is governed by a rigid code of tribal beliefs and patterns of behavior. The Baluch and Pathan women are least visible and most rigidly adhere to the practice of purdah. Ahmed and Akbar's (1981) study on the tribal society of these two provinces provides the following description: -

'the chastity and seclusion of women are two laws rigidly observed by society. The penalty for deviance is extreme. They are secluded from social life, rarely· allowed to go to market as men do the household shopping. Women usually can visit their lineage. The path which women use to go to the well is private and men are supposed to avoid it' (1981: 32).

In these two provinces the paucity of educational facilities for girls, the low level of industrial development and limited urbanization combine in diminishing the possibility of change (Mumtaz & Shaheed 1987: 22). A woman has no say in any aspect of life, even marriage, and once married she belongs to her husband's family. Once the bride's price is paid she cannot return to her parents. In spite of women's right under Islam to several forms of property being physically secluded and lacking in awareness and confidence, their public affairs are handled by the men and thus these rights are not upheld (Pastner 1978: 437).

In the feudal Provinces of Sind and Punjab (bordering India), retribution in cases of digression from social mores may not be quite as drastic nor swift. Here, after marriage women retain links with their own families and can depend on male relatives to help them in case of problems in marriage. Instead of the bride price that is paid in the tribal provinces, here a dowry is negotiated at the time of marriage. These are agricultural provinces, and as women labor in the fields they are visible in the villages. Due to urbanization, industrialization and more educational facilities, women in Sind and Punjab provinces are comparatively more active and visible than in the tribal provinces. A minority of women have overcome traditional taboos and found their place in public spheres.

In general in the rural areas the women toil alongside their men, but the agricultural based factories, markets for cattle and vegetables are in public space, and therefore these are out of bound for women. In the cities, a woman's freedom of mobility depends on her class. 41

Except for private homes, all space is public. In order to minimize the interaction between the sexes in the cities, the society is highly segregated: e.g. separate male and female educational institutions, segregated seats in public transport, gender segregation in functions and entertainment sites. It is observed that the smaller the town, the greater the restriction on women's access to public places. In contrast to poor women in rural villages, in cities it is possible for upper class women to disobey the restrictions, but this minority is not representative of the whole society. In cosmopolitan cities like Islamabad, Karachi and Lahore, women from the elite class go unveiled and may wear Western style clothes. There are also a small number of exceptional women who, because of access to education and economic resources, are lifting themselves out of the general mold of a secluded Pakistani woman. And women with an independent career in a city can set up a home independently without the protection of a male. However, a divorced or widowed woman has to turn to her son, father or brother, to provide her with a protected place to live.

Women are vital contributors to the economic survival of modem day families and reliance on women's earnings has been increasing whether or not this is reflected in the statistics. Once the rural women move to cities, they constitute the lower middle-class who face the real brunt of the social and economic pressure associated with rural to urban relocation, being expected to meet the demands of the fast changing society. Women in this situation are becoming active earning members of the family, while at the same time they are expected to abide by traditions such as purdah, which restraints and makes their lives more complex. The rural poor and the urban working class cannot afford the luxuries of being in seclusion or of acquiring burqa or chaddar. Pakistani culture dictates that all decent women remain in the four walls of their house and be completely covered and unrecognizable if they have a need to leave the house. In public, unprotected women can face verbal or physical harassment, which calls her chastity into question. Therefore, women who come out of the seclusion of the home adopt an external symbol of respect in the form of purdah coverings such as burqa or chaddar. For the lower middle- class and the working class these outfits provide a status symbol, that is, an alternative to confining themselves within the four walls. 42

In the last fifty years the contribution of urban lower middle- class women to the family economy has changed beyond recognition (Alavi 2000: 2). Those who are sufficiently educated can obtain reasonable jobs outside the home, but those who are uneducated can only take home-based work and are exploited as a cheap source of labor primarily in occupations such as cleaners, caretakers, housekeepers and laborers in industries like textile, soap, food, and industrial homes.

Despite activist efforts, the persistent discrimination in relation to the status of women in Pakistan is reflected in the demographic profile given below.

3. Demographic Profile of Women in Pakistan

In comparison to W estem societies where there are more women than men, the statistics issued by the Government of Pakistan (1995) show that out of the total population of 129.8 million, 48.33 percent are female, and the ratio of females to males is 62.8: 67.72. Eighteen percent of the population still resides in rural areas and 27.82 percent live in urban areas.

Table 1. Population in urban and rural areas of Pakistan in 1995. (In 000's.) Area Women Men Total Urban 19,476 22,366 41,842 Rural 43,311 44,656 87,967 All areas 62,787 67,022 129,809 Source: Federal Bureau of Statistics 1995.

Women lag behind men in education, health status, labor force participation rate, life expectancy and income etc. In the health sector the facilities are decreasing over time and health indicators for women are also not encouraging. As seen in Table 2, the number of female medical personnel is half the number of males. The medical facilities are far less than what is required for the ever-increasing population. The maternal and infant mortality rates are high due to the lack of basic health facilities. Budget allocation for the health sector is also low, and the infrastructure is inadequate. A lack of availability of medicine 43

and doctors (especially female doctors), as well as the under-utilization of resources by the government, represent serious issues in the health sector, especially for women. Women may not be allowed to access services from male doctors, so unless there are female medical practitioners they may remain in ill health.

Table 2. Gender breakdown of Medical Personnel registered in Pakistan in 1993. (Numbers) Medical Personnel Women Men Total Doctors 1,088 2,523 3,611 * Dentists 42 81 123

Nurses 856 Lady Health Visitors 124 Midwives 963 Source: Federal Bureau of Statistics, 1995. *Comparing the number of registered doctors and number of enrollment in medical colleges seems unexplainable but these are official statistics of the government.

As shown in Table 3, the enrolment figure of women in medical colleges is significant, but their subsequent participation in professional life is very much less. This is due to restrictions imposed by husbands and in-laws that prevent female graduates from accepting employment. It is one of the manifestations of the purdah institution that male members have power to direct women's lives and they consider it against family honor for the wife to work. Though the trends are changing in response to economic pressures, the waste of human as well as monetary resources is still great due to these cultural taboos. Teaching has been an acceptable profession for women and mostly women teach in exclusively female institutions. In purdah society female nursing staff are also important in hospitals, but the gender breakdown is not available. 44

Table 3. Gender breakdown of Enrolment in professional Colleges in Pakistan (1992-93) (Total in 0OOs) Type Women Men Total Medical 6706 12183 18889 Education* 3110 4745 7855 Home Economics 3734 3734 Agriculture 52 886 938 Engineering 58 13251 13309 Commerce 2070 12464 14534 Law 520 7939 8459 *Teachers training. Source: Federal Bureau of Statistics, 1995.

Though the overall literacy rate in the country increased from 34.1 percent in1985 to 39.9 percent in 1992, there was a major difference in literacy rates between the sexes. In 1992, the literacy rate for males was 52.8 percent, whereas for females it was only 26.3 percent. The comparative figures for recent years indicate that although it is increasing, it is doing so at a snail's pace. Besides other socio-cultural, economic and religious constraints, the educational facilities provided by the government are much more limited for females than for males, as shown in Table 4. The budget allocation for education does not exceed 2.5 - 2. 7 percent of the GNP (Economic Survey 1995- 1996: 112). The proportion of educational institutions for females is half of what is provided for males. A low priority is given to girl's education, as their labor is required at home. Other constraints such as purdah-related social attitudes, the lack of mobility for girls, the unaffordable costs to families, insufficient education facilities, absence of female teachers and incompatibility of curriculum to the life situation are some of the unresolved issues impeding women's education. Furthermore, parents do not want undesirable ideas entering their girls' minds and so girls reaching puberty are removed from schools. The resulting difference between the sexes in acquiring 45

education is illustrated in Table 5, which provides a gender breakdown of enrolment figures for 1994-95.

Table 4. Educational Institutions provided for males and females, 1994-95 (Numbers) Levels Number ofInstitutions For Males For Females Primary 82,034 41,085 Middle 8,570 5,045 Secondary 8,269 4,968 Collages 447 225 Professional Colleges* 92 8 Universities* 24 1 Source: Federal Bureau of Statistics, 1995. *All the universities are co-educational, apart from the only women's University which was created in 1999 also a few of the Medical colleges like Fatima Jinnah Medical Colleges are only for women.

Table 5. Enrolment of males and females in Educational Institutions, 1994-95. Levels Males Females Primary (000 Nos.) 11,592 5,130 Middle (000 Nos.) 2715 1,425 Secondary (000 Nos.) 982 581 Collages (000 Nos.) 367 262 Professional (Nos.) 58,295 19,361 Universities (Nos.) 75,920 11,683 Source: Federal Bureau of Statistics, 1995.

Consistent with the lower number of educational institutions for girls, there are fewer female teachers, and thus employment opportunities for female teachers are also less. 46

Female participation rate in primary level education is fifty-five percent compared with eighty-seven percent for males. At the middle level, female participation is thirty-one percent and male is fifty-eight percent. Then at secondary and higher levels, participation decreases to twenty percent for females and thirty percent for males. Only ten percent of women reach tertiary levels of education.

As poor women are often in physical purdah, so too are their productive contributions 'veiled' (Weiss 1992). There is gross undercounting in statistics regarding women. The popular assessment and myth within Pakistan amongst planners, policy makers, administrators, government officials, and data collectors (who are all men) is that women do not work (Chaudhary and Hamid 1999: 26). Due to this bias women are not selected for jobs, and their contribution in the agriculture sector remains unrecorded, as well as in the labor market and in the public and private sectors. The official labor force participation rate for males is reported to be 46.00 percent and for females it is 7.6 percent. The reasons for this distortion of official labor participation figures (cited in Table 6) are the physical invisibility of women outside the home, the cultural ideal of a non-working woman, the perception of work as paid labor only, and the failure of collecting correct statistics. However, the implications of overlooking women's labor are directly related to issues of women's economic, social and political empowerment.

Table 6. Male and female participation in the Labor Force in 1991-92 (persons aged 10 years and above) (000's) Area Women Men Total Urban 957 8,302 9,259 Rural 4,207 19,512 23,719 All Areas 5,164 27,814 32,978 Source: Federal Bureau of Statistics, 1995. 47

4. Conclusion

The social and demographic data illustrate the deprived position of Pakistani women. The impact of purdah as an institution on all social classes is evident from the data provided in the above sections. But over time, due largely to economic needs, shifts in the role of women and thus in the practice of purdah have been occurring. To maintain their standard of living, women despite many taboos dictating otherwise - are compelled to meet day-to­ day needs. In urban areas, as more women are forced to enter the public arena due to economic imperatives, segregated educational and training institutions, work environments, post office facilities, police stations and banks have been established, but are not sufficient to meet the needs of the female population.

In the next chapter historical underpinnings of purdah, and justification in Islamic text for its observance, will be examined. The complex set of rules, governing all interactions between the genders, based on the institution of purdah, will be examined, as will the implications of seclusion, purdah dress and segregation with special reference to Pakistan. 48

CHAPTER4 THE INSTITUTION OF PURDAH

1. Introduction

In the previous two chapters the political and social situation experienced by Pakistani women was discussed in relation to government policies, and the associated rise of women's activism. In this chapter the development of the institution of purdah will be traced, in terms of its religious and cultural origins. The practice of purdah manifests in various forms: seclusion, forms of dress, and segregation of women in the society. These forms of purdah have implications for every aspect of women's lives, which will be explored generally in the context of Muslim societies and then with an emphasis on Pakistan.

2. Purdah and related terms

The word 'purdah ' has different spellings: purdah in Urdu language, pardah in the Persian

(Farsi) language, and parda in the Hindi language (Dictionary.corn 2000) 1• It literally means curtain, cover, veil, privacy, modesty and secrecy (Britannica.corn; Encyclopedia of Islam 1978). Though there has been no semantic study of this term, it is widely used throughout South Asia (namely Afghanistan, Pakistan, India and Bangladesh) referring to the seclusion of women from the public gaze by means of screens, curtains, high walls, concealing clothing and by segregating women from men in the society. The local vocabularies typically have a variety of words to refer to different aspects of these complex behaviors, which can be lumped together under the term purdah (Papanek 1982: 57- 58).

1 These three languages, Farsi, Hindi and Urdu are languages of the Indian Subcontinent. Farsi disappeared from the subcontinent after the Mughals but is spoken in Iran and parts of Afghanistan. The Hindus of India speak Hindi and Urdu is the National language in Pakistan. 49

In other Islamic countries various additional words with similar meanings are also used to refer to the seclusion of the sexes and covering of face and body (Brill 1978: 359; Esposito

1991: 98). Widely used synonyms are 'Hidjab2 ', 'Purdah', 'Jilbab', 'Chador', 'Veil', 'Burku ', 'Mantle', 'Khumur', and 'Harem'.

Hijab is basically derived from Arabic word Hidjab meaning to hide from view and conceal. It implies wearing clothing to physically hide or conceal. Veiling on the other hand is an English word meaning the wearing of a head- gear that covers the hair and lower part of face (Kader 1984: 146). The larger impact of these practices is the same whether it is referred to as purdah in Pakistan, Afghanistan, Bangladesh and India; or the turban in Turkey, chador in Iran and Afghanistan, or hijab in Egypt, and other Middle Eastern countries and North Africa (El Guindi 1999; Ahmed 1992; Mernissi 1987&1991; Shaheed 1987; Papanek 1982 and Saadawi 1980).

3. Historical perspective of purdah tradition

Most religious and cultural systems in the world endeavor to control men's and women's lives and activities in order to ensure the continuity of society, although the extent of control exercised over women varies from one culture or religion to another. Although purdah is nowadays always associated with Islam and Muslim culture, its origins can actually be traced to pre-Islamic times and other religious as well (Jewish, Christian, Hellenic, Bedouin for example) (Hassan 2001: 60), and non-religious sources of influence have also been incorporated. The status of women in pre-Islamic cultures from Mesopotamia until the seventh century A.D. demonstrates a cultural legacy3 inherited by Islamic societies, when the women of wealthy and powerful tribes were veiled and secluded as an indication of protection and status (Wadud-Muhsin 1992: 10; Keddie 1996: 2; Bodman 1998: 3). Ahmed's (1992a) extended survey revealed that the wide and continued use of purdah (veiling and seclusion) for millennia prior to Islam were part of an

2 Hidjab is commonly spelled as hijab and higab as well. 3 The need to control women originates from the issue of inheritance through the male line. Thus female virginity and fidelity became of central concern, and women's contacts with males were restricted to determine the fatherhood of children (Kiddie 1996: 3). 50

institutional structure and ethos in Greek and Byzantine societies. In Mesopotamia, rules of purdah veiling were detailed in an Assyrian legal text of the thirteenth century B.C., the practice being linked to respectable women and prohibited for prostitutes (Ahmed 1992a: 11- 30: Keddie 1996: 3). Athenian women of status were secluded and veiling existed in the Greco-Roman world. Seclusion existed in pre-Islamic Iran and the Byzantine Empires. Before the emergence of Islam, covering of the head was prevalent in early Judaeo­ Christian tradition by the women of the upper elite class (Mohammad 1995; Sherif 1995: 21- 22). El-Guindi's (1999: 12) historical analysis of the records reveals that seclusion and veiling correspond more with Christian (Mediterranean/Balkan) culture than with Muslim society. Muslim conquests and contact with Greeks, Romans and Assyrians, where the veil4 was prevalent and considered a status symbol among the upper class, influenced the Islamic culture (Engineer 1999: 8; Ruthuen 1984: 72; Sherif 1995: 25).

During the Prophet Mohammad's time women participated publicly in the social, political, economic and religious life. For example, his wife Hazrat Khatijah, was a successful trader, another wife Hazrat A'isha, took part in wars and was the transmitter of the majority hadith (see section 3). Women participated in religious congregations, and large numbers of women participated in the oath of allegiance to the Prophet (Stowasser 1996: 27- 28; Korvin 2000: 35). The Quranic revelations regarding purdah each occurred in a certain context and in particular circumstances (see detail in section 3). The language and cultural context in which the text was subsequently read, and the intent of the interpreters, influenced the later manifestations of purdah. The veiling of the Prophet's wives probably encouraged the more general adoption of veil (Leila Ahmed 1992: 56). Hazrat Umar (the second Caliph5) was convinced that women should be segregated, and on various occasions he suggested to the Prophet that he ask his wives to be veiled. But while there are ample examples of women's active participation in the society (Engineer 1999), after the death of Prophet, Hazrat Umar barred women from worshipping in the mosque or going by themselves to pilgrimage (Korvin 2000: 36).

4 As reported by EI-Gundi's the ethnographic analysis of veil and seclusion (both can occur separately). In the social space it is linked with themes such as power, privacy, authority, rank, resistance and liberation (1999: 126- 127). 5 A leader of an Islamic polity, regarded as a successor of Muhammad. 51

Gradually, by the tenth century AD. the women's status took a downward slide in Persia under the Abbasid, when the custom of seclusion in harem and segregation of sexes was enforced (Mernissi 1991: 194-195), but the common women and slave girls went about unveiled (Korvin 2000: 32). When the Turks captured Constantinople (1453) and within a century conquered most of the formerly Arab territories, they also adopted customs of the conquered, including the veil and harem. However, the practice of purdah has never been a universal custom for Muslim women, as a great majority of peasants worked in the fields . and for them the face veil was an absurd encumbrance (Hofmann 1999: 80). According to Roded (2001) during the last two decades new research on the roles Muslim women have played in the social, economic, warfare history and cultural life raises the question of how seclusion of Middle Eastern women was maintained, until now seclusion has been a defining factor of the status of women in these societies (This will be enlarged in later discussion).

In the context of the Indian subcontinent, for women of the pre-Turkish period that 'the existence of parda though not very common, cannot be completely denied' (Misra 1967: 2) and 'as a rule was confined to kings, nobles and merchant- princes in pre-Muslim India' (Thomas 1964: 247, 350). Although some form of seclusion existed before Muslim rule (Brijbhushan 1980: 19; Altekar 1956: 169-175), after the invasion of Muslims (eleventh century onwards) the practice of purdah became more common in the local society. The local adoption of purdah was not only an imitation of the invaders practice, but was also useful as a protective measure to save their honor from the Turkish invaders (Misra 1965: 134; Kaur 1968: 24). The upper class Muslim and Hindu women thus adopted purdah, and while going out used covered palanquin6• The women of middle and lower class did not follow this practice while going out (Thomas 1964: 250; Kaur 1968: 25). The purdah practice of Hindus and Muslims had basic difference: Hindu women's purdah was much more rigid within the family (Minturn 1993), whereas Muslims' practice was vis-a-vis outsiders (Jacobson and Wadley 1977). But the main purpose for both Hindus and Muslims was (and still is) exercising control over women (Lateef 1990). By coming in contact with

6 A fully covered small bed or chair on which rich women used to go out. 52

Hindu culture, Muslims also adopted aspects of the customs, manners and social life of the Hindus (Thomas 1964; Ali & Mills: 2001: Jeffery: 1979/2000). Zarina Bhatty (1976: 99) argues that the Muslim women in India inherited the restrictive components of both the cultures, in the form of Islamic injunctions and as well as the complex customs and caste rules of Hinduism.

In a lecture at Madras in1927, Pickthall7 strongly criticized the Indian subcontinent's style of purdah, which involved covering of the women's face, segregation by impounding women and consequently condemning them to a life entirely within four walls of the house (Ali & Mills 2001: 3). While analyzing the Indian purdah system adopted by Muslims Pickthall calls it cruel because,

'they (Muslims) came into this land as conquerors, with ambitions and ideas befitting noblemen and rulers in Afghanistan and Turkistan and Persia ... so that now every Indian Muslim thinks it is necessary for their Izzat [honor/status] to treat his women in, perhaps, a wretched hut as the original Beg or Khan Sahib [people of higher and noble social status] treated the women of his household, or as Mughal Emperor treated the women of his palace. It is the lack of peasantry, which had made them confuse the Purdah system of the wealthy town folk in the past with the Sacred Law of Islam. If there had been a Muslim peasantry in India, ... [they] could never have fallen into the error of supposing that the Purdah system should be practiced by the poor who dwell in hovels, and the rich would never have applied both to town and country life' (Ali & Mills 2001: 10).

Due to the multiplicity of expressions of Islam in different historical and cultural contexts (Hussain 1984: 3), one finds diversity in purdah. Traditionally the most veiled and secluded women are from the urban upper class. In Muslim countries the position of women fluctuates between the Quranic words and local customs and traditions based on extra­ Islamic conditions, which are often justified to the people by twisted meanings and misinterpretations of Quranic injunctions that are an abuse to the Islamic Law (Engineer 1992: 4; Kader 1984: 142). The role norms for women vary from one Muslim society to

7 Mannaduke Pickthall was a British Muslim convert who is known for his highly regarded English translation of the Quran. 53

another, yet in-spite of disagreements over interpretations of religious functionaries or patriarchs, all share the view that women should occupy a subordinate role.

George Tarabishi (quoted by Memissi 1987: 169) suggests that, 'there are one hundred million Arabs, but in fact there are only fifty million, the female population being prevented from taking part in social responsibilities'. Against this historical background, what is the emerging scenario of purdah in the contemporary Muslim world? Equally, can Muslim women re-gain the status and rights, which Islam originally gave them? This shall be dealt in chapter 5 by analyzing the plight of feminism in Muslim countries and its dialogue with the State. However, it is first necessary to examine specific links between purdah and Islam.

4. Islamic Interpretation

As briefly described in the preceding section, veiling was a practice among most of the nations of antiquity. The Islamic injunction regarding purdah can be traced from the fifth hijra8 (AD 627) before the Prophet Muhammad's death. Muslim jurisprudence (Hofmann 1999: 74) in Islam is derived from: The Quranic9 concept: written words from the holy book of Muslims.

The Sunnah '0 : the model behavior of the Prophet Mohammad.

The Hadith 11 : heritage carried from the Prophet's times. The Shariah: the Islamic Law and Ethics. The Fatawa: the Legal decisions by a religious authority. The Mas/aha: Legislation derived from Islamic principles based on public interest.

8 Hijra is migration of the Prophet Mohammad from Mecca to Madina. 9 The Quran is the book revealed to the Prophet Mohammad, the Messenger of God. It is composed of 114 Surrahs (chapters) each divided into verses. There are 6,219 verses). ' 0 The Sunnah is the way of acting, the behavior of the Messenger of God, by word, action and silence. The believers need to follow Him. The Sunnah is a source of laws similar to the Quran (Sabbah 1984: 7). 11 Hadith are statements of the Prophet's contemporaries. An account relating to a deed or decision attributed to Mohammad. An authentic documentation of some practices, whose composition has two parties to it: a chain of authorized persons certify that the transmission of the account was made from one person to another from the last narrator to the first transmitter ... 'so-and-so told us, according to so-and-so, who heard it from so-and so who got it from so-and-so ... so that ... here begins the text of the account'. The date of a Hadith is important. Imam Bukhari and Imam Muslim are considered to be authentic. Imam Bukhari collected 300,000 and kept only 8,000 Hadith (Memessi 1987: 42- 48: Sabbah 1984). 54

The Quranic exegesis and the collections of Hadith are classical compendia for the followers of Islam. The development of Islamic Law and jurisprudence was influenced by multiethnic and multicultural contexts, all of which were patriarchal. Islamic intellectuals, ulema, jurists, and scholars of various ideologies (conservatives, traditionalists, modernists and fundamentalists) have specific interpretations. Hofmann (1999: 75) categorizes these scholars as follows: - Those who maintain that the Quranic norms were only meant to regulate the earliest Islamic community ... and are no longer relevant and binding. - Those who flatly deny that the Quran contains only broad guiding principles. - Others who try to reduce to a minimum the legal content of Shariah by emphasizing the normative quality of the Sunnah or by rejecting many a relevant Hadith as spurious. - Those who believe in the static interpretation of Quran and Hadith, and want it to be strictly implemented. Those who believe that human reason are not a means to an end, but a key to open secrets - to re-adapt the religious beliefs to new possibilities. After the expansion of Muslim territories, the evolution of Islamic Law was influenced by the traditions of the new regions. Islamic jurists merged Quranic precepts with local practices. Hence, Sharia differs from one region to the other. Ultimately in the mainstream12 of Islam, there are four schools of law, which are Shafiites, Hanbalites, Malikites and Hanajites (Bodman 1998: 10). Over the course of time, differences of opinion developed between these four schools with regards to the limits of hijab. The first two schools were more conservative and believed that the entire body of the female should be concealed. The interpretations of the latter two schools were more relaxed about the covering of face and hands (Stowasser 1994: 131 ).

4.1 The Quran

In the Quran the word Hijab has been used seven times both in concrete and metaphorical terms (Bill: 1978): concrete in regard to women's hijab, and metaphorical in reference to

12 Sunni sect of Muslims which comprises most of the Muslim population. Shia is the second largest sect. 55

other situations when an intellectual meaning of concealment or hiding was suggested. The verses of the Quran and the sayings of the Prophet of Islam are not related to a single period of time, but span many years. Each verse is linked to a particular circumstance and incident in respect of place and time. There are two chapters (Surrah) of the Quran in which there is a specific narration 13 about clothing and public behavior; segregation and staying in the house. These are: 1. Surrah Al-Nur (Light, 24) 2. Surrah Al-Ahzab (Confederates or The Clans, 33) In Surrah Al-Nur reference is made to: - Restraining of eyes, and - Prohibition of display of fineries. Verse 24: 31 says, 'Tell the male believers among you that they are to lower their gaze when in the company of others and preserve their own modesty. Sexual modesty is better for those who believe, and more conducive to purity. And God is perfectly well aware of all that you do' Turner ( 1997: 211 ).

In the next verse (24: 32) again the Prophet is guided to, 'Tell the female believers among you that they too are to lower their gaze when in the company of others and preserve their own modesty. They are not to make a display of either their natural beauty or their artificial ornaments: their legs are to remain covered, except for those parts exposed naturally when walking and they are to keep their hair covered with a scarf or shawl (writer's emphasis) which should be tied or pinned under the chin. They may display their beauty to no one except their husbands, their fathers, their husband's father, their sons, their husband's sons, their brothers, their brother's sons, their sister's sons, their maids, their slaves, male servants in their household who are free of all carnal desire, and children who have no sexual knowledge. Women believers must take care not to draw attention to themselves by walking in such a way that whatever lies beneath their outer garments becomes exposed. And O you who believe! Turn towards God in a spirit of reconciliation and dress yourselves in modest attire so that you may escape the punishments of the Hereafter and attain eternal felicity in the Garden of Paradise.'

13 The translation of the specific verses into English have been done by Pickthall ( 1979), Arberry (1974), Zakaria (1991), Turner (1997). Translation by Colin Turner, are used here, as it is the most recent. It is noteworthy that in his translation of references to purdah dress he uses the words 'scaif and shawl', which are recently adopted forms of dress to cover head and body. This illustrates how translations reflect the linguistic norms of the period of times in which the translation was made. 56

It is noteworthy that, while both male and females are being directed to lower their gaze and preserve their modesty, the females are being guided in much more detail with mention of specific relatives in front of whom they can be casual. The scarf as a head covering is not mentioned in the original Arabic writing of the Quran, where only the cover of the breasts is mentioned.

Abul Ala Maududi (1934: 180) explains that the commandment does not mean that people . should always cast their eyes down and never look up, but that it cautions against 'adultery of the eyes'. Enjoying the beauty and decoration of other women by men, and making other men their object of the eyes by women, is liable to lead to sexual tension and possibly adultery.

In the verses of the Quran (24: 32) quoted above there are some specific instructions stating that women are required not to display their decorations. Maududhi (1934: 187) explains that because women by nature are fond of decorating themselves, they may do so, but only in a limited circle as guided by God. The purpose is to reduce the chances of emotional excitement or sexual anarchy that can result from female charms and decorations. However, Engineer (1999: 72) suggests that the Quran deliberately used vagueness regarding the covering of the body by using the phrase 'except what may decently be kept open'. One can not be sure of the intent but he is right in suggesting that the understanding of the phrase will always be culture-specific, as is evident in the Muslim societies across the world.

In Surrah Al-Ahzab, God is addressing the Prophet's wives. The translations of selected verses, are related to: - Speaking quietly and modestly. - Modesty in dress. - Remaining within the house. In verses 33: 33, 34 and 60 God addresses the wives of the Prophet,

'... [If] you continue to fear God and do good works, you will remain on a different plane to that of other women. Thus speak quietly and 57

modestly when conversing with strangers; do not make a show of your voice lest one of the muhajirs (refugees) in whose heart there is a disease be smitten with desire. In order to preserve your God fearing character, speak only of serious matters when conversing with strangers; do not broach topics of a sexual nature lest their passions become inflamed. While you may possess the maturity for such discussions, they may not' (33: 33).

'Remain calmly and quietly in your houses and do not display yourself from the windows, doorways and roofs, as was the custom of women in the Age of ignorance' (33: 34).

'O Prophet! Tell your wives and daughters, and all believing women, to dress modestly when leaving the house: they should wear a cloak-like outer garment or a veil, which they are to wrap around themselves in order to conceal their figures. Their dress serves to identify them as women of modest mien for whom intimate contact with is strictly forbidden, thus helping to prevent harassment and intimidation. In blocking the path to errors and misdeeds God demonstrates His forgiveness and His Mercy' (33: 60) (Turner 1997: 252- 254).

In the first two verses the reference to purdah is in the context of life in pre-Islamic Arabia, when women, despite social and legal restrictions, freely moved and indulged in amorous talk with strangers and acquaintances, or mixed with them (Siddiqi 1979: 153). Islam directed women to live a decent life, prohibiting them from displaying their charms and developing interests outside of the house and family. And in the next verse emphasis is laid on precautions for women when they go out. If the intention was to prohibit women's movement out of their homes then reference to covering would have been meaningless. Therefore according to lbn Abbas (quoted in Siddiqi 1979: 155), to prevent the observance of bodily features and charms, an over-garment Uilbab) was required for women when they went out.

According to Memissi (1991: 85- 101) the origin of the hijab apparently is related to the cloth hijab, which was a material object, a curtain (which is revealed in Surrah 33) that the Prophet drew between himself and Anas-Ibn-Malik (a third male person) who was at the entrance of his nuptial chamber. Thus these verses may be interpreted as protecting the intimacy of Prophet and his newly wedded wife, Zaynab-Bint-Jahsh. It is told that on the wedding night some guests stayed overnight at the Prophet's house and then in the morning 58

the Prophet saw some people loitering in the vicinity. Tradition also relates the insistence of Umar-ibn-al-Khattab (the second caliph of Muslims) on the segregation and concealment of the Prophet's wives because all types of people came to the Prophet for guidance. Muslim interpreters mention that the Prophet's wives did participate in the communal life of Medina before this revelation. The dwellings of the Prophet's family were adjacent to the mosque where throngs of people came to seek advice and have an audience with the Prophet. As the living quarters were so close, privacy was not possible. It is believed that in order to provide privacy and comfort for the women, the revelation of hijab was imposed (Stowasser 1994: 90- 91 & 116).

The political and social conditions giving rise to these revelations (Mernissi 1991) during that period allowed 'hypocrites' (non-believers who sometimes pretended to be Muslims and were involved in subverting Islam) to create communal tension in Medina. Therefore the wives of the Prophet and other believing women were required to distinguish themselves from slaves by wearing an outer garment as a mark of identification from others, so that they would not be mistreated by the hypocrites. It has been argued that in the present times, in Muslim societies where such an outer garment is unnecessary as a signifier of being Muslim, then subjecting women to such a practice would not fulfill the true objective of the Quranic decree (Hassan 2002).

Fazlur Rehman (1978) writes that, ' ... the Quran does not give any general rule, but it gives solutions and rulings on specific issues and ... . rationale behind those solutions from which one can draw general principles. Building an authentic set of Islamic Laws... involves a three-part process, which requires a radical departure from past and present practices. First, in arriving at general principles or statements from the Quran, one must first give due consideration to the socio-economic conditions then existing, for the general principles are embedded in actual cases .. . which the Quran discusses, from which they must be disengaged. Second, these general principles or statements must be placed in the context of the general principles on which the entire teaching of the Quran coverage. Third, step is to move the general level to the specific legislation now sought (after), keeping in view the present societal conditions and developments in the world' (1978: 136-137). 59

4.2 Hadith

There are many Hadith 14 which refer to specific instances in which the Prophet had guided people. The emphasis on purdah in Islam emerges more from Hadith than from the Quran. Although there are many Hadith, a few examples of those that deal with the behavior expected of women and men in relation to each other are mentioned below: 1. Hazrat Jarar says, "I asked the Prophet what I should do if I happen to cast a look by chance". The Prophet replied, "turn your eyes away". (Abu Daud) 2. According to Hazrat Buraida, the Prophet told Hazrat Ali not to cast a second look, for the first look was pardonable but the second was prohibited. (Abu Daud) 3. Mughirah bin Shabah says, 'I sent a message to a women for her hand. The Prophet said to me, I have a look at her, for that will enhance love and mutual regard between you' (Al Tirmazi). 4. According to Sahl bin Sad, a woman came to the Prophet and said that she intended to offer herself in marriage to him. Hearing this, the Prophet raised his eyes and looked at her (Al Bukhari). 5. Hazrat Umm Salmah relates, one day she was sitting with the Prophet along with Hazrat Maimunah (Hazrat Aishah according to another report) when Hazrat Ibn Umm Maktum, who was a blind man, called on the Prophet. The Prophet told them to observe purdah in his presence. Hazrat Umm Salmah said, 'Is he not a blind man? Neither will he see us, nor recognize us'. The Prophet said, 'Are you also blind?' (Al Tirmizi ). 6. The Prophet told Fatima, daughter of Qais, to pass her waiting term (during which a widow or a divorced woman is not allowed to marry) in the house of Ibn Umm Maktum, the same blind man from whom Hazrat Umm Salmah had been instructed to observe purdah. Abu Bakr Ibn Arabi relates that Fatima wanted to pass her waiting time in the

14 The Hadith referred are taken from various books but the original sources are al-Bukhari, al-Tirmazi which have been mentioned here) 60

house of Umm Sharik, but the Prophet did not approve of this for the reason that many people visited the house. Therefore she should stay in the house of Umm Maktum who was a blind man.

A reasonable conclusion from the above Hadith is that it may be wise to avoid un­ necessary intermingling of men and women in the society. Socially constructive interactions between men and women do not appear to be precluded.

The concept of covering emerges in the context of maintaining the moral character of women in mixed gatherings by requiring them to follow an overall code of conduct, which includes manners, speech and appearance. It appears that women's seclusion per se is not the purpose, because during the time of Prophet and in later Muslim history, women were involved in a wide range of activities. In the Hajj (Muslim pilgrimage to Mecca) there is no segregation of males and females, and no covering of women's faces. The covering of Muslim women (and the Prophets' wives in particular) was to protect them in a particular set of circumstances.

5. Practices / Manifestations of Purdah

Having traced historical and religious influences on the emergence of purdah, it is now appropriate to describe in detail the various ways in which purdah is currently practiced. The practice of purdah incorporates three main concepts: firstly, the seclusion of women in the private space of their living quarters, thus avoiding public exposure. Secondly, the use of garments to hide themselves from men if women do have occasion to go out into public space. And finally, to keep women segregated from men both in public and private space. These three concepts overlap in shaping women's lives.

5.1 Seclusion - restriction to family living quarters

A woman's seclusion is linked to her chastity, which in turn is actually linked to the honor of the men in her family. To uphold the honor of their men, secluded women do not leave 61

the chaddar and chardivari (four walls of the house, idiomatically used for the institution of purdah). In cases where seclusion within four walls is not possible for women, then an external symbol of respectability is adopted in the form of dress (see Section 4.2). Seclusion is a status symbol that is adopted by wealthy women to indicate their affluence (Hafeez: 1991; Zafer: 1991; Klein and Nestvogel: 1992). Poorer women may also remain secluded at home, but the economic pressures of life necessitate that these women do home based, low paid work. Rigid purdah is not possible in rural areas where the majority of women fully participate in agricultural production. For rural and urban lower middle-class women purdah dress and seclusion are considered to be luxuries, which would enhance their status and allow freedom from physically tedious work (Mumtaz and Shaheed: 1987; Klein and Nestvogel: 1992). The practice of purdah is also influenced by family norms, and may vary according to both the woman's and the family's economic status and ethnic identity as well (See Chapter 2, Section 5).

5.2 Range of purdah outfits prevalent in Pakistani culture

In Pakistan, the degree of purdah covering used by women who enter public spheres varies, and is reflected by the adoption of different purdah dresses in different socioeconomic situations. The type, color and quality of material used of purdah outfits are associated with the wearer's status, also signaling the wearer's class, wealth, sophistication and region of origin. Hanna Papanek refers to the physical aspect of purdah (i.e., the forms of attire) as instruments. The women use these instruments as a logical supplement to seclusion, and as a kind of portable seclusion for coming out of their enclosed living spaces (1982: 10). 62

Fig. 1 Shuttle-cock burqa 63

Fig. 2 Two piece burqa 64

000

Fig. 3 Nikab with dupatta 65

Fig. 4 Mother and daughter wearing chaddar 66

Fig. 5 Scarves being worn by school girls 67

Fig.6 Scarf with coat 68

Women in different purdah outfits

Fig. 7 (From left to right) Examples of dupatta and chaddar, chaddar, coat and dupatta, and dupatta draped on shoulders 69

Fig. 8 Variations of purdah outfits 70

There are great ranges of purdah outfits, which are prevalent in the Pakistani society. Variations of purdah out fits can be described as follows:

Burqa15 : Two types of burqa are: 1. A tent like garment that covers whole body and head, including the face, commonly referred to as 'shuttlecock burqa ' (Fig. 1). 2. A two piece out-fit with a loose cape that covers from shoulders to feet, plus a loose head covering (some cover the face, others do not) that falls to the waist (Fig. 2). Nikab: Cloth that covers face from below eyes, or with slit for eyes. Worn separately but mostly in conjunction with two piece burqa, chaddar or scarf (Fig. 3). Chaddar: Large length of cloth that is loosely wrapped around body, and draped over the head (Fig. 4). May be supplemented by scarf or nikab. Shorter versions of chaddar that are simply draped around shoulders are also in trend (as in Fig. 7). Scarf: Covering for head (not face) and shoulder's tied under chin (Fig. 5 & 6). Young girls prefer to wear it alone though it is also worn in conjunction with chaddar and coat. Coat: Full-length garment with sleeves that covers the body. Also supplemented by scarf (Fig. 8). Duppata: Duppata is a two and a half to three-meter cloth, which is used to cover the head and body at least to the hips. It is part of the women's national dress of Pakistan, which is practiced at all times and everywhere worn in conjunction with the shalwar ( slack pants) and kamiz (knee length shirt). Mumtaz and Shaheed (1987: 75) consider it as national dress of Pakistan but not a Muslim dress.

The above description is not complete, as there can be many variations associated with the fashion, aesthetic sense of the wearer, age, social and economic status, class and region. The main purpose in describing these is to give the reader a perception of the extent of

15 Ayesha Khan (1999: 25) work indicates that burqa was invented in Turkey and became in vogue in the 1920's as a means to facilitate women's mobility outside the house. According to the glossary in Moghadam (1994a: 439) burqa is a Pushtu word for tent-like veil for Afghani women and Pushtus (Pathans living in North-West Frontier Province) in Pakistan. But the records of Indian history show that burqa was in vogue among the Turks in the thirteenth century, than they invaded India they introduced this type of purdah dress to the local culture (Kaur 1968; Misra 1965). 71

body covering with each type of garment. As these terms were used extensively by the participants interviewed in the research, it is important that their meaning is clear.

5.3 Segregation in public places

Segregation refers to the separation of men and women in public places. It is used in conjunction with dress codes, when it is deemed necessary or acceptable for women to leave the seclusion of their homes. A purdah society depends on an underlying value system related to segregation of the sexes, which is reflected in various degrees of observance. Different types of segregation provide different degrees of opportunity for conformity (Papanek 1982: 10). For example, segregation by space may provide a wider range of behavioral opportunities than are possible for women in a mixed gathering. The segregation of the sexes divides the society in work places, in educational institutions, in private and official functions, in local transport, in sports16 etc. The Government has recently opened a separate women's university, which was a long-standing demand from different sections of the society. In many coeducational institutions a minimum requirement is for the women to wear a scarf, and to observe other measures of segregation between males and females. Many families do not allow women to undertake jobs in offices where they have to interact with non-kin men. Some organizations also avoid employing women applicants, as then extra facilities such as transport, toilets, daycare, and security, need to be provided. Women's participation in spectator sports is also considered un-Islamic and therefore segregated sports with female-only audiences are encouraged. Segregated fairs, parties and educational events also take place. Thus women are conditioned to live in a segregated society that they not only accept, but in which they rather feel more comfortable (Mumtaz and Shaheed 1987; Mintjes 1984).

16 Conformity to these various restrictions depends on the government's attitude towards women's issues. As the present government of General Musharrafis liberal, in 2002, of the Common Wealth Games in Manchester a Pakistan woman participated in swimming competitions. This would have been unthinkable during Zia-ul - Haq's time or during later period of the Muslim League's term of government. 72

6. Implications of purdah

Gender is one of the organizing principles of Pakistani society, and patriarchal values predetermine the social value of gender. The sexual division of labor places women in reproductive roles in the private sphere and men in a productive role as breadwinners in the public sphere. The level of resource investment in women, by both the family and the State, is low. The complex set of rules which governs all gender interactions, is based on the institution of purdah, which, as just described, is not merely the physical adoption of a veil or segregation in the homestead. In fact it is argued in this thesis that the institution of purdah is a tool for controlling women and buttressing the patriarchal structures of the society. The research data presented in later chapters shows that the overarching implications of the practice of purdah have two forms: the visible that is manifest in seclusion, particular dress and the segregation of the sexes, and the invisible, which is prevalent in the underlying attitudes of society, and in the control of women's lives by those who use religion and tradition as their means to do so. Generally the overt forms of purdah are apparent, but it is the covert government policies, legislative/judicial regulations which ratify the institution (enforcing discriminatory policies) that actually affect women's status (Haque 2002).

The research undertaken in this thesis (presented in Chapters 7, 8 & 9) supports the argument that the complex inter-linkages between the visible and invisible forms of purdah interact to determine the oppressed status of Pakistani women and their lesser opportunities to participate in society. As a result, women are discriminated against and deprived of many basic facilities by decision-makers who consider that, due to purdah, women probably do not need or cannot access health facilities, education, and employment opportunities. Female chastity and honor are bought into play, and restrictions are imposed on the whole field of interaction between the sexes (Ismail 1998: 214) Such socio-cultural disparities are further compounded by an absence of legal and political recognition of women. Thus, the combination of the visible and invisible forms of purdah creates an interconnected web of 73

deprivation, marginalization and denial, not only of women's rights for self-improvement, but also of their roles as agents of change.

Over the last fifty-five years the dynamics shaping the relationship between women and the State have revolved around the 'imperfect nature' of women's citizenship under Pakistan's secular regimes. This has represented a violation of sucessive constitutions, which in theory award equal rights to men and women, as does Islamic Law as well. The State does not recognize women's autonomy and separate status and has actively made laws that negate women's identity. It fails to perceive peculiarities of the women's situation. Women's rights are restricted and limited in the name of protection for them, which is at best a circular argument. The legal system creates contradictions and duality in both public and private spheres, which is compounded when the courts reflect public opinion to a great extent, for example, in family case laws (Gilani 1990; Pearl 1990, Lawerence 1998). According to a Pakistani legal academic, biased legislation and orders serve to reinforce society's discriminatory attitudes towards women (Ali 2000). A tendency to view women in a fragmented manner by the planners and policy-makers is evident in the discrimination of the legal and institutional scaffolding, bolstered by the societal attitudes. The response of societal institutions renders even progressive laws ineffective (Jilani 1994: 103). Thus women continue to suffer from an ad hoe judicial review system, subject to manipulation rather than consultation (Lawerence 1998).

The Constitution of the country places no restriction on women's participation in politics; nevertheless, their presence in political structures remains insignificant as a result of cultural and structural barriers. Between 1947 and 1999, the minimal representation of women at all levels in political parties reflects the ineffective mainstreaming and an inadequacy of commitment to women from the various parties. Though women have been rank-and-file members of political parties, they have lacked decision-making power. Within the two major political parties, there are only three women out of a total membership of twenty-one in the central body of the PPP, and five out of forty-seven in the N awaz group Muslim League. 74

The few women who have been leaders of their parties inherited their political career, reflecting the importance of family status and class. Over time, women's involvement has mainly been to mobilize women to vote and participate during the elections. The general disillusionment with the political parties and the overall state of democracy has decreased the voter turnout. Moreover, women's participation in politics is minimal, largely because politics is considered a male domain. Feudal and tribal structures, a lack of financial resources, dependency on male family backing, and a lack of awareness and interest further contribute to this situation.

Compounding their lack of voice in political areas, women are also disempowered in legal arenas. Generally, due to women's lack of awareness in relation to their rights, their suffering in matters of litigation is compounded by a biased judiciary, law enforcing agencies, a lack of female lawyers and judges, the costs of litigation and delays in the justice system (Ali 2000).

7. Conclusion

The examination of women's situation in Pakistan in chapter 2 and 3 was essential as a basis for understanding the multiple facets of the institution of purdah and its Islamic moorings in contemporary Pakistan. A historical and religious perspective of the institution of purdah is a necessary backdrop for the theoratical framework of Islamic feminism and to the analysis of the data generated in this research. As this discussion has indicated it is the nature of seclusion of sexes, which requires that both men and women conduct themselves with modesty, that determines the cultural nature of Muslim societies. Nonetheless, the existing multi-faceted institution of purdah has marginalized women's participation in every sphere of life.

Purdah as an institution has no boundaries and has influenced the lives of Muslim women wherever they live. In the form of purdah dress the real controversy concerns what part of a woman's body may permissibly be exposed. In different Muslim societies/countries the practice of purdah varies and so does its implications. For example, in Saudi Arabia, 75

Afghanistan and Iran purdah is strictly observed, whereas in Turkey, Tunisia and Dubai there is no compulsion of law than there are 'middle order' countries like Egypt, Algeria, Malaysia and Indonesia where the practice is more based on the willing compliance of women. Pakistan is a 'middle order' country, but with a dominant culture of exploitation of the institution by the government and society at different times. The institution of purdah is influenced by political and economic factors in each Muslim country, and religion also acts as one of the fundamental supports for the purdah system (Marsot 1996). The process of global modernization is forcing change, and women living in Muslim countries have been . striving to better their status. Purdah has been an integral part of women's movements in many Islamic contexts: sometimes purdah has been adopted and sometimes Muslim women activists have rejected it. In the next chapter Islam and women's activism is discussed, feminist discourses in Muslim countries are analyzed, and a theoretical framework for the thesis is presented. 76

CHAPTERS FEMINISM AND ISLAM

It is we sinful women who come out raising the banner of truth up against barricades of lies on the highways who find stories of persecution piled on each threshold who find the tongues which could speak have been severed.

It is we sinful women. Now, even if the night gives chase These eyes shall not be put out. For the wall which has been razed don't insist now on raising it again. (Naheed 2001: 22)

1. Introduction

In Muslim countries women who have chosen the discourse of activism against the prevalent oppression and exploitation of an unequal society are often declared to be 'sinful'. Both religious and political leaders issue decrees to suppress acts of gross feminist defiance, labeling them un-Islamic and Westernized. Clearly within the context of the emerging revivalism of Islam, Muslim women activists have chosen an uncertain and demanding path.

This chapter explores the various discourses of feminism co-existing, albeit uneasily, with the religion of Islam, and describes the nature of emerging feminism in Muslim countries. The ensuing examination grounds this thesis' understanding of the institution of purdah in a theoretical framework of feminism as it has evolved in Muslim societies at large. 77

2. Historical background of Muslim feminism

2.1 What is feminism?

Feminists are those who dare to break the conspiracy of silence about the oppressive, unequal relationship between men and women, and who want to change it (Tuttle 1987: 107- 8). Whether Eastern or Western, basically all feminist pursuits are aimed at social movement, acquiring rights for women from the society to which they belong. Throughout known history male domination has been pervasive, particularly within patriarchal social structures, including political and economic arenas (Mies 1986). The agenda of feminism encompasses many dimensions, including an analysis of gender roles, patriarchy, class struggle, national liberation, poverty and development, dowry killing, violence against women and the nature of religious exploitation. Regardless, the analysis of any feminism cannot be de-contextualized from its background, religion, history, politics, economy, customs, traditions and geographical location.

Any historical study of feminism shows that the meaning of feminism has changed over time and from place to place, and is often disputed (Moghadam 2002b: 12). In any context concrete experience and change in any given place ratify the definition of feminism over time (Badran 1995). Thus, for example, over recent decades women of different ethnicities have gradually dismantled monolithic views that placed the family as the sole site of oppression, or which regarded employment as the path to liberation, and envisaged patriarchy as an uncomplicated singular force (Afshar and Maynard 2000).

2.2 How feminism is perceived in the Muslim/fhird world

In third world countries the term 'feminism' brings with it pejorative attitudes, so much so that Western feminism1 is perceived synonymously with colonialism and Western capitalism. In the early 1970's when third world women quite hesitantly adopted the term

1 An extensive analysis of the discourse of Western feminism is beyond the scope of this thesis. Therefore it will not be dealt with as such, but will be discussed only in the context of exploring feminism in Muslim countries. 78

'feminism', there was a lot of criticism from within their own countries and from outside as well. For feminists who were trying to be effective within their cultures of origin, these criticisms often had a debilitating impact (Okin 2000). In pursuit of their rights they had to walk a fine line trying to maintain a clear separation from many aspects of Western feminism, yet they still sometimes faced fierce opposition from within Islamic culture. The global hegemony of Western scholarship has had political effects and implications for Muslim women (Maumoon 1999: 280). Initially Muslim women were concerned with destroying myths about Islam propagated by earlier Western feminists, and their accusations regarding the subordination of Muslim women. Thus, initially, third world women disassociated themselves from any kind of Western feminism (Mies 1986). The domination of Western feminism meant that the range of women's issues considered was narrowly and parochially conceived.

Furthermore, feminism was slow to be adopted by women in Asia, the Middle East, Africa and Latin America because there have been other pressing issues to deal with such as national liberation, issues of poverty and development, class and creed. Women's liberation and questions of identity as expressed by Western feminists were positioned as secondary to these other struggles (Afshar and Maynard 2000). However, the Western paradigm of feminism does provide one useful framework for understanding the debate concerning feminism in the Muslim world. For example, Moghissi (1999: 126) suggests that if feminism is a political and intellectual ideology advocating equal gender rights and demanding women's access to public life, then feminism has always been crucial to Islamic societies. Despite this, women of different ethnicities have had an uphill struggle to redefine Western feminist terms, benchmarks and understandings in ways that are relevant for their own societies (Afshar and Maynard 2000).

The French term 'feminisme' was coined in 1880s but was not widely used until the end of century when 'feminism' was used in England and later in 1910 it appeared in the United States. Just a decade later 'Nisa 'I' began to be used to signify 'feminist' in Egypt (Badran 1995: 19). In the Arab world, from a literary and historical point of view, the term 'feminism' first appeared in 1909 when Malak Hifni Nasif published a collection of articles 79

and speeches in a book entitled Al-Nisaiyat (meaning something by or about women). Politically, in 1923, Egyptian women first used the term 'feminist' to define themselves and their organization 'al-Ittihad al-Nisa 'i al-Misri' (the Egyptian Feminist Union). Another historian of feminism, Karen Offen ( quoted in Badran 2002: 1), suggests that initially the term 'Islamic feminism' was used in the 1990's in Turkey by Nilufer Gole in her edited book The Forbidden Madren (published in Turkish in 1991 and in English in 1996), and in articles by Yesim Arat and Feride Ajar. The South African activist, Shamim Shaikh, applied feminism to Islam, again providing in her writings and speeches evidence of the term being embraced by Muslims. Other terms in Arabic like unthawiyat (womanists) and nassawiyat (remakers of women) represent the educated, privileged, and engaged women who are struggling to improve the situation of women. Thus these terms are synonymous with, and arguably serve the same function as, 'feminism'.

In the present research the terms 'feminist' and 'feminism' are used to contexualize and understand the perspectives of women's issues and rights in Pakistan's Muslim society. While it is a global term associated with women's struggles all over the world, it is very often misunderstood in the Muslim world, as simply a manifestation of Westemization. In the Muslim world, the foremost articulation of women's rights is under Islamic Law, though these rights have been curtailed for centuries due to political, economic and socio­ cultural influences as was discussed comprehensively regarding Pakistan in chapter 2. Thus the discourse of feminism, relating to women's rights in the Muslim world as presented in this thesis, is necessarily rooted in Islamic culture and political situations.

2.2.1 Dawn of Islam and earlier centuries

The expanding literature of Muslim societies published in the last two decades in the Middle East, Asia and Africa (Ahmed 1992; Tucker 1993; Moghadam 1994a, 1994b; Moghissi 1999; Poya 1999; Cooke 2001; Roded 2001) suggests that arguably, the 'project' of feminism in Muslim countries has a grounding in indigenous politics, culture, class and religion and did not originate solely from the influence of feminism in the West. 80

For example, the history of the Arabs2 from pre-Islamic times to the early stages of Islam, provides instances of women who exercised a high degree of authority and independence. Examples are, Khadija (a business-woman), Aishia (who fought wars and is the most authentic transmitter of the Hadith), and other wives of the Holy Prophet (Saadawi 1980; Mernissi 1987). But, in the early stages of Islam, pre-existing eastern Mediterranean practices restricting the freedoms of women were assimilated within Islamic societies ( as has been discussed in Chapter 4). This makes it difficult to assess the role of Islam in restricting the rights of women (Majid 1998: 6; Ahmed 1992: 63). According to Ahmed, the rapid acquisition of vast foreign territories (Greco-Roman, Byzantine, Mesopotamian and Mediterranean Europe) led to Arab and non-Arab prejudices against women being incorporated into Islamic Law from a number of religious and cultural traditions, including the Judaic, Christian and Iranian (1992: 238). Successive Islamic rulers and kings subsequently legalized restrictive practices to stop women's active participation in socioeconomic life.

The adoption of misogynist attitudes occurred despite existing cultural practices to the contrary. For example, historical records show large numbers of women attending the mosque in Shiraz. Also, the respect and dignity shown to Turkish women impressed the Moroccan traveler and writer Ibn Battuta (reference from H. R.A. Gibb (1325-1354) in Minai 1981: 43). Similarly Muslim women in Islamic Spain of the eleventh and twelfth centuries provide evidence of extravagant expression in their poems and life styles. These examples indicate that Islam itself was not inherently and universally oppressive of women.

2.2.2 Period from 1860s to early 1920s

Western travel accounts of this period (such as of Lady Mary Wortley Montaqu's portrayal of Turkey in the eighteenth century), mention the liberty enjoyed by women in Muslim societies. She stated that she could not compare it with any other country (quoted in Majid, from Melman 1992: 87; Minai 1981: 43-61). Similarly, in her ethnographic study of

2 Arab countries stretch from Morocco in the West to Iraq and the Arabian Peninsula in the East as described in Badran and Cooke ( 1990). 81

women in the Middle East and Turkey, Women of Turkey and Their Folklore (1893), Mary Lucy Gamet praised Muslim women for their superiority in social life, hygiene, economics and legal rights. The harem3 did not prevent Egyptian women from conducting business and international trade while still living within Islamic conventions prior to the influence from the West. Women exercised sufficient control over their lives to go to the courts for divorce, for business deals, and for unpaid loans, exactly as men did.

Furthermore, Ahmed (1992: 145) provide evidence of attempts in the 1870s and 1880s by Muslim intellectuals in Egypt, such as al-Tahtawi and Abdu, to reform matters such as polygamy, divorce and education. Later, in the 1890s, Qasim Amin (1992) put forward a thesis on social transformation in his book, The Liberation of Women, stressing women's rights to education and the need for the reinterpretation and reform of Islam in order to limit or prohibit practices such as polygamy, seclusion, and hijab in order to create a more civilized society. In examining the literature by Middle Eastern women in the late nineteenth and especially in the early twentieth centuries one finds many of the women authors were either educated by European teachers or were privileged to be educated in Europe or one of their parents was European (Badran and Cooke 1990; Minai 1981 ). Thus their feminist thinking had some inspiration from the West although it was grounded in their own indigenous issues and culture.

Marsot suggests that once the trade routes of the powerful Muslim Ottoman Empire ( 1281- 1924) were reoriented towards Europe, Muslim women's economic independence was eroded (1996a: 41-44). Women's role as producers of goods was minimized and more importantly, women's work was not judged in monetary terms or considered to be economically productive. Due to the introduction of technology and the increase of manufacturing, retail work, and the commercialization of agriculture, women's trade and casual work of other kinds was marginalized (Marsot 1996a; Petry 1992; Quataert 1992). For the period from 1800-1914, Tucker (1985) has traced at length the impact of economic, political, social transformation and colonialism on women, as during this time institutions

3 According to Amal Rassam, (1984: 5) 'harem' means 'sacred' or 'women of the house', but it is ironic that its popular meaning is virtually the opposite of its original meaning, referring to concubines. 82

were controlled by foreigners and ideologies alien to local customs. He found that in this period of economic dislocation, defense of the traditional family structure spelled security for many women. Women's status was accordingly affected and as their dependence on men increased, so did their marginalization.

It has also been argued, however controversially, that the practice of purdah became more widespread in 19th century as a reaction to the colonizers interpreting purdah as a signifier of Muslim women's enslavement. The colonizers' adoption of a 'civilizing mission' and 'colonial feminism' that imposed liberating policies in areas of women's rights inevitably further aggravated the Muslim male (Ahmed 1992) which led to a backlash. Thus, the 'hiding' of women's bodies from the gaze of the Western viewer and the protection of their minds from modernization, symbolized protection of the Islamic identity, communal dignity and social and cultural continuity (Moghissi 1999; Hoodfar 1993).

In the late nineteenth century lone voices of individual women and men expressed their resentment against the oppressive domination of males in their writings and demanded the fair treatment of women (Badran and Cooke 1990; Mojab 2001). In the Islamic World, feminist ideas had been evidenced in these individual efforts but collective, organized action or social movements were inconspicuous or invisible until the beginning of the twentieth century (Baden 1992; Badran and Cooke 1990).

2.2.3 Period from 1920s to 1960s

According to Badran (1995: 21) the efforts of a select number of women between 1920- 1960 in Muslim countries were 'feminist' on the basis of their ideas, agendas and actions, although the women themselves did not explicitly adopt this identity. At much the same time as the first wave of feminism in Western countries, by the end of World War I Muslim women's voices, (a visible feminism) were included in public discourse through their participation in national liberation struggles, especially in Turkey, Iran, Egypt, Syria, Algeria, Morocco and South Asia. By the middle of the twentieth century, Muslim women focused their revolutionary struggle against colonial and missionary impositions and aimed 83

to re-establish a national and religious identity (Gole 1996). So the initial focus of Muslim women's political engagement and public appearance was on mobilizing women's support for the nationalist struggle against the colonial powers, not necessarily for gaining their own rights independent of this struggle (Mohanty 1991; Helie-Lucas 1994a; Narayan and Harding 2000).

As the history and heritage of Muslim societies is radically different to Western development and culture, it is not surprising that the feminism which appeals to Muslim women, and which is perceived to be relevant to their society, is generally different to that developed by women in the West. In late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the discourse of rights and citizenship was totally absent in most Muslim societies. In clear contrast with the East, Western feminism was a product of the rise of capitalism and the accompanying modernist culture and politics. In the twentieth century, Western women demanded equality in the public realm as well as in the private sphere of the household. Feminism, in terms of the western, liberal idea and politics of gender equality, reached Islamic societies in the late nineteenth century. Responses were diverse, ranging from a tentative interest in women's emancipation to its outright rejection (Abu-Lughod 1998: 3-31; Badran 1995). However it was obvious from the beginning that the debate was centered on the compatibility of the idea of the general emancipation of women (rather than to individual instances of liberated behavior of attitudes as outlined earlier in this Chapter) with the principles of Islam.

During the first half of the twentieth century, Islamic societies changed due to the varying impacts of colonialism, modernism, nationalism and socialism. Conflicting cultural and political attitudes emerged, one effect being that upper and middle-class women demanded participation in public life in greater numbers than before by arguing for legal equality (Keddie 1992: 14). During this period, women's activism more generally began to surface. For example, in Iran, a tentative women's movement emerged during the Constitutional Revolution of Iran (1906-1911). In 1921 in Egypt, the first Egyptian women's nationalist demonstration was organization by Huda Shaarawi who became the president of a women's national organization, Wafdist-Women's Central Committee. In 1923 she also became a founder of the Egyptian Feminist Union (Badran 1993). Despite previous instances of 84

individual and select groups of women participating in social and cultural activities, women were now constituting a new social force asking for an overall redistribution of power both in public and private spheres, which was not comfortable for the Islamic groups, or secular forces and states.

Further developments during the mid 20th century occurred predominantly in Arab countries. The Arab Feminist Conference (1938) in Cairo and the International Alliance of Women's (IAW) Congress in Copenhagen (1939) gave a much needed impetus to Arab/Eastern women to pursue demands for equal rights in the family, the abolition of polygamy, compulsory education, the franchise for women and equal pay for equal work (Moghissi 1999: 130). Women's rights as citizens within a unitary Arab framework was also one of the main agendas discussed in the Congress with a view to the implementation of this aim in participants' respective countries (Badran 1995: 242). By the end of 1944 the efforts to consolidate a collective vision and strengthen feminist movements inside Arab countries coalesced and the Arab Feminist Congress was convened in Cairo. The Congress was twice the size of the 1938 meeting, with more middle-class professional women attending rather than only those from rich merchant and landowning families whose male family members had political affiliations with the state. Arab feminists took up the challenge of constructing citizenship in the postcolonial modern Arab states (Badran 1995: 239).

In 1945 an Arab Feminist Union (AFU) Confederation was established, comprised of feminist unions from several Arab countries. In 1952, in Egypt, the government's revolutionary measures against activist women ( consisting of suppressing and co-opting their independent liberal movements under the state run machinery), resulted in serious damage to women's independent activism. Feminists like Zaynab al-Ghazali were imprisoned and one of her male role models, Sayyid Qutab, was executed. The patriarchal state authority banned the Egyptian Feminist Union (Badran 1993). Its name had to be changed to the Huda Sharawi Association and by 1958 its function was largely limited to social welfare activities. The fate of women's rights in other Arab countries with highly centralized state regimes was similar, and there was no space for an independent feminist 85

movement. Consequently each national feminist union was incorporated into the state, mostly under the ministries of social welfare that dispensed government funding, and in this way governments controlled the agendas (Badran 1995: 250).

The incorporation of women's rights into government departments allowed governments in Egypt, Tunisia, Iraq and Jordan, to grant limited rights to women's organizations in part, so that they could no longer claim a need for widespread change. This strategy ultimately led to the dissolution of many groups. Gradually women's committees within nationalist and political parties split to form their own organizations due to disappointments in their male counterparts who reneged on many promises made, and also due to their growing awareness of a sense of separateness within the common aspirations which bound them (Darwiche 2001; Mojab 2001; Sullivan 1998; Toprak 1994). Women realized that their struggles and their demands for political and social rights were in constant conflict with national forces that excluded women from decision-making process. In some other countries, for example in Sudan, women participated in the national independence struggle in the mid- l 950s. Similarly, in the Algerian Revolution, women participated from 1954-62 and later some organized feminist activity ensued. In Jordan, the first Jordanian Women's Union was established in 1945 under a royal decree. However, this Union remained restricted to the upper class and maintained a charitable mandate. Since 1947 the Palestinian women have increasingly asserted themselves as nationalists and feminists simultaneously (Badran and Cooke 1990: xxv). In Kuwait, a women's movement emerged in the late 1960s, and illustrates that where women are freer to express their attitudes on gender issues, feminism has gained the most visible public.face (Hatem 1993: 35). This is not the case in Saudi Arabia where women are unable to gain such liberty as in every daily instance they are dependent on their male guardians (Doumato 1999).

The adoption of capitalist growth strategies by countries such as Turkey, Egypt and Iran created new challenges for the majority of Muslim women in the 1960's. They were forced to enter the paid work force; and subsequently it became clear that the capitalist transformation of the economy would have an uneven impact on women's lives. Upper and middle class women generally benefited from increased education and greater job 86

opportunities, but the poor, both in rural and urban contexts, suffered due to the overall process of modernity. They concomitantly faced the psychological problems of adjustment to a society in transition, where prevailing traditions were in conflict with the economic pressures, which created anxiety and confusion. The men in these societies may superficially appear to accept the equality of the sexes but in practice they resist it (Rassam 1984), as was the case earlier in the twentieth century.

2.2.4 The resurgence of feminism from the 1970's

The United Nation's Decade for Women (1975-85) and the associated specific forums and meetings held world wide, increased pressure on all governments to address the issue of women's rights. The United Nations' emphasis on women's issues generated a myriad of official debates and an accompanying mushrooming of women's organizations within both Western and non-Western societies. In the 1970's Islamic governments initiated a trend of liberalizing or reexamining their dominant conservative position, for example in Sudan and Tunisia. These examinations led to the conclusion that the inclusion of women in all facets of the political process was consistent with Islam and that the conservative position of strict segregation was based on custom rather than the principles of Islam (Ghadbian 1995: 27). So in some Muslim countries women's rights were officially brought to the agendas of governments, although in most cases the governments' reactions consisted only of lip service to liberation policies (Haddad 1982: 54). At the end of the United Nation's Decade of Women (1975-1985), in the non-government forum in Nairobi, a large number of Arab feminists revived the earlier plan of a pan-Arab feminism with the name of the Arab Women's Solidarity Association (AWSA). The Association attained the status of an International Arab organization and it was accepted as a consultative body in the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations (Badran and Cooke 1990: 366).

To oppose the repressive regimes and the fundamentalist groups, after the 1970s, the emergence of non-government women's groups and organizations bloomed with post­ Islamist and post-modernist definitions and solutions to women's issues. The efforts of the 87

United Nations' development agencies4 helped to stimulate interest in the needs of women and led to the establishment of groups around those needs (Hatem 1993). Along with the non-government organizations, the United Nation also worked through government agencies. There were a few organizations that embraced concepts that had been previously considered taboo, such as equality, empowerment or sustainable development with a feminist vision (Darwiche 2001: 19). These non-government organizations were critical of the state, as they claimed the governments did not go beyond the needs of literacy, vocational training, and family planning.

However the prominence of women's rights in Islamic countries was to be challenged by another movement providing change of a reactionary nature. Following the Islamic Revolution in Iran (1979), a religious revivalist mood in Muslim countries began to emerge. As women were often positively affected by the rapidly changing social and economic systems, they posed a major obstacle to re-Islamification policies in countries like Turkey, Sudan, Algeria, Tunisia and Iran. But many pro-Islamist women's groups emerged in these countries as well (Hatem 1993). In general it was an alarming situation for Muslim women, especially women from the middle and lower-middle classes, as the new reactionary state policies developed by religious leaders were intended to restrict women from public participation and confine them to the domain of private family life. The promulgation of discriminatory Islamic Laws, ordinances such as compulsory dress codes and the segregation of the sexes undermined women's newly found status. For the working woman, low paid jobs, harassment in the work place, a lack of job security, and increased male privilege created a generally repressive environment (Baden 1992: 3; Keddie 1992: 14).

The 1980s witnessed a new boom of activity in women's movements in reaction to the conservative trends. This was also in line with the international trends towards the enhancement of women's status, which favored considering women's rights as part of

4 Such as the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), and last, the UNESCO Expert Meeting on Multidisciplinary Research on Women in Arab World. 88

human rights. Consequently, a number of women's organizations emerged in Muslim societies, with programs related to social work and charities, but very few with any clear feminist agendas assimilating concepts of equality and empowerment. A few organizations dealt with concepts like sustainable development, comparative analysis of laws, violence against women and reproductive rights (Darwiche 1999). For example, in 1986 the Simorgh Association gathered together in Lahore, Pakistan, a group of women representing Muslim communities in Asia and the Arab world. Also in 1986, the 'Women Living Under Muslim Laws' network brought together Muslim women from within the Arab world, Africa and Asia and set down the basis if its first Plan of Action. Another conference in 1987 was held in Mumbai (Bombay), India, gathering several hundred women from various religious backgrounds, under the theme 'Women, Religion and Personal Laws'. And, since the Fourth World Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995, not only have the numbers of women's organizations increased, but also they have adopted a much more aggressive line of action towards improving the status of women in Islamic countries.

The preceding section illustrates that activism for women's emancipation has always existed in Muslim countries to varying extents, and thus the feminist struggle is not inherently alien to Islamic culture. However the use of the term 'feminism' is still seen to be problematic in Islamic circles, thought to be both Western and alien5 (Gardezi 1994). According to Fernea (1998) in her book, In Search ofIslamic Feminism, people in Muslim countries consider that feminism is a luxury indulged in by rich people, the elite, university graduates, politicians and novelists. Fernea, among others, argues that feminism is not concerned with women in the street, because the feminist struggle bears no relation to their struggle of making ends meet for food and the fight against sickness. So 'feminism' is used only by social science researchers and academics for convenience but is not a term that is used generally by women in common parlance.

Clearly, the context and nature of women's rights struggles have varied between Islamic countries and has been differently evidenced in various historical contexts. Amid hopes and

5 For example, in early 1990's a Women's Action Forum member in Islamabad told Fauzia Gardezi (1994) that they would prefer not to be called feminists. In 2000 the present writer while interviewing a few WAF members noticed that they still do not use this term. 89

fears there is ongomg debate about the compatibility of Islam and feminism in the discourses emerging at the beginning of the 21st century. The following section will describe the ways in which different groups of feminists have attempted to make sense of the relationship between feminism and Islam.

3. Feminism and Islam

There is a widespread assumption that gender inequalities in Muslim countries are due solely to the influence of religion of Islam. However, increasing numbers of studies in the field have challenged this assumption. By looking at the historical and the cultural forces that give rise to the particularities of gender relations in given locales it is possible to move beyond such a reductive account of women and Islam (Cooper 1998: 22), especially in the context of the practice of purdah (as discussed in Chapter 4).

The concept 'Islamic feminism' emerged in the 1990's in the growing western and Muslim literature examining Muslim women's struggles in context of their culture and religion. The term 'Islamic feminism' brings together double commitments: i) to a position of faith and ii) to women's rights both inside the house and outside. An Islamist feminist6, does not have a fixed identity per se, but rather, creates a new, contingent subject position. This location confirms a sense of belonging to a religious community while simultaneously allowing for activism on behalf of, and with, other women. Islamist feminists link their religious, political, and gender identities so as to claim simultaneous and sometimes contradictory allegiances even as they resist globalization, local nationalisms, Islamization, and the patriarchal system that pervades them all. Moreover, the emerging feminism( s) in the Muslim world are complex, multi-layered and specific to each country and region, and vary from the situation of one demographic stratum of women to another (Maumoon 1999). Poston suggests that research and general observation indicate that the use of the term 'Islamic feminism' (Jike 'feminism') is increasing, while at the same time it is

6 Karam ( 1998) argues that within Muslim societies besides the secular feminists there are two other versions of feminists': the Islamists and the Muslim. The present writer argues that Islam is the religion and the believers of this religion are Muslims. So the women rights activists can either be categorized as Islamist feminists or Muslim feminists but not two different categories. Within either one of these there can be different versions as described in following section 4.1. 90

controversial (2001: 55-56). In spite of the continuing debate the concept is gaining popularity in the context of Islamic feminism as a discourse, a mode of analysis, and Islamic feminism as an identity.

The main concerns of Islamic feminists generally revolve around the question of communal morality linked to the status of women (Mojab 2001), and the development of a liberation theory for women within the Islamic religious framework. So adherence to Islam, femininity, familial responsibilities, complementary not competitive roles for males and females, and global identity of the Muslim community generally, all emerge as part of the dominant discourse of Islamic feminism. Islamic traditions dictate that any struggle, including the struggle for women's progress, is to be achieved in tandem with the wider struggle to improve the living conditions of the society as a whole. It is argued that while Muslim women may be committed to the feminist cause, there are certain religious and cultural traditions which may not be ignored (Al-Faruqi 2000). Some of these traditions include the extended family system, family participation in the contracting and preservation of marriage, an emphasis on the community as a whole instead of individualism, and the differentiation of sex roles that are beneficial for keeping a balance in the society.

Based in the U.S.A, the Pakistani feminist theologian Riffat Hassan (Helie-Lucas 1994a: 269-270) defines feminism as the philosophy which, while accepting the biological differences between the sexes, affirms their essential equality. Her interpretation of feminism is that women are equal to men and they ought to be able to exercise the fundamental human right to develop their physical, mental and spiritual potentialities in an environment in which patriarchal structures and systems of thought are eliminated. She argues that in the contemporary Muslim world, laws instituted in the name of Islam cannot be overturned by means of political action alone, but through the use of better religious argument and a progressive argument adapted to present circumstances (Hassan 2001}. Furthermore she optimistically believes that, based on her definition, feminism embraces the same goal as Islam in aiming to create a just social order in the world. Thus feminism is compatible with Islam, as it furthers rather than frustrates the larger ends of Muslim women. 91

Traditionally in Islamic societies, gender roles are seen as complementary, and a distinction is drawn between the public and the private spheres, with women responsible for affairs within the house and men having the responsibility for activities outside the house. In the wake of modernity and movements such as feminism, this cultural and social traditionalism in relation to gender roles is challenged, as women are increasingly demanding that they take their place in public spheres. Islamic feminists strive to ease patriarchal pressures on women, making patriarchy less oppressive. This is certainly a feminist project, but one which falls short as it does not pose a serious challenge to patriarchy as an institution, which is recognized as being the root cause of gender disparity (Mojeb 2001: 130-131). Ali Bulac, a self-proclaimed Turkish feminist, critiques Islamic feminists, suggesting that, 'Patriarchal oppression is a phenomenon existing in every society .. .It is just a big lie that women are not devalued in this region ... Feminism invites women to rebel against the domination of men, [i]n the house, at work, in the street'. She further asks, 'Is it not possible to leave oppressive attitudes instead of insisting to play {sic} the words? We must accept that it is really difficult to give up habits, that are so enjoyable' (quoted in Gole 1996: 123).

The above concern seems founded on one discourse of Muslim feminism, which argues that Muslim women were already granted rights in the 7 th century when the religion of Islam dawned, therefore women's rights have long been a part of Islamic culture. According to the Quran (the Holy Book of Muslims) and the Sharia (Islamic Law) women are equal to men and they have legal and property rights just as men do7• However this view is not unproblematic, as one finds various fundamentalist interpretations by different scholars, problematic. Furthermore, claims that Islam provides a complete code of life giving details of the relationship between a man and a woman, is discrepant with research that finds great disparities between theory and practice in the very nature of women's lives in Islamic societies (Ali 2000; Merniss1987; Rozario 1996; Poya 1999).

7 Will and Inheritance references from Holy Quran are: Surah AI-Baqra (2) verses 180-182. Surah AI-Nissa (4) verses 7,11-12,176. Regarding gender parity Surah Al-Nissa (4) verse 32, 124. Surah Al-A'raf (7) verses 26-31. Surah AI-Nur (24) verse 26. Surah AI-Ahzab (33) verses 35-36,58,73. And many more references are there in the text. 92

Clearly there is a difference between the claimed and the written word, and what is being practiced in Muslim countries (Keddie and Beck 1978). There is an ongoing debate about women's status and rights and their compatibility or non-compatibility with Sharla among both secularists and conservatives in many Middle Eastern, South Asian and African societies (Saadawi 1980). Muslim laws as they exist in the real world today result from the combination of interpretations of the holy text entwined with local traditions. It is important to realize that traditions and cultural practices, which flourish under the name of the Islamic religion, are justified by religious fundamentalists and imposed on women. Examples are oral divorce which is legal in India (Hoodfar 1998), Bangladeh (Sobhan 1994; Shehabuddin 1999) and Pakistan (Ali and Naz 1998), female circumcision in Sudan, Somalia and Egypt (Kassamali 1998), stoning as a punishment for adultery, and requirement of eyewitnesses as proof of rape in Pakistan and Iran (Ali 2000; Hoodfar 1998). Equally the tradition of seclusion in the Middle East and West Africa (Bodman and Tohidi 1998) and women not being allowed by law to drive in Saudi Arabia (Doumato 1999) are all practices that are culturally specific to these regions but believed to be Islamic and are therefore presented as such (Hele-Lucas 1994: 395). In Muslim countries the state also politicizes issues in the name of religion: for example there is a diversity of Islamic opinion in regard to the use of contraceptives and abortion. These practices are legal in Tunisia (Charrad 1998), enforced in Bangladesh (Siddiqi 1998), whereas in Pakistan abortion is forbidden whilst contraception is allowed, while in Algeria both are forbidden (Dubey 1998; Kandiyoti 1991). Clearly there is not one 'Islamic' position on these cultural practices.

The nature of gender inequalities in Muslim societies calls for a struggle by Muslim men as well as women to gain women's rights. However, in reality it is more incumbent on women to challenge situations where there is discrimination in laws and their practice, which affect women's lives in many ways. Areas open to challenge include legal and political status of women, property rights, the institution of polygamy, violence against women, conflicting mandatory and Sharia laws (which are further confused by patriarchy). This list is not exhaustive and can be elaborated if we look into the indigenous cultures of each Muslim country. Research in Iran, Turkey, Morocco and Egypt shows that political exploitation of 93

religion is obvious in history, and religion is flexible sometimes to the point of being manipulated by those who are in power (Sadawi 1986: 249). Al Faruqi also endorses the view that for Muslim women, the source of difficulties experienced is not necessarily Islam and its traditions, but certain ideological institutions in societies, ignorance and distortion of the true Islam and its exploitation by individuals in power (Al Faruqi 23/4/2001). Religious functionaries throughout Muslim history have closely worked with the ruling elite, and rulers have used them to legitimize their decision and governance (Hussain 1984: 5). Equally, the new wave of Islamic resurgence in many Muslim countries provides a chance for religious leaders to gain political power and influence (MacEION and Shahi 1983: 6).

In Muslim countries the debate regarding feminism revolves around the tensions between women's traditional roles and society's adjustment to change and acceptance of new roles for women (Rozario 1998). Moreover, increasing Islamic fundamentalism and the notion that Islam, and by implication the 'community', is undermined by feminism, impacts on the acceptability of women's movements as well. Muslim feminists, prior to addressing their key demands, have to demonstrate that they are truly rooted in their religion and culture so as to distinguish themselves from Western feminists (Hele-Lucas 1994). To strengthen their legitimacy and stop accusations that they are 'Westernized', Muslim women are devoting time to researching their own feminist history, which is imperative for the continuation of their cause.

However, it is apparent that there is not one essential Islamic feminism but rather a number of theoretically, conceptually different groupings, which will be examined in the next section of this chapter.

4. Diverse nature of feminism in Muslim countries

Different historical, political and social trajectories in Muslim countries, challenge the idea of a single prevailing feminism that is Islamic. There is a large portion of women's rights activists who believe that feminism is only viable within an Islamic framework, as only 94

then is it a culturally sound and effective strategy. This feminist position derives from an essentialist Islamist discourse that posits Muslim women's identities as fixed and their social position as necessarily subordinate to men (Moghadam 2002b; Siregar 1998). A closer look into this 'Islamist' women's rights movement shows that the women from this philosophical/religious position opt to work for complementary sex roles rather than challenging cultural conservatism, thus distancing themselves from Western women's claim on feminism (El Guindi 1996: 159-61 cited in Moghassi 1999: 134). Yet they still join mainstream feminists' quest for equality, albeit differently, arguing for the need to achieve a balanced gender complementarily which asserts their right to a different understanding of freedom and liberty (Afsher and Maynard 2000: 811). Further investigation of Islamist feminists reveals a spectrum of positions such as liberals, radicals and conservatives. Each type exhibits a degree of diversity, flexibility and development in their position on women, which is context and issue bound, and may occur at the same time in the same country with parallel struggles in each socio-economic category (Darwiche 2001).

) Another philosophical position adopted by Islamic feminists is that they, as a matter of political advantage, construct a theological basis of Islam to carve their own path to freedom. This is another example which demonstrates Muslim feminism is not necessarily anchored under a single banner feminism (Mojab 2001). There are collaborations and political alliances across diverse discourses. These women anchor their belief in the discourse of Islam with the Quran as its central text and exegesis as its main methodology (Badran 2000) to find solutions for women's oppression. They consider their advocacy for women's rights to be an Islamic project involving a women-centered reading of the Quranic texts or 'scholarship-activism'8 (Badran 2002: 2).

Feminism in Muslim countries is growing on the basis of the indigenous needs of the individual countries, which are at different stages of religious revivalism on the one hand, and political, economic, cultural and social complexities on the other. But there are many common features of women's movements in postmodem Muslim countries (Tucker 1993:

8 Reference quoted in Badran (12 November 2002) from 2001 book Windows ofFaith by Gisela Webb. 95

ix; Hatem 1993: 29- 47). Feminism has influenced not only the political and intellectual discourse but has also challenged academia and academic thinking as is shown by the proliferation of articles and books on issues related to women (Afshar and Maynard 2000). The following discussion will define and expand, across the board at different levels, on the emerging contours of feminism(s) in Muslim countries and will particularly focus on the influence of each on purdah practices.

4.1 Islamist feminists

4.1.1 Liberal Islamist feminism

Liberal Islamist feminists seek equal rights in the public sphere but complementary rights in the private sphere, by challenging the conventional notion of male authority over females in areas such as marriage, family, and inheritance. Liberal Islamist feminists promote the right of women to work outside the home, which necessarily involves the mixing of sexes. In relation to the public sphere, Islamist feminists argue for a greater social role for women and full participation in the political process as well as women's right to apply for any public office, such that women may be a Qazi Gudge) of an Islamic court or Head of a state (Badran 2000; Mojab 2001). Islamist women are adopting Islamic dress that is, purdah, for a variety of reasons such as social pressure, personal choice, a way of identifying their social position or a way of conforming to religious duty. However a consequence is that purdah has emerged as a tool of women's empowerment and as a liberating factor offering chances of mobility in the public sphere, relieving women from the burden of sexuality, and protecting women from male harassment.

In the last decades of the twentieth century, increasing globalization has seen widespread exposure of countries and cultures across the globe. For Muslim populations, global Islamic identity has taken preference over regional and national identities. In individual Muslim countries women have taken a stand against their biased political leadership. The militant role assumed by women as part of the Iranian revolution has influenced Islamist women throughout the Muslim world to envisage a more active public role for themselves. Field research in Iran (for example Tohidi 1994; Mojab 2001) shows that these women are role 96

models for other Islamic women who seek to influence public opinion and criticize the government in a bid to further women's rights by using Islamic discourses. In Turkey, Islamist women confronted state authorities over the question of compulsory banning of veiling with either a scarf or turban head covering while attending the universities and government administered hospitals9•

Revolutionary and nationalist women in Sudan and Algeria continue their struggle against marginalization and exploitation by Islamic governments. These feminists operate within different paradigms by creating an Islamic discourse around their right to freedom, rather than borrowing from Western feminism. They pursue national identity, association with the traditional culture, and see themselves as the guardians of national culture, indigenous religion and family traditions. Memissi gives a Moroccan instance of a feminist assessment of nationalism, arguing that the accelerated participation of women in the process of modernization is actually what facilitated the tum to Islamic tradition (1991: 153-154). In Central Asia women are caught between decolonization, nationalism, Islamism and images of emancipation in the industrialized society. Feminist discourses are at the crossroads of Islam and cultural identity, and are grappling with a re-evaluation of Islam gender interests and feminine identity (Michaels 1998: 199).

Muslim women living in diaspora 10 have played an active role in the revival of the Islamic religion. Numerous Muslim women's organizations have emerged around the world, which specifically deal with research related to women issues. Moreover, diasporic feminist academics and researchers of Muslim background living and working in the West coined the term 'Islamic feminism'. The increasing feminization of Islam, despite the emphasis on traditional gender roles, has resulted in demands for women's access to positions of religious leadership (Maumoon: 1999). For Muslim women living in the USA, Britain, Canada and elsewhere, the hijab clad women act as a powerful symbol of religious identity

9 In Turkey the Republican laws of 1923 allowed women to unveil and outlawed the veil for civil servants but it was not compulsory for the general public. In l 980's the Turban movement opposed the Council of Higher Education which banned the 'turban', scarf like covering (Toprak 1994: 300).

1° For individuals living in diaspora religious revivalism connects them with the origins of Islam and to re­ enacting the event of migration of the Prophet (from Mecca to Medina) to new lands for invitation to Islam. 97

and conformity with their Islamic community (Maumoon: 1999). This has occurred to such an extent that a few years ago in France (Goodwin 1994: 30) and recently in the Singapore (Dawn 2002; SBS News 2002) the State took a legal stance to denounce the right of Muslim schoolgirls to wear hijab. Islamist feminists (both liberal and radical) living in diaspora are spearheading revision of the ossified interpretations of Islam and undertaking scriptural commentary by nurturing a critical view of the Islamic way of life, especially in relation to issues that are important to women (Abugideiri: 2001).

Within Muslim societies another current in feminist discourse, which also cleaves from a traditional religious framework, is the Islamic radical feminism.

4.1.2 Radical Islamist feminism

Radical Islamist feminists believe in women's agency and the capacity of both men and women to exert self-control over their sexual urges and relationships, instead of simply adopting a dress code to mask sexuality (Hatem 1993). Thus they do not take literally the religious message to restrict their dress code but concentrate instead on human dignity and how both sexes conduct themselves in public space. The second and third generations of younger Islamist women are more revolutionary, but the majority have ambiguous and even contradictory ideas of the technicalities enshrined in secular and Islamic Law (Maumoon 1999; Ahmed 1992). They want a gender reconfiguration from within Islam, by challenging the Quranic interpretations and the reliability of Hadith. Using religious texts as their foundation, they want to develop a feminist perspective on the notion of equality between the sexes. They intend to shun religious extremism so as to bridge the ideological divide between feminists. Radical feminists are playing an important role in raising feminist consciousness by differentiating between God and its clergy, between theology and politics. The radicals do not have many qualms about the cultural aspect of purdah practices, but they do not find a religious justification for purdah, especially in relations to the seclusion and marginalization of women.

The resurgence of Islam has challenged women living in Muslim societies to strive for their rights from within the religious discourse. The feminist stand of the next group to be 98

considered adopt a conservative stance that can be challenged, but they also strive for women rights in their own way.

4.1.3 Conservative Islamist feminism

Conservative Islamist feminists operate explicitly within a religious framework and argue that woman's oppression stems from a misguided attempt to trespass on the territory of men. They believe that women are equal but different, physiologically and psychologically. They consider segregation and purdah necessary to control and inhibit sexual urges. They also believe that women have to be dependent on men for their livelihood and thus this category of women activists choose for themselves the role of domesticity and motherhood. They see men and women as performing different but necessarily complementary roles (Waines 1995; Moghissi 1999). A just society, they argue, is a society that strives to promote recognition and compatibility between the sexes rather than competition between them. They campaign for sexually segregated educational institutions, businesses and hospitals.

The conservative Islamist women's groups in Turkey, Iran and Pakistan try to counter the efforts of the liberal feminist groups. In Turkey there are independent groups working against a more liberal state. But countries such as in Iran and Pakistan the secular and left oriented groups the state creates and provides funds and many benefits to conservative women groups and their families to challenge and counter (Helie-Lucas 1994a: 271-272). Within this conservative grouping there are individuals and groups who reject the existing secular laws in favor of the total application of Islamic laws. Conservative Islamists always refer to religious authority in their political and social agenda. They also consider working women as a threat to the morality and productivity of the society. They argue that men and women alike are oppressed, since the state is run without regard to their interpretation of Islam and has succumbed instead to dominant, secular, Western ideology. However, even within the conservatives feminists there are some who are studying for higher qualifications and seeking employment opportunities, even in desegregated institutions, and who are against state generated discriminatory laws and violence against women. This can occur 99

because, as Maumoon ( 1999) argues, in the last decade or so the animosity and strict demarcation between various Islamist feminists' discourses is blurring and a new configuration is emerging on the basis of constraints placed on women. The conservative Islamists consider that their role in the fundamentalist movements is irreversible and has contributed to the social advancement of women (Afshar 1994).

Besides the religious discourses of feminism that have already been discussed, there are other feminist groups with a secular paradigm. They encompass a variety of perspectives in advancing women's rights but do not sacrifice their culture or nationality identity.

4.2 Secular groups

Secular feminists position their activities outside of the religious domain and appeal instead to concepts such as internationally recognized standards of human rights. They argue for legal reforms and the necessity for the greater education of women. They have little in common with Islamist feminists. They believe Islamic law is already enshrined in the state laws, and consider both to reflect Islam. Therefore they call for explicit repudiation of religious ideas from the legal framework and for the separation of politics from religion and for the separation of religion from the state (Povey 2001: 55). For them the practice of purdah is a private matter for the individual although some consider it to be simply another patriarchal tool to seclude women from the mainstream of society. They argue that hostility towards feminist demands is inherent in the fundamentalist notion of divine laws, and therefore in Islamic societies women's liberation may involve de-Islamization of every aspect of life (Kandiyoti quoted in Mojab 2001: 131). Without renouncing their cultural identities, nationalities and even religion, secular feminists believe that human rights are universal and should not have any cultural boundaries (Helie-Lucas 1994b). By promoting international conventions, secular feminists cut themselves off from the immediate political and social context, and thus risks being labelled as irrelevant by other feminist groups as Islam is absent from their arguments. In reality, activists who do not adopt an Islamist discourse are accorded little credibility in 'Islamic feminist' circles. 100

5. Feminism and Purdah

The history of Muslim societies reveals that the segregation of the sexes has been determining factor in defining gender roles. In the last two centuries, and more so since the last half of the twentieth century, the use of purdah has contributed to positioning women in the modem world, functioning as a lever in the search for identity. The reality behind purdah-clad women is complex and varies from place to place. On the one hand it signifies identity with religion and ethnicity and on the other hand it is used in negotiating women's personal identities, thus challenging the existing relations between women and men. In Muslim societies the institution of purdah plays an overriding role in determining gender positions; therefore any discussion omitting a consideration of purdah in feminist discourses would be deficient, as discussed in previous chapters.

It is important, however, to acknowledge that there are multiple contexts and rich spectrum of motivations and meanings (Bullock 2000; Haddad 1984; MacEOIN & AL- Shahi: 1983; Wassef 2001; Ahmed 1992; Tohidi 1991; Jeffery 1979; Saadawi 1980; Mernissi 1987; Papanek 1982) to consider in understanding why women observe purdah in Muslim societies. The reasons are very complex and vary according to their class, region, nationality and culture. Broadly, these appear under twelve categories: religious, related with faith; psychological, choice of authentic dress; political, a challenge to political norms such as revolutions against colonizers, bourgeois nationalists and secular rulers; revolutionary, Islamization of the society; economic, status symbol denouncing leisure. To continue with the categories there is cultural adherence to norms and values of chastity and protection from public gaze; demographic, it identifies with urbanization and social status; domestic, symbolic act of detachment from public sphere to derive respect for themselves and gain respect for men with whom they are identified, especially for working women, 'escape' from strict attitudes within the family. In the personal context women who choose to wear purdah for reasons other than that of religious significance, may do so to be 'modem' to keep up with latest fashions or refusal to fashion. Purdah is status symbol, it is related with honor and shame and lastly also as source of power. From a feminist perspective the motivation for the revival of purdah is that it acts as an empowering tool 101

(Hosseini 1996: 156) for women, linked with their identity, and access to public space. While it restricts some women, it emancipates others by legitimating their presence in public domains. Although all these themes converge and overlap with one another, when purdah is a willing choice of women for education and economic independence, then it has gained a different meaning in modem desegregated societies that is of both protection and increased freedom of action (Afary 1998).

In contrast to such 'modem' contexts, in 'traditional' societies it is widely assumed by the . feminists that the protection and logic of modesty embodied by purdah in Islamic life has taken on the shape of oppression, effectively alienating women from public life and ensuring the segregation of the sexes (see Chapter 3).

It is interesting to note that any debate, past or present, about women's rights in Islamic countries revolves around purdah. Moreover, in Muslim society feminists are judged by their support or otherwise for the practice of purdah. It is evident in the literature that since the 1970's purdah has been used as a political strategy and symbol, which highlights the ambiguities of modernization in Muslim countries. The revivalism of Islam on the one hand is a reaction to the political, cultural and social pressures from the modem West (MecEION and Shahi 1983: 36) but on the other hand this revivalism also results in the rediscovery and reassertion of a Muslim political, social and cultural identity.

In the Muslim world the present state of purdah (veil and hijab) has undergone an obvious shift from the initial goal of creating women's general societal segregation and invisibility, to a garment which symbolizes various challenges. Consequently the present situation of purdah is not only a matter of the simple submission of women to male dominance. Rather, purdah practices can negotiate a more positive position and role for women within Islamic countries, thus positioning its practice as a strategy of resistance and liberation, rather than only an emblem of submission. This could mean that women who choose to observe purdah are carving out their private space within outer public space and ensuring greater mobility in a society that does not welcome women's participation outside of delineated boundaries (Wassef 2001; El-Guindi 1999). It is also argued that purdah-clad bodies have 102

given a powerful visual symbol to Islamization and carved out a new profile for Muslim women, accentuating their difference from Western cultural models. In effect this use of purdah has led to the recognition of Muslim women worldwide (Maumoon 1999: 267) which advances a new semantic language against Western civilization (Afary 1998; Gole 1996).

Since the latter half of the twentieth century the Muslim world has been providing two mixed messages. On one hand there are Islamist movements, which call for the return of women to their traditional roles in the home. On the other, there are active, militant and assertive women who seek the opportunities provided by modernism by adopting purdah so that they are no longer confined to the home. This public and political manifestation of the female body gives a new meaning to Islamic civilizational shift (Gole 1996: 84- 86). By adopting purdah (veil, scarf, hijab, chaddor, turban) these women exercise control over their behavior and limit their appeal to men, and in so doing defend their own honor. The nineteenth and early twentieth century use of purdah was linked to the rich and elite classes as a status symbol, but it has now shifted to be identified also with the educated middle classes. The extent to which such trends are evident among the women interviewed for the present research, is presented in subsequent chapters.

The plethora of research on Muslim women's practice of purdah, confirming that there are multiple meanings of purdah which are influenced by internal and external factors in each country. Indeed purdah has had multiple and changing meanings throughout history, although gender issues have always been a part of its practice (Badran 1995: Mojab 1998). In the early 20th century anti-colonial nationalist movements for example, in Algeria (Boutta 1994; Cherifati-Merabtine 1994), the Indian subcontinent (Minault 1982; Saiyid 1998) and Tunisia (Charrad 1998), the veil was used as an icon of nationalism and Islamic culture. In Iran (Nashat 1983; Hosseini 1996)) and Turkey (Gole 1996), where the state was involved in imposing the 'unveiling' of women in the late 20th century, re-adoption of the veil is being used to symbolically challenge the secular governments that once were sponsors of unveiling. Now once again in Iran a movement exists campaigning against compulsory veiling while in Turkey the university students have adopted veiling as a sign 103

of identity and protest. In countries like China, where Muslims are in minority, it fosters separate identity and ethnic consciousness (Jaschok and Jingjun 2000). In Pakistan during the compulsory veiling imposed by the military regime of General Zia-ul-Haq (1977-1987) there was little support for those against the governments' directives, as it was mainly working class women who protested against its adoption (see Chapter 2). These are clear examples of how the resurgence of Islam has made an impact on Muslim women who are adopting purdah dress in different forms as an outward sign of cultural and ethnic identity.

Thus purdah has gained considerable popularity due to its political use, both by the state and women themselves (Stowasser 1994; Hijab 1988). This is particularly apparent when examining the purdah practices of the educated and working middle class, where it is worn as a badge of both morality and cultural authenticity while in the public sphere (Stowasser 1994: 131; Hijab 1988: 51). Beck and Keddie (1978: 9) argue that 'the growing forces of education and employment opportunities, plus the increase in women's activity on their own behalf is eventually causing the elimination of the forced use of the veil, thus leaving it as at the most, a variable item of women's choice'. While there is a strong trend for re­ veiling by women themselves, supported by religious leaders, there are also secular and left minded people in Muslim societies who denounce compulsory veiling and seclusion and consider its enforcement as oppressive to women. However their voices are very often silenced (Tohidi 1998) and so the element of 'choice' in taking the veil really remains a vexed question.

This overview of the literature on purdah requires the reader to tak~ note not only of its multiple meanings, but also the diverse interpretations, its cultural and political conditioning and its sensitive function as a metaphorical marker of collective and personal identity. The institution of purdah in Pakistan also represents a host of such multiple signification's, which sets the discourse for women rights activists in that country. 104

6. Theoratical lens of the present study

The present study examines purdah-related life experiences and their impact on urban lower middle-class women who do not live their lives according to a particular theoratical framework. Nevertheless, these women's lives can be analyzed from an Islamic feminist perspective. The 'on-the-ground' reality of the Pakistani population is that they regard . Islam as the matrix in which their lives are rooted. Within this context the construction of a paradigm of human rights within the framework of normative Islam is possible, especially in relation to women rights. In Pakistan Islam is more than a matter of a personal religious choice, as it underpins the entire legal and political system. The choice of an Islamist feminist theoretical framework for this thesis realistic, given the ideological and political nature of the state of Pakistan. The argument needs to be contextualized in terms of on-the­ ground realities, and constructed in a language which is understood by the policy makers and the governments.

To exclude the Islamic context from the argument would lose the discourse (Hassan 2003). Therefore, reflecting on-the-ground realities, the present research is based on the theoretical position that social change in the role of Muslim women in Pakistan must be brought about by the elimination of patriarchal Islam, which needs to be replaced with the true spirit of Islam. In other words, changes in the gender roles must evolve from within the Islamic paradigm, grounded in the culture. As Shaheed ( 1991: 155) argues, if patriarchy is to be effectively challenged then the role played by religion needs to be both recognized and challenged. But this challenge must emerge from within the context of the existing legal and ideological system of our society. Elias (3.7.02) argues that the majority of Muslim secular countries, including Pakistan, cannot be secular in the true sense as they are totally influenced by the religious institutions and therefore it is more appropriate to use the term 'laicization' 11 than 'secularization' in relation to these countries. Because the political and ideological underpinnings do not allow for a secular space, especially for women's rights, · 105

any movement that attempts to ignore religion is considered against the state and norms of the society.

7. Conclusion

This chapter and the previous background chapters contextualized and provided a theoretical framework for the present study which explores and analyze the purdah-related life experiences of urban lower middle-class Pakistani women. To understand the plight of these women a qualitative feminist methodology was carefully chosen and administered in the field with great sensitivity towards the cultural context of the participants' lives. This methodology is presented in detail in the next chapter. Following that, the findings are also integrated into these 3 chapters. Thus the women's perceptions and experience of purdah are analyzed from historical, religious, political, social, economic, cultural and ideological perspectives.

11 There can be secular spaces and individuals in Islamic societies but if they have to interact with anyone outside their group they cease to be secular because mass governance does not operate in secular terms. 106

CHAPTER6

METHODOLOGY

1. Introduction

In this chapter, I will discuss the research methodology and the process of understanding the fieldwork. My rationale is provided for the choice of feminist research and methodology. This chapter also details the choice of research site, choice of research participants and my access to them as well as the processes of addressing data collection, data analysis and the impact on the researcher of undertaking the research.

2. A qualitative feminist methodology

2.1 Rationale

In social science, research involving the perceptions of human beings, the interpretative paradigm gives subjective meaning to the world around the research participants. The nature of the present study is concerned with understanding the institution of purdah, particularly among urban lower middle-class women in Rawalpindi, Pakistan. These women are the primary source of information in my research. Background information was provided by also interviewing key informants who were well placed to comment on the general circumstances of such women. The research has been conducted from a feminist perspective and a qualitative approach has been chosen to explore and gain insights into the women's experiences.

The theoretical framework for this study draws from an interdisciplinary spectrum of humanities, as purdah permeates every aspect of women's lives, including the social, cultural, historical, religious, political, legal, and economic. But there is another aspect, the patriarchal influence, which directs the social organization of women's experiences. This 107

study is of a personally and politically sensitive nature, as the issues explored go to the very roots of social organization in Pakistan.

As purdah has relevance to almost every aspect of women's lives, it has featured in a wide range of previously published research dealing with various themes, including social, cultural, developmental, legal, political and religious themes. Mostly, mention of purdah emerges as a by-product of research that has been conducted by economists, sociologists and women's right activists, who have addressed labor issues, factory workers, feasibility of training projects, male migration and development issues. In the last few decades, purdah practice has received increased attention from anthropologists throughout the world. Religious scholars, who mostly justify the whole concept on Islamic grounds, have also published extensively on purdah (regrettably as a tool to control and to protect Muslim society against modernization). Reference to the literature concerning purdah, in Pakistan and elsewhere, is made at relevant points throughout this thesis but is particularly detailed in chapter 4.

To examine the oppressive and marginalizing aspects of the institution of purdah, a feminist consciousness was necessary. The foremost purpose of feminist-related research is to uncover the needs of women, for the purpose of creating better laws and improved institutions, and to create social change by transforming gender relations, as well as to contribute to the advancement of knowledge related to women (Harding 1987; Reinharz 1992). The research undertaken for this thesis aims to bring out a deeper understanding of a complex institution by concentrating on the women's feelings, meanings and experiences of purdah in Pakistani society (Stanley & Wise 1983). Research of this type has not been under taken on this topic before.

This empirical study examines the practice of purdah in the lives of urban lower middle­ class women in Pakistan by targeting four specific areas. First, it explores the concept of purdah as the women understand it and experience it in their daily lives. Second, the influence of family, culture and religion on their conceptualization of purdah is explored. Third, changing attitudes to the practice of purdah are examined in the context of socio- 108

economic developments. And finally, the study examines women's experiences of purdah in the context of political and legal rights1•

Consistent with the characteristics of feminist research (Oakley 1986; Roberts 1988; Brunskell 1998), the focus on the women's perspectives is central to this reserarch, and the researcher's sensitivity to the women's experiences also embeds the whole study in a feminist theoretical framework. Referring to the epistemology of such research, Stanley and Wise ( 1983: 17) argue that the subject position of the researcher produces better knowledge, because the researcher can develop personal contact and insight into people's situations and experiences. Berninghausen and Kerstan (1992: 9) maintain that an approach of 'view from the bottom', which means to break down situations of dominance of the researcher over the subjects, can bring the best results. Consequently the inductive nature of the research brings out data discovering in-depth meanings, leading to the development of themes and analysis that are very close to the participants' experiences (Patton 1990: 40).

2.2 Nature of the design

The study explores the women's subjective voice and experiences regarding the institution of purdah, and its influences in their personal lives within the social, cultural and political discourses. The study design, from the development of the research questions, to the choice of participants, data collection methods, data analysis and presentation of the fmdings, is approached throughout from a feminist and qualitative research perspective.

The existing literature (Sarantakos 1995; Reinharz 1992; Roberts 1988; Harding 1987; Pilcher & Coffey 1996) illustrates that the definitive characteristic of feminist research is that it is conducted by employing feminist perspective and by rejecting sexism. 2

1 The precise wording of the research questions was provided in Chapter I, p. 4.

2 Although according to Stanley and Wise ( 1983: 17) the definition of feminist social research is that 'it is on, by and for women'. 109

Qualitative research utilizes the experiences of the respondents (without preconceived ideas) and produces descriptive data in their voices (Pilcher & Coffey 1996). It perceives the researcher and the researched as two equally important elements of the same situation (Minichiello 1999), which suits the research questions and the overall research topic of the present research.

In-depth interviewing was chosen as the method of elucidating the women's reasoning behind their actions and feelings regarding purdah and its impact on their lives (Seale 1998: 202). To look into the association between saying and doing, the participant observation method could have been used to enhance the data gathered through interviews. However, it was realized that the researcher's presence could have affected the environment and hence participant observation would not have depicted authentic insider knowledge (Fortier 1998: 48). Moreover, the present research was designed to examine the impact of purdah on women's lives through their opinions, feelings and experiences and not what was happening at the time of the research. However, to verify the women's statements the researcher was able to make observations over the course of the interviews as well as during time spent before and after the interviews.

In sociological research, feminists value the method of in-depth interviewing, especially with an interview guide, for its openness and qualitative nature (Sarantakos 1995) in order to access the epistemology, knowledge of meanings and interpretations that individuals give to their lives and events (Minichiello et al 1999). Feminist researchers have also pointed out the appropriateness of in-depth interviews when researching gender and other such sensitive issues (Pilcher & Coffey 1996; Oakley 1986; Renzetti & Lee 1993). In in­ depth interviews the participants are involved as co-researchers who are conscious actors. In-depth interviewing encourages not only subjectivity but also intensive dialogue between equals, which are intrinsic features of feminist analysis of gender experiences (Oakley 1986; Harding 1991; Sarantakos 1995). In conducting the interviews, it is important to make the purpose of the study clear to the participants and to maintain a non-hierarchical relationship with them by sharing one's own personal experiences, which leads respondents to be more enthusiastic in sharing their personal opinions (Harding 1991). 110

3. Interviewing the women of Rawalpindi

3.1 Rawalpindi-the research site

The interviews were conducted with lower middle-class women in an urban setting of Rawalpindi, the fourth largest city in Pakistan. Rawalpindi has attained the status of a military center since British colonial rule. It is adjacent to Islamabad, the capital of Pakistan, and is the third biggest city in the province of Punjab. Its population is 1,409,768 (Economic Survey 1997-1998). The spoken languages in this area are Urdu (the national language) and Pothwari (a local language, one of the dialects of Punjabi).

The research site was selected because of contacts I had with an NGO (non-government organization) that was working with urban lower middle-class women in this location. Thus a good sample of women could be contacted who would fulfill the criteria for this research. Moreover, due to the cooperation of the NGO staff, it was easy to approach and interview women. Another reason for choosing Rawalpindi was that it was accessible geographically and I have an affinity with the area in terms of language and culture3. Not all the participants originated from the area, as many of them had moved to this area either from nearby villages or from other provinces and regions. The families of the participants had relocated to gain better prospects in life, especially employment. Therefore, the data incorporates influences from other areas of Pakistan in addition to Rawalpindi. Despite acknowledged regional differences in purdah practices, the sample nevertheless encompasses practices that are widespread amongst women of the lower middle stratum in Pakistani society who come from conservative backgrounds.

3 As I live in Islamabad, going to Rawalpindi was economical both financially and in terms of time. Furthermore, my parents' family belongs to the Rawalpindi District so I know the local language and culture. 111

3.2 The primary research participants

The criteria used for the sample selection were as follows: Urban lower middle-class women Living in Rawalpindi Aged between 20 - 50 years.

To cover a variety of experiences, a mixture was sought in terms of marital status (married, · unmarried, widowed and divorced), education level (from no formal education, to post­ secondary education), and employment status (working from home, employed outside the home, in training for future work and unemployed).

These criteria ensured that the sample would be inclusive of most sub-categories of women, for the purpose of gaining a comprehensive understanding of purdah observation and its impact on their lives. Realizing the sensitive nature of the research topic, an adult sample was targeted. The sample obtained is described in chapter 7, Section 2.

3.3 Gaining access to the primary participants

As an experienced field researcher I was comfortable with the idea of going to the field. I was also confident in my ability to explore the social issues that are linked to the status of women, as I have worked and studied in the Social Science discipline.

Given the sensitivity of the research topic, careful preparation was needed before approaching the women. Without extensive preparation the participants might not agree to be interviewed, and even if they did so, lack of trust in a stranger may have prevented them from imparting any reliable information. To minimize these concerns, I decided to contact the participants through an established organization that already had the women's trust. The importance of using a gate-keeper was confirmed later on, when women who were directly approached (by me) whilst visiting the health or vocational centers were reluctant to share their views (Detailed in Section 3.5). I 12

Based on my knowledge of and affiliation with non-government organizations, I approached an NGO as the bridging organization to facilitate access to participants within a prescribed geographic area.

The selected NGO has been doing welfare work for the last four decades in the semi-urban areas of Rawalpindi. It has a multi-purpose approach to community welfare, especially facilitating women's access to education, health and family planning, adult education, vocational and skill training, credit schemes, primary education of children and financial support for needy cases. For the execution of its programs, this NGO has well trained and dedicated field staff and an expert team at the head office. The executive body also includes volunteers and philanthropists. Its work has spread to eight other cities, and therefore it has attained the status of a national NGO. In fact, it is probably the only Pakistani NGO that has a national approach and is effectively working in the community. In Rawalpindi, it operates in five areas within the radius of five to six kilometers from the head office.

I visited the NGO's head office and discussed my research project with the authorities and asked for permission to accompany their female supervisory staff who manage the work in the field. The permission was readily granted. The NGO gave me access to the supervisory field staff, who took me to the learning centers and various project areas. The field staff then assisted in identifying and obtaining preliminary consent from the women for interviews.

3.4 The Interview guide

An interview guide was developed for in-depth interviews with the primary participants (see Appendix 1). The formulation of themes and questions for the interview guide were developed through several stages following the guidelines of Flick ( 1998). The initial interview guide was developed in three stages: deciding the specific research topic, identifying specific research questions, and identifying broad areas to explore in interviews. Once in the field, there were three further stages. In the initial interviews, the l l 3

broad research questions were asked for the purpose of verifying their appropriateness and relevance to achieving the research objectives. Then, as needed, additions and modifications were made in the broad areas of the interview guide. There was no fixed wording or sequencing of questions (Minichiello et al 1999), as in each interview the questions were linked and modified as the story unfolded.

The interview guide consisted of two sections. The first section covered background information related to demography, family composition, and education. The second section of the interview guide was based on the four research questions (Ely 1991). Regarding each research question, broad areas that needed to be explored were identified.

3.5 How the interviews were conducted

In total 20 interviews were conducted and tape-recorded. These were conducted in Urdu and Pothwari languages. They were subsequently transcribed and translated into English with care being taken to capture the true expressions of the participants. Observational field notes were also taken.

Conducting the interviews in the language of the participants was an important means to fully understand the purdah concept from the participants' point of view, and to draw out their interpretations and meaning.

In the first few interviews, although the guideline questions were not read, the written topics and questions were closely followed. Questions were also added to the list, and after about the fifth interview I was comfortable in asking probing questions, which according to Minichiello (1999) differentiates the in-depth interviewing from everyday conversation. The process of interviewing thus became enjoyable and spontaneous while remaining relevant to the research objectives. The flexibility in the interview and invention of questions on the spot according to the interviewee's story was helpful in order to follow up useful leads (Seale 1998). For the qualitative researcher, there is no specific or tight sequencing in respect of questions as each interview has its unique story and the questions flow with it (Flick 1998; Ely 1991). 114

The interview pattern also varied from person to person. Sometimes the women would immediately start talking about their problems or what they thought about purdah or what type of purdah they observed or simply their life story and state of life. All that was helpful and once they were done, I would start questioning using the threads of what they had already said. This way the transition technique was applied to bring the interviewee back to the guidelines (Minichiello et al 1999). In the beginning it was uncomfortable with an interviewee who would talk without pausing. However, I then realized that such information gave valuable insight in the person's life, which was helpful in linking their story to the research questions. Moreover, in such interviews the participants had more control over the flow of information. I did not interrupt in the middle of their narration. However, not every participant was vocal or confident in revealing their story. In these situations I would begin by asking them to tell me about their family (Minichiello 1999; Pe-Pua 1989).

Each interview was unique, as the process of each unfolding story was tailored to each individual's experience. In certain interviews the key issues came up spontaneously, but in others I directed the interviews in order to raise them. Sometimes issues did not emerge in every interview. For example, in some interviews the media was mentioned as a source of awareness and influence on the practice of purdah, but it was not mentioned in most of the interviews. So the intensity or impact of a factor cannot be determined by its frequency of mention in the data. Some of the participants talked of their own experiences only, while others referred to experiences of people in similar circumstances to themselves ( e.g. widows and divorced women).

3.5.1 Location and timing of interviews

The supervisory staff of the NGO referred most of the interviewees to me. Before proceeding with an interview, I made sure the woman satisfied the selection criteria and I obtained her informed consent. The interview times and places were selected according to the preference and convenience of the participants. 115

Most of the interviews were conducted at the learning centers belonging to the NGO, which provided space and the opportunity for uninterrupted conversation. Often the women shared intimate things that they might not have been able to talk about in the presence of their family members. Four interviews were conducted in the woman's home environment. This was necessary because the relatives of these four participants were very much concerned and wanted to know about my research area and me. In these situations, the relatives would first give their viewpoint on purdah and once they were satisfied that I was respectful of their views, they would leave and allow me to proceed. In these interviews, whenever the interviewee wanted to share a story where her close family members were involved, she would lower her voice and look towards the door to see if someone was listening, or some similar gesture.

On two occasions during the interview held at the learning centers, the father and an elderly man (I did not ask who he was) entered the room and sat down to join in. I stopped the interview for a while to give them time to talk. They asked about the purpose of the research, whether I was married, what I did, and so on. They volunteered their views about purdah, which were always in support of the use of purdah for women. Once they were satisfied with my credibility and that their viewpoint was heard, they left us to continue with the interview.

I took care to wear an appropriate attire, as it was always important to convince people of my credibility as a researcher. I maintained modesty in my dress by covering myself properly including wearing duppata, but I did not wear burqa, chaddar or nikab, which is not part of my normal attire.

3.5.2 Researchers' credibility

In the area in which the NGO operated, the local women were familiar with the role of women working in the field, and therefore as a researcher I was not a novelty. I also knew two of the supervisory staff members of the NGO. My association with an educational institution also helped in developing the local women's trust in me. My indigenous status 116

met the criteria mentioned by Altorki and EI-Solh (1987: 7) in Arab Women in the Field when they pointed out that the researcher's language, religion, ethnicity and class have an impact on the quality of research.

I had the benefit of a few additional attributes which strengthened my credibility, which were marital status, age, language, education, sensitivity to the female cause and to the participants, and experience of working with women in the field. For the qualitative researcher, Flick (1998: 55) identifies communicative competencies as the main instrument for collecting data, and I was quite at ease in communicating with the women. Moreover, I believe the sincerity with which the work was carried out also conveyed my integrity to the participants.

Feminist research is potentially emancipating for the participants (Oakley 1986; Roberts 1988; Janet 1984). In the course of my interviews, the participants' struggle in life emerged as each interviewee revealed her story. Many of the participants' reflections depicted how they were analyzing their lives within the context of purdah, which they may never have done before. Sharing in such interviews was a consciousness-raising experience for both the researcher and the subjects, which is another reflection of feminist research (Gatenby & Humphries 2000; Berninghausen & Kerstan 1992).

At the end of interview I asked the participants for their opinion about the interview process. They all indicated that they had enjoyed the experience of sharing. For many, it was their first time to reflect on their life. Remembering episodes in their past made them sad, but sharing was also cathartic and enabled them to reflect on and evaluate their life experiences. Scheyvens and Leslie (2000) also acknowledge that the participation in the interview is an empowering, therapeutic experience. Research scholars (Edwards 1993; Thompson 1988) advocate a final debriefing for the participants and suggest that giving a little of yourself is important. Often after the interview I would sit with them sharing information related to bank loans, legal advice, education, health issues, their confidence building in their work situations, my personal experiences and so on. By doing so I felt comfortable that I was of some help to them and giving something personal back to them. 117

3.6 Dealing with ethical issues

I undertook the study knowing very well that the phenomenon of purdah was a sensitive issue for the participants as it is linked to their chastity and modesty, as well as being of great socio-cultural significance in Pakistani society. In line with the principles of feminist research, the interviewing process should be non-hierarchical and interactive (Bergen 1993) therefore establishing a sense of partnership between the researcher and the researched was the first step towards addressing ethical considerations in this research.

Prior to going into the field, the University of New South Wales (UNSW) Institutional Ethics Committee's (IEC) approval was sought. The Committee held the view that before initiating the interviews, a consent form should be signed by the participants. In Pakistani society, a request for the signing of such a form would be considered suspicious (there can be exceptions, especially in the educated community), and in the case of women they would first have to obtain the permission of the head of the family, mostly men. This would have made the involvement of the participants difficult. Another consideration was that if the participants were not literate, signing would be problematic. In Pakistan, there is no research culture and the little that is done occurs without formalities such as written consent. It is common practice for research to be undertaken with verbal consent and understanding. This was explained to the Ethics Committee and alternative procedures for gaining informed consent (as described in the following section) were developed, after which the IEC approved the research proposal.

Before accessing the participants, the NGO was informed about the nature of the research. The director's permission was also sought for me to accompany the supervisory staff in the field and to interview the participants at the agency's training/learning centers. During my visits to the NGO head office, I tried not to disturb the working schedule of the supervisory staff. On the day of the interview I always tried to reach their office before they were scheduled to leave for the fieldwork. During my initial visits I also briefed the supervisory staff about my research and criteria for the selection of interviewees. The staff was helpful in identifying potential interviewees. They would inform the interviewee about the purpose 118

of the visit and solicit her initial agreement to meet me. Care was taken not to intimidate the participants in any way, both in ascertaining their willingness to be interviewed and during the interview itself.

Upon meeting each participant I again briefed them about the research topic, interview procedures, and answered any questions. I told them that the study was being conducted for my PhD research, and that I was not a member of the NGO organization and that this research had no link to the NGO. The participants were assured that their names or any other identifying information would not be disclosed to anyone. They were also informed that the researcher would not divulge any of the personal information to the NGO. The confidentiality of the interviews would be maintained by not using their names in any reference to their identity in the writing process. The original tapes and transcripts are to remain in the possession of the supervisor for five years and will then be destroyed (IEC's requirement). The dissemination and use of the findings of this research will be considered carefully, without mentioning the name of the NGO or specific research site. As most of the participants of this research are linked to the gatekeeper in one way or another, disclosure and sharing of the findings with them has to be done very cautiously.

In some instances it was necessary to obtain permission from the participant's mother, father or husband before she was prepared to participate. Some women themselves, because of the personal and sensitive nature of the topic, deemed such permission necessary. Some of the women were scared of the idea of recording the conversation, fearing that it might be given out on radio or television. However, once it was explained that if they did not want to give the interview their wish would be respected, they then relaxed and would ask questions and spontaneously start sharing their own views about purdah and so on. On occasions where there was a point during the interview that they were reluctant or realized that they should not be talking, they would stop and say that these were personal matters. I gained the impression that they wanted to share but felt unable to share or disclose due to their circumstances. On such occasions, I would cease probing the point under discussion, and ask about something else so try to relax the interviewee, then later return to the point in another way. Mostly, I was successful in 119

obtaining the answer, but in a situation when the participant did not want to reply then I did not pressure them to answer.

Although the interview duration varied from person to person, participants were informed that the interviews were likely to take about two hours. Permission was sought from the interviewees to record the interviews, which in itself constituted an additional form of consent. It was also important to inform the interviewees that if at any point they wanted to stop the recording then they could say so. Tape recording proceeded smoothly in most cases, although some interviewees asked me to stop the recording at particular points, as they would be sharing something related with their family that was too personal. They were concerned that no one else would listen to their comments on the tape, and they also sought assurance that their relatives (father in law, brother in law or husband) would not know about it. Their wish for the tape recording to stop was respected.

At the end of each interview, I asked the participants to comment on the interview. They expressed that it was a good experience, they were elated after sharing their feelings and experiences, and wished me luck and so on. It is worth mentioning that very often the interviewees appreciated the topic/theme of this research. The interviewees also expressed the expectation that their participation in the interview would contribute to a wider understanding the purdah institution.

4. Key informant interviews and other sources of data

4.1 Key informant interviews

To broaden my own understanding, background contextual information was obtained from a number of other selected people in key positions. The contextual information was to provide me with a sense of the larger picture of the whole concept of purdah.

Eleven key informants were selected because of their association with community work, especially in relation to women, for their experiences in politics, legal and judiciary matters, religion of Islam, bureaucracy, activism and development. Most of the informants 120

had multiple experiences as decision-makers in one or more capacity, and were active workers having direct contact in the community. Therefore it was worthwhile to discuss and broaden my own perspective of how women are perceived in Pakistani society. This not only helped in developing my own clarity of the many issues related with women's status but it helped in understanding the experiences of the primary participants and at some places information from them has been used to strengthen the data analysis.

4.2 Use of documents and statistics

For the background information and data on the status of Pakistani women some Government documents such as the Constitutional Act of 1973, the Economic Survey 1995- 1996 and 1997-98, Reports ofthe Pakistan Commission on the Status a/Women (1985 and 1997), a booklet Women and Men in Pakistan 1995 were used.

5. Data analysis

The qualitative data were collected from the primary participants and key informants by using an in-depth interviewing technique. The broad research questions had facilitated organized data collection. In the course of gathering data, analytical insights regarding purdah emerged indicating, for example, internal and external influences on women's lives. The preliminary search for trends, patterns and relationships continued while the interviews were being conducted. Thus, as Patton (1990) and Miles and Huberman (1994) depict, analysis became part of data collection and evaluation until saturation point was reached. The initial emerging themes facilitated the consecutive interviews, not only in confirming the initial insights but also in explaining alternative patterns. Moreover, the inductive data collection process also helped in refining the interview guide. A few initial interviews had to be followed up with second interviews to obtain further clarifications from the participants.

After transcription, each interview was examined to identify the primary themes in the data and the emergent dimensions of the themes. To make sense out of the recorded and translated raw data, the transcript was read and re-read to make sense of it and themes were 121

noted. On the right margins of the interviews, coding notes were written and on the left margins links of data to the topics covered in the interview guide were marked. After note taking and analysis of each interview, cross analysis of all interviews was done. For example, women's concepts of purdah and/or type of purdah were noted in a descriptive chart, which depicted the emerging patterns. After the saturation of categories under each theme was reached, these were divided into subject themes, for example the primary factors influencing of women's experience of purdah were identified as familial, cultural and religious. In this way the emerging themes provided a framework for the descriptive . analysis. In the three 'findings' chapters that follow (Chapter 7, 8 & 9), the data analysis is presented in terms of various categories and excerpts from the interviews.

To condense the data into analyzable units, coding was done by sifting and classifying recurring categories of responses (Coffey & Atkinson 1996), which is the basis of the grounded methodology developed by Glaser & Strauss (1967). First level/open coding and second level/intermediate coding and emerging patterns were shared with a group of social science researchers to verify meaningfulness and accuracy. After developing different placements of data categories, this led to the final level, i.e. themes for data organization and analysis (Miles & Huberman 1994). The saturation of categories and themes was determined by examining each interview in detail and also by identifying the poles in each category for example, the father's influence on the practice of purdah and father's lack of influence. The process of data simplification with emerging categories and sub-categories brought out higher levels of transformation and reconceptualization, which made the analysis process comprehensible (Miles & Huberman 1994). By exploiting one category fully, it was possible to discover additional categories, inverse and opposite categories and specific and more general instances {Turner 1981: 231 ). Thus the story within the data emerged clearly; in fact offering new insights, challenging or confirming the existing literature. Using this constant comparative method, of analyzing each theme and developing links between categories the coding was done in an inductive manner which facilitated the generation of themes for systematic exploration of the research questions (Glaser & Straus 1967: 104). The development of categories from the natural setting through a linear movement (Stanley & Wise 1983: 151-152) elucidated the concepts, 122

causes and consequences of purdah, and thus provided substance for developing the grounded theorizing (Boulton & Hurnmersley 1996: 290).

The emerging broad themes for the first and second research questions on the participants' concept of purdah and various forms of influences are reported in chapter 7. The broad themes for the third research question that deals with social and economic indicators influencing the practice of purdah are reported in chapter 8. The coding for the fourth research question and emerging themes dealing with participants' awareness and utilization of political and legal arenas and influence of purdah are presented in chapter 9.

6. Validity and reliability

The method of data analysis is subject to bias and interpretative error despite efforts to reduce researcher bias. Every effort was made to minimize possible errors in interpretation, in that at every step I went back to the data for direction and clarification. The research relies on first hand information collected through in-depth interviews with women in a typical urban lower middle-class area of Pakistan. Such research can be replicated subject to criteria used in this research and its reliability and validity can be tested. Any similar research on the impact of purdah would be likely to produce similar outcomes to those found in this study. Another of the ways to check data is to use what Denzin & Lincoln (1998: 244-246) call 'between-method triangulation'. Whilst it would have been advantageous to triangulate the participants interviews against another set of interviews from key informants, this was not feasible due to time and other logistical constraints. While a number of key informants provided useful background information, these interviews did not yield sufficient data for between method triangulation. While admitting that a variety of approaches can yield valuable additional dimensions to a particular question, in research no single method, or combinations of methods, can provide all the answers, or a totality of perspective, to a given question.

The audio-tapes of the interviews themselves validate the data (Perakyla 1997: 203). The interviews were transcribed and translated by the researcher from Urdu language into English language, but there was no time to have those transcriptions verified by the 123

participants as is often suggested in feminist research. The presentation of the women's voices and justification for it was an ethical challenge as has been discussed in Section 3.6. In translating the interviews, and especially while analyzing the findings, one can question whether I have interpreted participants' views truly and presented their statements on the influence of purdah in the spirit with which the participants had expressed them. Any limitations, for example, in translation and language would be due to the constraints of my vocabulary and understanding. I have endeavored to use quotations in the text to indicate the participant's expressions. I further acknowledge my subjectivity, although any bias . would not be intentional.

This leads to consideration of the fullness and accuracy, or indeed the truthfulness, of the participants' responses. At the end of the day, this is very difficult to determine. How does one know whether a participant overplayed or distorted a point? In research there is always a possibility that every interview will not be objective. The researcher can hope that each participant will relate the story as they view it. And this is the point of the exercise - not to find the truth of the matter per se, because that does not exist. What we want to know is the truth as the participants reflect their own personal attitudes and interpretations, and that is what exists for a researcher. It is not expected that the interviewee will necessarily describe her life-situations objectively. On the contrary, it is expected that her story may include fabrications, prejudices, exaggerations which are quite as valuable as objective descriptions, provided of course, that these reactions be properly identified and classified (Minichiello et al 1999: 128).

There are a number of ways of checking, or minimizing these exaggerations. Multiple interviews allow that where inconsistencies may become apparent they can be clarified in subsequent encounters. As was experienced in some of the second interviews with a number of the participants, seeking clarification by coming back to at point later in the interview was valuable. Finding out why the interviewee wanted to gloss over a certain matter could be even more informative. However, Minichiello (1999) makes the point that contradictory points of view can be valid and truthful responses, and form a valid part of the informant's account. To disregard such contradictions would be to distort otherwise genuine data. 124

7. Research as a transformative process

Keeping in mind the nature of the research, feminist sensitivity was necessary in probing into the lives of the participants. I developed a rapport with each participant so that they could freely share their life situations, every aspect of which was linked to the research topic. I knew a little of the background of each participant, as the supervisory staff introduced the participants to me. I had great admiration for the participants due to what they had achieved as women in Pakistani society. I appreciated their personalities, their life histories and their achievements. During the interviews some of them felt distressed and cried while recalling their life stories; often I cried with them and shared similar situations experienced by me or known to me.

Feminist research generates empathic connections between the researcher and the researched and incorporates the researcher's experiences and feelings in the research process (Reinharz 1992: 263). The research process of interviewing the women was quite emotional for me and often it was challanging for me to detach my role as a woman from that of being an instrument to explore the life of the women whom I was interviewing. Each interview story heightened my concern about women's marginalization in the society. While I was transcribing and analyzing the interviews I could recall the faces and could remember the way they related their stories. The interviewees have had a profound impact on me as a woman, and as a researcher.

7.1 Leaving the field

Having negotiated entry in the field, I needed to monitor the process of data collection and decide when and how to end the data collection. In theoretical sampling, saturation is reached once the participants are no longer adding new concepts, and this is an indication to stop the data collection (Flick 1998). According to Lincoln and Guba (in Ely 1991: 92), when the data repeat themselves instead of extending, it is time to move out of the field. In the present research, the emergence of repetitive themes was apparent at the sixteenth interview, and the researcher decided it would be appropriate to stop the data collection at 125

that point. I continued with the last four interviews that I had already committed to, as it would have been unethical to cancel.

From the researcher's point of view, detaching from the field relates to confidence about whether you have collected enough data, the analysis of which would legitimate the representation of the participants' viewpoint (Minichiello et al 1999; Ely 1991). There were also pragmatic reasons for me to leave the field when I did. I had to come back to Australia to continue the PhD work and there was no chance to go back for any second opinion or confirmation from the participants of the interpretations formed out of their interviews.

Leaving the field is surely also an ethical and political matter, especially when one is operating in the field area of a gatekeeper (the NGO). The formality of acknowledging the participants for giving the interview and sharing their experiences was done at the end of each interview. I had planned to convey a formal acknowledgement to the head of the NGO before leaving the field but due to paucity of time this was not possible. Although an attempt was made to fix an interview time, the head of the NGO had gone through a personal tragedy so the formal interview with her could not take place. I intend to share the findings (in an anonymous format) with the participants and the NGO staff upon my return to Pakistan after completion of this research.

7.2 The 'journey': the process and its impact on my life experience

During the research process, my use of the feminist perspective was reinforced again and again in developing research objectives, the data collection and analysis. I found that the use of qualitative research is a powerful method for examining human experiences, especially women's voices.

This research will benefit me not only in my academic career but also in carrying out more feminist research in the future. In researching this topic, I have become aware of many aspects of Pakistani and Muslim societies in general, but particularly the lives of women. I 126

was not aware of the complexities of purdah and its many facets in society before I started this research. My project has been an attempt to understand the lives of urban lower middle-class women but I have realized that there are many areas that need to be explored to gain a further understanding of the complex and multi-layered aspects that impact on women's lives in Pakistan.

8. Conclusion

This chapter has detailed the rationale of the research project. The application of a feminist perspective and qualitative research methodology is explained. Details related to the selection of research sample, research site, entering the field and data collection methods have been given. Other aspects of the research such as ethical issues, data analysis, limitations, validity and reliability have also been presented.

The next three chapters outline the findings in relation to the research questions. The analysis draws from the data gathered from the primary participants, and is augmented by reference to relevant literature, together with discussion held with key informants. In chapter 7 the background information about the primary participants of this research is given, followed by findings and analysis of major factors influencing the women's understanding and practice of purdah. In chapter 8 the changes in the women's practice of purdah associated with the changing socio-economic context are addressed. Chapter 9 deals wit 127

CHAPTER 7

WOMEN'S UNDERSTANDING AND PRACTICE OF PURDAH: FAMILIAL, CULTURAL AND RELIGIOUS INFLUENCES

Warm and tender soft, this 'chadur' Of compromise has taken me years to knit No flowers of truth embellish it Not a single false stitch betrays it.

It will do to cover my body though And it will bring comfort too, If not joy, nor sadness to you. (Nigaah 2001:65)

1. Introduction

The analysis of the data is presented in three chapters. The aspects of purdah experienced by women in the form of dress, seclusion and segregation of the sexes form the basis of the findings and the analysis. The present chapter addresses the Research Questions l and 2 (page 4 in Chapter 1) relating to sanctions that influence women's observance of purdah, and how women conceptualize purdah in their lives. Chapter 8 addresses Research Question 3 (page 4 in Chapter 1), and Research Question 4 (page 4 in Chapter 1) is dealt with in Chapter 9.

This chapter begins with a brief background about the women participants in this study. The research participants' own concept of purdah are then presented with analysis of how these views were formed from a combination of influences (and corollary sanctions) including the family, social, class and religious factors. The chapter ends with a discussion of the implications of the women's construction of purdah for their lives, based on a theoretical model of Islamic feminism. 128

2. Introducing the research participants

In total, 20 urban, lower middle-class women, all from the urban setting of Rawalpindi, were interviewed. The participants' parents had moved to this city from nearby villages and from other regions to pursue better economic prospects and education for their children. The average household size for these participants was eight persons per family (including in-laws and married brothers or sisters who lived in one house). There has been a decrease in the average number of children per family of the participants ( 4.9) compared to the number of children in their parent's' families (8.3). Due to financial constraints some of the participants had made a conscious effort to have a limited number of children. However, they find even the reduced number is difficult to manage with increasing living costs when their income remains very limited. The majority of the participants were employed, as were their husbands.

2.1 Age

The age of the participants ranged from 20 to 50 years. Nine were in the age group of21-30 years and another nine were in the 31-40 years age group. There were two participants in the age range 41-50 years.

2.2 Marital status

In the sample 11 of the participants were married, three were unmarried, four were widows and two were divorced. In the age group 21-30 years, three were married, three unmarried, one was a widow and two were divorced. In the age group 31-40 years, seven were married and two were divorced. In the age group 41-50 years, one participant was married and one was a widow.

2.3 Living arrangements

Six married and widowed participants lived in an extended family household. The married women, whose husbands were the eldest son of the family, opted to live with their 129

husband's parents. As a result they had more familial commitments and financial needs. In other cases, where the in-laws' families were living in a village or in another town, the participants lived as a single family for reasons of employment or to further allow the education of their children. Eight of the participants lived in such nuclear family unit. The widowed and divorced women's preferred option was to live with the in-laws or with their parents. This provided them a measure of security. The two divorced participants were from the youngest age group of the sample. These participants related that their parents had reluctantly supported them in applying for divorce. The parents also supported them both financially and morally. According to these participants their situation was not drastic, rather they were prepared to start a new life and wanted to become self-sufficient. They were learning new skills with this aim in mind.

2.4 Education

The educational level of the participants varied greatly and extended from illiteracy to higher secondary education - some participants had teachers training certificates as well (Structure of the Pakistani educational system is given in Appendix 2). In the age group 21- 30 years, four participants had obtained higher secondary level education, two of who were trained teachers as well. Three participants had completed secondary level schooling and one each had completed middle and primary levels. In the age group 31-40 years two participants had completed higher secondary level, three secondary level, three middle­ level and one was illiterate. In comparison, in the age group 41-50 years one participant had achieved primary level (below grade five) and one was illiterate. The two participants who were illiterate in the national language could recite the Holy Quran in the Arabic language, but could not necessarily understand it.

2.5 Employment

Out of 20 participants, 18 were financially active in paid employment either inside or outside the home, or were learning skills for obtaining employment in the future. In fact some of the participants were externally employed as well as involved in home based earnings, such as stitching, learning center and embroidery work. Four of the participants 130

had their own business as a street seller, goat raising, working in a canteen, shoe shop, and one was a midwife. Three were learning skills such as sewing, embroidery and nursing/first aid, for future employment.

Whilst not significant in any statistical sense, a comparison of the age brackets shows that the younger women were more often in employment or running a business than the older women. In the 21-30 years age group, the women were learning skills so as to obtain paid jobs in the future. To some extent it seems that there is increasing societal acceptance of. women's financial independence. On the other hand, the financial needs of the whole family could be the reason for more women being in jobs or earning. They did not get direct acknowledgement of their contribution, but there was indirect appreciation and their respect and status in decision-making in the household did improve. The women themselves reported that they felt satisfied in these situations.

Three women with less education were learning skills to improve their prospects for employment. Out of the two participants who were not working, one had her husband's pension and up until recently she had been earning money by doing embroidery, knitting and stitching. The other woman, who was also a widow, had the financial support of her parents. She had also started learning stitching so that she could earn money through this activity.

2.6 Religion

All the participants were Muslims. As the Islamic religion has an obvious influence on the practice of purdah, it was important to note the level of knowledge the participants had about Islam. Two of the participants had attended a formal institution for religious education. Nineteen knew the reading of the Holy Quran in Arabic and nine had read the Urdu translation of a few sections or chapters out of their own interest. Most of the women had learnt the Arabic reading of the Quran from a woman in the family or close community. None of the participants had gone to a mosque madrasah (religious school) where a maulvi teaches the Quran. Reading in Arabic means they did not understood the 131

meaning as it is neither their mother tongue nor the National language, but reciting Holy Quran in Arabic is preferred as the most revered option. Only one of the participants had not read the Holy Quran. Eight women mentioned that they read other religious books to gain information.

Due to the choice of NGO gate-keepers, the sample is atypical of lower middle-class women in some respects, in that the participants were much more informed and involved in economic activity than the majority of lower middle-class women. I had wanted to include a wider sample, such as women who had no link with the NGO, but I realized such women would not be willing to be interviewed and, moreover, this could not be pursued due to time constraints. However this lack of representativeness is not a problem for this study as there is no intent to present the results as being able to be generalized to the overall population. The following sections will present the data by using the words of the participants where possible to maintain the authenticity and integrity of their narratives.

3. Factors influencing the women's observance of purdah

This study revealed that there were multiple external and internal factors, which influenced the women's behavior in the observance or non-observance of purdah. The main sources of influence in the women's lives were family, society and religion, factors also identified by Berninghausen and Kerstan in their study of Javanese women (1992: 19).

3.1 Family Influence

The familial structure consisted of the immediate family (parents, brothers and sisters), but also grandparents, maternal and paternal uncles and aunts and in-laws. Thus a variety of influences emanated from the family, their combined effort being to educate the participants about family traditions, religious culture, codes of behavior expected of the women, and limits imposed on the women's freedom. Although it varied from family to family, at the age of puberty the observance of purdah was required for girls whether they were going to school or staying at home. 132

3.1.1 Female family members as role models

In explaining how or when they started wearing the purdah dress, the participants explained that because their grandmother, mother, sisters and aunts wore a particular type of purdah dress, they also started wearing it.

My mother wore chaddar and a loose dress. She was not particular about us but as we had observed her, we also started wearing chaddar while going to school (Participant 4).

My mother belongs to a religious family... she used to wear shuttlecock burqa but now she has an eyesight problem so she wears chaddar. Our grandmother and aunts also wear burqa with nikab. We have grownup within such an environment so we also started wearing purdah but chaddar with nikab, as the other one is difficult to manage (Participant 3).

I wear duppata in the house but when I go out, I wear chaddar. My mother also wears chaddar when she goes out (Participant 13).

My mother wore burqa and my sisters wore chaddar, so did I. My mother bought it for me. (Participant 2)

Mothers also wanted their daughters who attended school and college to be moderate in their practice of purdah. The participants mentioned their mothers or grandmothers as role models, but the frequency of mention of the female family members in terms of insisting that they observe purdah was far less than their mention of the male family members' insistence (which will be examined in the following sub-sections). In the examples below, the mothers, instead of imposing purdah dress on their daughters, tried to explain the seriousness and inherent complexities of it.

When I was in school I told my mother that I wanted to wear a chaddar with nikab. But my mother said that if I start wearing it I would have to keep it up, but that if I am adopting it as a fashion then I should not go for it. Then I also realized that to maintain nikab would be difficult. And so I started wearing a chaddar (Participant 9). 133

I asked her (my daughter) why she does not remove nikab and chaddar and just wear duppata, as that is enough- but she does not agree (Participant 9).

Interestingly, older generation women who were mothers and grandmothers discouraged the young girls in the family from adopting restrictive forms of purdah dress. The participants expressed views which revealed that while they were growing up they were told by their mothers and mothers-in-law to practice such purdah that they could maintain and deal with. Mothers were not strict with their daughters, probably because they had experienced restrictions in their own practice of purdah, and so did not want these restrictions repeated in their daughter's lives.

The evidence also shows that most mothers were supportive of their daughter's education, skill learning and job initiatives. But there was also rare mention of older family females putting restrictions on the younger ones. The mother's support for the education of their daughters was a step towards easing purdah norms, but still within the family elder women had a clear influence on the purdah practice of the participants.

Our mother wanted us [daughters] to be educated and independent (Participant 1).

Initially my father did not want me to learn stitching- it was my mother who convinced him (Participant 2).

It is my mother who is really supportive of my education, as she wants me to be independent in my future life (Participant 5).

One of the participants who herself was a mother-in-law, told the researcher that her daughters did not wear burqa or chaddar. And her daughter-in-law, who wore burqa before marriage, was not required to wear it after marriage as the mother-in-law considered that in public places it was difficult to move about with small children.

I did not let my daughter-in-law wear burqa because without our own transport it is difficult to carry children. My own daughters do not wear it so why would I let her wear it? And I think duppata is enough (Participant 17). 134

3.1.2 Generational influence

While recalling living in an extended family household, the participants mentioned that their grandparents resisted sending the girls to school, especially after middle or secondary levels. They would put conditions of wearing burqa or chaddar for the girls before permitting them to go to school.

We used to wear duppata by covering our head but my grandfather insisted that we have to wear burqa. [In childhood] we refused by saying that we cannot maintain it. But when we grew up, like at the age of 14 or 15, we had to wear burqa with nikab. My mother also wore burqa (Participant 17).

While going to school my daughters wear chaddar because otherwise their grandfather would not allow them out (Participant 2).

It was elders, especially the grandfathers, who wanted the women to wear burqa or nikab, thus emphasizing the family tradition. As well, men or elderly women of the family escorted girls to the school.

School was near our home but daily our grandmother used to take us to school. Our grandmother used to wear shuttlecock burqa (Participant 14).

3.1.3 Influence of father

While mothers were strong role models for their daughters in the practice of purdah, the role and influence of fathers was limited. Only two participants mentioned that their fathers required them to wear purdah dress.

My father was very strict with us and would get angry if we were not wearing duppata; he was particular about covering of the head (Participant 15). 135

The data depicted that in the Pakistani patriarchal society the fathers did not directly influence their daughters to observe purdah, but other male members did so. Where the resources allowed, the fathers were supportive of their daughter's education and tried not to impose old traditions of seclusion and restrictive purdah attire. When the participants recalled their father's role in their upbringing, they remembered them as liberal elders who did not restrict them by imposing seclusion but who supported their education and permitted them to be gainfully employed.

After Matric I when I wanted to go to college, our grandfather refused and said it is enough for girls. They have to do house work after marriage so no point sending them for further education. But my father tried to convince him. Then grandfather insisted that the girls will have to wear burqa. But again my father was not in favor of burqa, as he was concerned that we won't be able to walk in burqa and will bump into people, so he again had to convince his father. Finally the concession was made and we had to wear chaddar (Particiapant 14).

My father did not allow me to do technical training due to that episode in our family [the elder daughter's refusal of a proposal from a rich and influential family, which threatened to kidnap her or kill her and harm the family], but otherwise he was not strict. When his cousin asked to employ me in a job, he permitted me to join as a trainee teacher (Participant I).

My father favored me over my sisters, as I was more particular in my purdah dress ... He admired Benazir Bhutto for being in politics and supported her. He also wanted us to be educated and contribute to the society (Participant 9).

In the majority of the cases the fathers did not want their daughters deprived and secluded. They were, however, protective in the sense that they would escort their daughters to school or the occasional visit to the market. These examples show that the old type seclusion was no longer being maintained when a father or brother was able to escort the girls in the family to school.

1 Secondary level education. 136

I remember my father always dropped and picked us up from school. My younger sister could not continue her studies, as my brother was not able to take her to college ... In my case I had to continue my studies privately (Participant 3).

Mostly now it is my brother who brings me to school. Now my father is busy, but when we were small he would escort us to school daily (Participant 19).

The girls who did not have a family member to escort them to school often had to sacrifice prospects of further education or any public activity.

My elder sisters and I could not continue our education as the school was far away and no male member was available to escort us to school. All my brothers had moved out for their jobs and father had his own full time work, so he was not very keen to send us to school (Participant 15).

3.1.4 In-laws' Influence

The general experience of the women interviewed was that, until a girl was married, she followed the dictates of her parents. The early years of a girl's training were preparation for assuming adult roles in the in-laws' family and with her husband. Whether the girls were married to someone within the extended family or outside the family, their personal consent was not sought, as it was considered that parents or elders were in a better position to decide for their future. Therefore, her marriage was a commitment made by her parents, which she had to follow without question. From the day of the wedding girls often experienced that her in-laws imposed more restrictions on purdah observance than had her own family, but sometimes it was a pleasant surprise that the restrictions would be relaxed by the in-laws.

Actually when I got married my father-in-law wanted me to wear burqa. So I started wearing it (Participant l ).

After marriage I will observe purdah because then I have to obey my in-laws (Participant 20). 137

Before marriage I did not wear burqa but in my wedding dress I got a white shuttlecock burqa so that is what I wore. . . it was so big that I was uncomfortable. I could not walk in it. Later on when I wanted to remove it my husband agreed to it but still I wore chaddar as I was used to it (Participant 16).

With my wedding dress I wore burqa as well, but my in-laws were quite broad-minded. They did not insist and were not particular about me even wearing chaddar, but I could not remove it (Participant 14).

3.1.5 Husband's influence

In a number of the cases the husbands were not rigid about their wife's practice of wearing purdah attire.

My husband does not bother what I wear, but I know my limits (Participant 15).

He [husband] has never told me to wear chaddar but I do it myself (Participant 2).

No, my husband never told me to wear burqa or chaddar. I think he was not concerned (Participant 1).

Even if the husband did not interfere in his wife's practice of purdah, there were still factors that determined women's practice of purdah and they did not dare take advantage of the liberty afforded to them by their husbands. According to the participants, if the controlling factor was not husband then it was father-in-law or other male members in the family, as referred to in Sections 3.1.4 and 3.1.6.

On the other hand, some participants said that their husbands did impose purdah restrictions, such as not allowing them to go out, or ordering them to wear a big chaddar for the entire body to be covered, including the face, because they were suspicious when their wives went to work. In this way the husband not only controlled the wife, but also intimidated her. This pattern of behavior appeared to occur when the husband was considerably older than the wife. 138

Should I tell you the truth? My husband is very strict. He is six years older than me but due to his appearance he looks much older than that ... He wants me to go to the office at an exact time and come back at the exact time of the closing of school. And if for any reason I am late, he gets very annoyed. I wear a big chaddar and cover my face with nikab. He is conscious that no one should see me ... He wants to pressurize me so that I cannot feel any type of superiority (Participant 9).

My husband was 36 years old and I was in 9th grade when we got married. He did not let me go anywhere and all the time he was angry. I was scared of him, and felt like marriage was senseless (Participant 8).

My husband was ten years older than I. He never wanted to take me out and could not tolerate anyone seeing me so I was very careful to cover myself. Because after marriage, once he took me out to the market and there he got angry with the shopkeepers (who saw me) and throughout was in an angry mood (Participant 6).

3.1.6 Influence of other male relatives in extended family households

In extended family households, other male family members also had an influence on the way of dressing and mobility of the female members. Mostly it was the brothers, brothers­ in-law or maternal or paternal uncles who also had the right to check and impose purdah restrictions.

My father's family was strict in the observance of purdah. I used to wear chaddar while going to school (Participant 8).

Although my father-in-law and my husband have allowed me to do the job, one of my brothers-in-law has always opposed my job and wanted me to wear burqa ... Though I am married, my younger brother also tells me to wear nikab (Participant 2).

When she [mother] moved to 'Pindi she wore chaddar with nikab because my chacha [father's younger brother] wanted her to wear nikab, as of course his friends would recognize her in the street (Participant 20). 139

My younger brother and my sons do not like me doing the job and disapprove my going out without wearing a burqa. They criticize my association with the welfare work and say I am also spoiling other women by giving them information (Participant 10).

3.1.7 Upholding family honor and traditions

The women's practice of purdah was associated with the family honor and was considered as upholding the family traditions. Even participants who did not mention tradition or honor directly implied that they observed purdah for the sake of family tradition and honor.

Purdah is to keep the family traditions, respect and our own chastity (Participant 5).

According to Islam purdah is recommended for women, as they are not [to be] a showpiece, but [must bring] honor to the family (Participant 14).

We are 'Pathan'2 and in our traditions purdah is a must. To keep the family honor we never thought of going out (Participant 11 ).

Some of the participants might have spoken of traditions in general, but actually they were ensuring their family traditions while practicing purdah.

I also believe in our traditions. It has importance and that is why we follow it (Participant 10).

At present what is being practiced m our society 1s more of a traditional thing ... (Participant 15).

Actually I think these days the practice of purdah is more of a cultural nature ... (Participant 18).

2 Pathans are a tribe from North-West Frontier Province and are strict in enforcing their women's purdah. 140

3.1.8 Conflicting notions of purdah within the family

The participants in this study suggested that observing or not observing purdah was not really their choice, but began within the family as an act of obedience and compliance when they were young girls. As they grew up they rationalized and adjusted to purdah practices, which were definitely influenced by the family, social and cultural trends. But it depended on the circumstances of each woman how she chose to present herself in the society.

In the case studies presented in this research, it was apparent that within different families there were different notions of purdah. The limits of purdah for each family corresponded with their economic and social status.

My mother's family was quite advanced but our father's family was strict in purdah. So I used to wear chaddar in school, but I started actual purdah after my marriage as my husband was very strict (Participant 8).

Before coming to Rawalpindi we lived in Mardan in an army colony where the environment was quite modem and there my parents were not strict about our dress etc. But when we moved here my father said that we have to respect the traditions of this area. So we were very careful in our dress and did not go out (Participant 1).

My husband likes a sari. When we were going to Bahrain I wore a sari and above it wore the burqa. But my mother-in-law and father­ in-law said 'you are looking nice, but remove the burqa', so I removed it. My husband also did not object (Participant 14).

3.1.9 Overview of family influences

The findings reported above indicate that the strictest forms of purdah were imposed on those women who lived in extended family households where the grandparents' influence was the strongest. It is clear from the findings presented so far, as well be discussed in more detail in the following chapter, that there has been a clear change in purdah trends, I 41

especially in the use of less restrictive forms of purdah attire and in the reduction of seclusion. The majority of participants expressed that women of their families did not impose purdah on the younger generation, and were especially supportive of their education, which helped them to come out of strict seclusion. In most of the case studies, fathers were protective but did not impose restriction on their daughters' education or work opportunities, whereas brothers and sons were more restrictive by not allowing their sisters or mothers to go out. On the other hand, in some cases the in-laws' family imposed different traditions and it was the father-in-law who imposed purdah restrictions on their daughters-in-law.

Overall, this section depicts that, one way or the other, it was the men who primarily determined the observance of purdah for the women in this study, linking it to family tradition and honor. It was not only the immediate male family members, but also other male members such as brothers-in-law, uncles and other male relatives who could be influential in imposing the restrictions on women's mobility and ordering them to wear purdah attire so that they may not be identified in public places.

3.2 Influence of Society

3.2.1 Social norms

Virtually all of the women who were interviewed expressed that social norms play a vital role in determining the practice of purdah and that there was substantial pressure to conform to the common practice.

Moreover, when we go out men stare and I do not like it. One does feel uncomfortable and shy. I am concerned about the gossip which people can spread (Participant 16).

When people stare and pass remarks, it creates a bad feeling as if I am a bad person. So to avoid such remarks I think it is better to hide the face so they do not know what I look like ... In our society the more women are out, the more vulnerable they are ... The girls who go out for jobs go with fear in their hearts... They are under 142

pressures from within the family and outside as well ... (Participant 2).

It is quite easy to damage any woman's honor by spreading rumors and then it becomes difficult for the family to prove such things wrong. This is why we need to be careful in our ventures into the public (Participant 18).

The men have nothing to do, they just sit around and spread gossip. They sit in the streets and pass remarks and misbehave for fun sake. When I go out for my fieldwork I change my route so to avoid [the men's] odd comments (Participant 9).

When I go out into the community I can sit and talk with any group of people. By wearing burqa I myself felt protected (Participant 1).

Given these statements, it appears that basically the women wanted to avoid the stares and remarks of men, which made them uncomfortable. And the women were concerned about any gossip, which could damage their reputation. Therefore, to avoid family fury, they would wear some form of purdah attire when they ventured out, and it also provided them with a feeling of greater safety in public (to be discussed in further detail Section 4.1 ).

3.2.2 Image projected

As indicated in the two examples below, participants believed that the most conservative styles of purdah dress would invite criticism and people may ridicule them. This indicated not only the change towards a preference for more moderate forms of purdah practice, but also hinted at a degree of hypocrisy within the society. Thus, the choice of purdah dress was not an easy problem for the women to resolve.

I have observed that in some cases when women want to adopt purdah, such as chaddar or burqa, people make a joke of it and say she is trying to be pious (Participant 4 ).

Sometimes I think if I practice the actual full purdah [to cover the hands and feet as well] then what will people say? And if others are not doing it, why should I practice it? Why should I look like a grandmother? People will make a joke ofme (Participant 3). 143

In the society, a woman's observance or non-observance of purdah can convey a variety of messages. The general image projected by purdah-observing women was that they were obedient, chaste and bearing good character, but they were aware that this was not always the case for all purdah observing women.

I feel that in the community in which I work, the men would be curious and rather suspicious about women who are clad in burqa with nikab. [They would wonder] why they are hiding themselves. Personally I won't arouse suspicion as I have been doing it [for a long time] and there are family reasons for me to practice such a dress. But people do not respect the women who wear a fitted form of burqa that expose the body contours and which looks vulgar (Participant I).

The Holy Quran has forbidden adultery but in our society prostitutes wear burqa to disguise themselves and their doings (Participant 7).

The practice of purdah linked with women of 'bad character', raised curiosity among the community. This created tensions for participants in the study who practiced a certain type ofpurdah dress.

Now I do this street selling, so how can I wear a burqa? I still wear a chaddar and cover myself properly. If I wear burqa, then what will people say? So I preferred to remove it (Participant 11 ) .

. . . after practicing burqa I realized people get more curious to see who is in the burqa. I wore it for one and a half-years, thinking I am protected, but I was wrong. Actually we wear it to avoid the looks of people in the street but that purpose is not achieved (Participant 6).

A viewpoint shared by the participants of the present research was that, in general, men in the street made it difficult for women to come out of the seclusion of home. The men's 'misbehavior' created fear and an uncomfortable environment for women. The influence of the changing society in the lives of individual women was contradictory and multi-faceted as on the one hand there was pressure to observe purdah dress, but on the other hand their purdah attire gave confusing signals and elicited varying responses. Therefore women 144

adopted survival strategies to adjust to the environment around them on the basis of their experience and understanding. They adjusted to the social context by either choosing one or the other type of purdah dress, or through their modest behavior and choosing only to go to segregated spaces (see Section 3.2.4, Section 6 & later in Chapter 8, Section 8).

3.2.3 Role models outside the family

Some women also indicated that, in addition to the influence of their immediate families, the purdah dress of a teacher or the uniform of nurses who wear a white coat impressed them. Sometimes even the neighbors influenced the women.

In my school I liked one of my teachers who looked very nice in the chaddar and I also started wearing it. But could not manage it so I dropped the idea of wearing it (Participant 15).

At school I did not wear burqa because once I asked my teacher and she replied "This is not an age to wear burqa and if you start wearing it at this age then you would not be able to do anything comfortably". And it was also the family of one of our neighbors that influenced me, and I started wearing a chaddar (Participant 6).

In my parents house I never donned it (burqa) although my mother wore it. My own inspiration was from nurses and their uniform. I did want to become a nurse, but could not pursue it... so when I joined college I started wearing a coat (Participant 1).

3.2.4 Situational influences

Many times the participants gave examples of how they changed their practice of purdah in different circumstances. For example, in segregated girls' schools they had to adopt the uniform dress. In segregated institutions it was not necessary for women to wear burqa or nikab.

Inside the school I used to wear a small stole which was part of our uniform. But while coming to school I wore a big chaddar with nikab, with only my eyes visible (Participant 5).

I feel that what dress I wear in the house, I should be able to wear that outside as well. If I dress fashionably in the house, I should do 145

it in public as well. I do not want to be a hypocrite who wears nikab in front of the relatives, and when away from them there is no purdah. I think we should be consistent (Participant 4).

In other circumstances, women would adopt a more restrictive form of purdah dress than usual. For example, if a woman was applying for divorce, she had to appear in court. Appearing in court was considered immoral, and such women were considered to stigmatize their family. Obtaining this legal right was made a difficult and shameful act (as is discussed later in Chapter 9), and most of these women expressed shame and guilt for bringing disgrace to their family.

When I used to go to the court it was an odd experience. I wore a shuttlecock burqa so that nobody could recognize me. And my father and brothers were at a distance so that they could not be identified with me (Participant 13 ).

I had to go to the court. My brother and uncle were with me. I covered my face so that no one could recognize me. Initially I felt ashamed that due to me they had to face this disgrace. But then I saw so many women having different stories, which was horrible, but it gave me encouragement that I am not alone (Participant 5).

Another aspect of behavioral training was that women were trained to not to go in front of men, and if they had to serve them then they were not allowed to talk, or else had to speak in low tone. Women were not allowed to sit at the same height as men, especially elder men of the family. These norms were linked with the men's honor in the families. This training kept women separated from, and scared of, their close male family members such as father and brother. This then led to them being scared of the men in the street. These women were not equipped or confident to deal with men either inside or outside the family.

I have never spoken in a high pitch with my elder brother and always cover my head when I go in front of him ... If I see my brother in the street I do not talk to him ... We respect our elders and out of respect do not sit with them, but at a lower level (Participant 12).

I do wear duppata, but not on the head, and I am frank with men in my family. I can even shake their hands. But when I am in the 146

community doing work I keep a serious tone with men to keep the distance. I do not think covering up ourselves with chaddar or burqa can bring us respect - it is the way we carry ourselves (Participant 7).

We were really scared of our father when he was around. We used to cover our heads and would speak in low voices. Now it is different, but in those days mothers taught us that when our father is in the house we need to be quiet (Participant 15).

At work, women had adopted various means to maintain a distance from male colleagues .. This was done to keep their purdah, meaning their honor and integrity. In the workplace they had a reserved attitude and sometimes with male colleagues they used terms that imply a family-like relationship, referring to them as brother, son or uncle.

The nature of our job is such that we have to deal in the community and with every type of people. So I am very careful. I cover myself properly and talk to the point and in a careful tone ... The people who understand the nature of our work respect us (Participant 9).

In our office I am always careful what I wear and how I talk. I treat every one as though they are younger to me. I call them by their familiar name so they know to treat me with the respect due to an elder woman, and sometimes I call them 'bachee" son (Participant 18).

3.3 Religious influence

The Islamic religion is embedded in the social fabric of the Pakistani culture, and as such, every aspect of life is influenced by it. The women's practice of purdah was closely linked to religious piety.

3.3.1 Religious beliefs

Almost all the participants mentioned that they observe purdah because it was a religious obligation. However, it was interesting to note that the majority of the women only mentioned religion when the researcher specifically asked them about the religious context of purdah. 147

As far as religion is concerned purdah is compulsory (Participant 11 ).

I believe it fpurdah practice] should not be done half-heartedly. It is a serious issue linked with our religion. It needs serious consideration and respect (Participant 8).

Purdah is Islamic and it restricts wrong doings ... (Participant 5).

In Islam, a woman should not talk and laugh with strangers. We have to cover our body: not even hair and teeth are to be seen (Participant 10).

The participants considered the practice of purdah to be a religious compulsion, not only for their own piety but also for the good of the society. They believed that the religious concept ofpurdah was to direct the social interaction between the sexes and that its purpose was to protect women from strangers.

3.3.2 Participants' interpretation of religious obligation

The participants' understanding of Islamic expectation of purdah was revealing, in that it contained a mix of the Islamic religion and various superstitions as well. The interpretations differed, depending upon what they had learned from elders, mullahs (religious teachers) and, occasionally, religious books.

Religion not only talks of dress: it is a way of life, and as far as I know in Islam Muslim women are supposed to cover their hair ... This is for men as well (Participant 17).

I think it is a mix of religion and traditions (Participant 9).

It is a religious obligation. Our hair should be covered so that no one can see it (Participant 20).

In the above expressions the women related purdah with dress and especially covering of hair so that no one could see them. By 'no one' they meant men, but beyond this they gave no explanation. But when prompted, they did wonder about the purdah concept of 148

seclusion, as they referred to Muslim history when Muslim women played a role in public life.

I think purdah is religious but that does not mean confinement in the house. In Muslim history we have many examples when women contributed in every sphere of life (Participant 19).

The women thought that, due to lack of knowledge, the prevalent notion of purdah did not reflect the Islamic spirit. They believed the concept of purdah was linked with moral character, and not with hiding women or putting restrictions in their lives.

As far as purdah is concerned the Quran tells us to hide ourselves and not go out, but in fact going out is not wrong. Rather [it is wrong] to misuse the opportunity and [it is important to] keep your honor and respect. What we are doing is due to lack of knowledge, with not much rationale (Participant 15).

What I understand of purdah concept from the Quran is that it is a belief more than a practical thing. Clothing does not serve the purpose if inside we don't believe in it (Participant 7).

Limited understanding of the religious foundations of purdah and the influence of the local culture in the practice of purdah were also mentioned by the participants.

The purdah that is being practiced is more of a cultural nature, as I believe the religion does not make things difficult (Participant 18).

One participant also mentioned that she did not have enough knowledge about the religious concept of purdah, but she considered that it was quite strict and that was why she did not want to practice it. She said that her grandmother's purdah dress (shuttlecock burqa) was according to Islam but nowadays we do not follow it, as people will ridicule us.

Our belief is not strong. We do not understand the religious requirements because we do not want to follow them (Participant 3). 149

Some women said that in order to impose purdah, they were told scary stories, some of which were linked to religion.

My grandmother and mother use to say that if your head is not covered then Satan will urinate on the head (laugh) (Participant 6).

I was told that when they die snakes eat the girls who do not practice purdah. [A story was related about a true experience of a girl in their family. And then on the grave special prayers were recited for the forgiveness of that girl] (Participant l 0).

I know of an incident that was told by our village mullah that if a woman does wrong things in her lifetime, when she dies her grave would catch fire and so every one will know ... (Participant 11).

However, when these stories were related to the researcher it appeared that, with hindsight, the participants did not literally believe in such distortions.

According to the sample of this research, although the religious basis of purdah was emphasized, most of the participants acknowledged their limited knowledge of Islamic religion. Some held the view that superstitions were created and linked with religion to create fear amongst women. While some participants emphasized the covering of hair and body, they were convinced through references from Islamic history that Muslim women need not be secluded. So for these women, Islamic purdah attire was linked with their respect, honor and moral character, but seclusion was not seen by them to have a basis in their religion.

4. Women's perceptions of the benefits of observing purdah

The findings reported above reveal how purdah had been interwoven into the lives of the women, and became an institution with multiple sanctions. In examining the family influences it appeared that in fact every member of the immediate and extended family had influenced the women's practice and understanding of purdah in their lives. Furthermore, the family influences were reinforced by social norms. Although women had very limited choices for venturing out in the public domain, and even then only for such necessary 150

things as education, shopping and work, it seems that at each step they were reminded that they were not welcome and were vulnerable to abuse and harassment. And all these pressures from the family and society were in turn reinforced by religious sanctions. With reinforcement from all directions, the women had various ways of internalizing the concepts of purdah. Their perceptions and practice of purdah were constructed and grounded in external as well as internal factors.

It appears that the women's perceptions of purdah were a construct of their circumstances and exposure to life. For those women who wanted to go out for education or work, their families expected them to observe purdah dress. In fact, besides the family, the community also expected that a woman who comes out of the house should adopt purdah dress. If they obeyed, they were considered obedient and chaste daughters, sisters and wives. If they observed purdah, not only the women themselves were considered chaste, but also their families were considered honorable and were respected in the community.

On the other hand, if they did not obey, the women reported that their families would not allow them to go to school or work, as they would bring the family into disrepute. The women believed that those who disobeyed would be considered corrupted by modernization, which meant they were rejecting their society's traditions. Such women would not be supported by society in general and would be vulnerable to criticism for being disobedient and modern.

The women in this study who were educated and were allowed to undertake employment, had a responsibility to carry themselves respectfully by having no connection/dealings with men and not bringing a bad name to the family. How they presented themselves was important, as they were paving the way for the younger women.

The women interviewed had limited occasions to go out of the house, and even for a working woman it was not easy to go out whenever she liked. The scope for women to venture outside the house or in public was to attend school or work, to go to the market and 151

to visit relatives, though restrictions varied in individual cases. Once women left seclusion, the practice of purdah dress became obligatory and mobility restrictions were relaxed.

The women who had to earn their family's living (i.e, those who did not have husbands or male relatives to provide for them) had no choice but to leave seclusion to go to work. Men were considered protectors, but in the case of widowed and divorced women, their insecurity increased and then they had to be very careful in maintaining purdah. Such women reported that purdah dress provided them protection from society and as well as . personal satisfaction.

After my divorce I felt my chaddar provided protection for me (Participant 18).

Since my husband's death I avoid going to market because if somebody touches or passes remarks, it is so insulting and one feels insecure (Participant 6).

My younger brother has a shop. And if he sees me in the market he does not like it and asks me why do I have to go? But I have to do my shopping. That is why I always try to avoid the street where he has the shop (Participant 2).

4.1 Security/ safety

The women who were kept within the seclusion of the four walls of the house were considered to be safe from the vices in the society and in this way the family honor was also protected. So women also used purdah dress as a 'portable' enclosure in which they felt secure when they were in public.

Why do I wear chaddar? I wear it because while going out I feel secure (Participant 3).

After so many years, now I have removed my burqa, but my husband wants our daughters to wear chaddar. And in spite of all my reasoning, I think they have protection in it (Participant 8). 152

One of the participants, with her husband's penmss1on, had stopped wearing burqa. Because of her age she believed that her security lay in her husband's confidence in her. However, she and her husband believed it was better for their daughters to wear chaddar, as it provided protection in the exposed public domain. One way or an other there was a belief that purdah dress provided protection and one felt less vulnerable in public places. The women expected that, in general, onlookers would respect women clad in purdah dress.

However, the experiences of some of the participants revealed that purdah dresswas not always a guarantee of security, as sometimes men still would chase them and pass remarks, and create an uncomfortable environment when they had to venture out of the house.

Burqa or no burqa, I feel outside the house, in our society, there is insecurity (Participant 4).

I do not think purdah provides security because, when we go out, it is our inner confidence that is more important. I have experienced burqa but even when wearing it, in a way I [still] felt insecure. As I told you, people were more curious to see what is inside ... (Participant 8).

Regarding burqa as a form of purdah dress, the above two participants had reservations about whether it really provided security or only served to raise the curiosity of onlookers. From a security point of view, women who restricted themselves within the four walls of the house might be safer as they were able to avoid onlookers and their remarks. Those who went out remained vulnerable, as any type of purdah dress did not ensure safety and they had to endure remarks and even harassment from onlookers.

4.2 Comfort/satisfaction

The participants' views on satisfaction when observing purdah can be considered at three levels: in relation to their family, in relation to their personal satisfaction, and in relation to the society. To keep women and girls secluded in the house brought comfort to their parents, which was of course linked to the issue of security. 153

In the beginning when I used to go with my husband I used to wear chaddar, but I did not feel comfortable and all the time I would cover my body. I realized that I am more comfortable with burqa (Participant 1).

If I am in just duppata then I feel as if I am naked. I feel comfortable in chaddar. (Laugh) You see I am bulky so I feel comfortable by covering my self (Participant 6).

How can I send my daughters out for work? It is too risky. I bring the embroidery and stitching work [home] to them, and once they complete it I take it back. So they are earning money, but I do not feel comfortable to send them out (Participant 16).

There was a double pressure, from both the family and the society, for these women to observe purdah. The participants who were mothers of young daughters wanted their daughters to observe purdah dress but in some cases they preferred not to send their daughters out for work. As expressed in the above example, sometimes there was no compromise in protecting women's security and the family's honor, not even because of economic pressures.

4.3 Self-confidence

Burqa was one of the forms of purdah dress that was considered protective and in which women felt safe. When they first removed it and went in public without burqa, one woman reported experiencing a lack of self- confidence.

In burqa I can move about alone and with confidence, but without it I feel scared. Without it I do not know how to walk, I lose my confidence (Participant 16).

But another woman reported the opposite:

Since my husband gave me his consent that I should remove the burqa, I feel I have gained confidence, which has given me all types of security. Now I do not bother what people will say once I am outside the house as I have gained my husband's confidence and actually that is what matters to me (Participant 8). 154

From the above statements, there emerged two different types of self-confidence. In the first example, the woman experienced confidence by wearing the burqa dress. But in the second example, the confidence aspect of purdah (became obsolete) once she had the confidence of her husband.

4.4 Freedom to attend school and work

The sample of this study and the Weiss (1992) study indicated that the two predominant reasons that convinced parents and male relatives to allow women to leave the seclusion of the house were education and work.

He (father) insisted that we have to wear burqa and then we will be allowed to go to college (Participant 14 ).

I had to wear chaddar. I lived with my elder brother who was my guardian in the city, but he was also strict. I was reluctant, but I had to wear it--at least [then] I was allowed to study (Participant 15).

I wear a big chaddar and take special care when I am out for work. Often my husband came to my [employment] center. As it is a female center, my chaddar was not covering my head. Afterwards he taunted me that 'I know how you dress up at the work place'. Since then I am more careful and do not want to give him a chance to be annoyed. You never know, he may stop me from working (Participant 9).

When I got the job offer we were in need of money and my husband knew I could do the job, so he did not stop me. And as he desired, I was wearing burqa: only my eyes used to be exposed (Participant 8).

In each of the above examples the right to education or job was conditional on the observance of a certain type of purdah dress, and women did realize its value as it opened up opportunities to their limited aspirations. 155

4.5 Social acceptance

The participants' conformity in observing purdah was predominantly for the reason of gaining the acceptance not only of family members, but also of the community at large. Through their observation and experience, they gathered that they would be considered conscientious daughters, sisters or wives if they adopted purdah norms. Whether there was an element of fear, obedience or self-motivation, purdah was upheld by the women to ease their lives.

When he [father] was not at home then I was careless, but when I heard him entering the main gate I would wear the duppata on my head ... My younger sister obeyed him and since a very young age she covered her head with duppata. So he was very pleased with her (Participant 15).

I have to be extra conscious about my purdah as my husband is suspicious (Participant 9). We have been living in this community for the last so many years and every one knows us, but if we go without chaddar they will stare as if we are naked, so we do not feel comfortable without it (Participant 6).

5. Personal positioning of the women in relation to practicing or not practicing purdah

It appears that, in accordance with their changing circumstances and over time, the women in this study had internalized and justified their notions and practice of purdah. From the participants' point of view, conformity and compliance to the family traditions in practicing purdah provided them with certain privileges, such as education, work, the capacity to shop and visit relatives and friends. The women's experiences showed that through different stages of their lives they could shift their purdah practices away from typical family traditions, to some extent. Such adjustment did not mean that they would totally forego the practice of purdah. While the women could negotiate concessions within their families, there were other factors beyond their control such as social, political and religious mandates, as evident from Sections 3.2 and 3.3, that influenced their practices. Some of the women formulated independent opinions that sometimes differed from their family traditions and social norms. In the course of observing purdah they constructed 156

modifications for their convenience and according to their changing circumstances. The modifications and compromises related to the form of purdah dress they chose to wear, and to taking certain liberties in going out, such as for educational and work opportunities. It appeared that there was a gradual shift in their practice of purdah as their marital status and economic situation changed. Factors such as age, education and personal conviction also influenced women's practice of purdah.

5.1 Submission to the practice

The practice of purdah was an everyday issue in the lives of these women. In many ways the adoption of a purdah dress made life easier for the women, as it gave them opportunities to enter the public sphere that otherwise would have been difficult. As is illustrated in following sections, the submission to the practice of purdah opened up opportunities for education, employment, and acceptance in the family and community. As in the example below, some women obey the family rules to avoid any conflict and disturbance in the family.

We are living in an extended family household so I do not want to spoil the atmosphere in the house. I avoid any arguments, because then conflicts develop (Participant I).

5.2 Personal conviction of the value of purdah

In certain cases the participants did not have any pressure from their families, but they themselves were convinced that they should observe purdah and impose limitations on their own lives. Those women who had to support family financially had no alternative but to prove their modesty by their practice of adopting some form of purdah attire.

I wear chaddar. I thought of wearing nikab but then I thought: what would people say? But after the divorce I felt protection in chaddar... I also behave in a manner that I am old and demand respect from my colleagues (Participant 18).

Initially, I obeyed my father-in-law and started observing purdah but now I am used to it and in public work it has given me respect 157

and confidence. I can deal with people in any situation (Participant I).

When I go out for work my purdah is affected. I feel shame, as I have no business to talk to any one and do not know who is watching me. I just catch a van and reach my work place, do my work and come back. It is a desperate situation for me (Participant 10).

The above examples show that even those women who talked of being personally convinced of the value of observing purdah dress, or who were specifying certain limits for themselves, were in fact directly or indirectly influenced by family, society and their personal circumstances. But mainly they appear to have internalized their life-long training due to which they could not do away with purdah. They also viewed purdah as determining their respect, confidence and safety.

5.3 Disagreement with the concept of purdah

Here disagreement is referred to as a matter of degree and does not imply shunning the adoption of purdah attire altogether, as there was no such concept amongst the participants of this study. There were different levels of purdah compliance, but it was not totality absent in the lives of any of the women. Sometimes the concept of purdah clashed with the individual woman's situation, which made the whole issue complex and yet their circumstances also provided points for negotiated change. In such situations it was not just observance of dress which could be changed/affected, but also was the transition from private to public spheres. The first example below is of a young woman who had applied for a divorce. She had come out of the protection of a marriage and the changes in her life had given her exposure and confidence to face the challenges. The second example is of a middle-aged woman who, after one family-forced divorce and the death of a drug-addicted husband, had been left in a situation where she had to make compromises between her daily financial needs and her Pathan culture of strict purdah tradition.

In the beginning I use to wear nikab but now I do not cover my face. Still I wear chaddar and cover my head. I realize that purdah does not matter, one should be strong inside: then no man can harm 158

me ... I feel there is no point of hiding, one has to face whatever comes in life (Participant 5).

I have taken off my burqa as to me it does not look appropriate to stand beside the pushcart and do selling in the street. Yes, I do face strange looks because I am vulnerable in the street, but what can I do? I have to earn my living (Participant 11 ).

5.4 Metaphorical concepts of purdah

Besides physical concepts of purdah, some of the women also described purdah in metaphorical terms (see Appendix 3) they associated such concepts with their strength of character and feelings. In the participants' daily practices, wearing a chaddar was considered essential, but they distinguished between 'purdah of the heart' and 'purdah of the eyes'. Though metaphorical, these two notions were linked with the religious teaching to 'restrain the eyes' and 'control urges and feelings'.

The women mentioned below believed in physical purdah, which they practiced religiously. They related purdah to their personal integrity of character, using the metaphorical expression 'purdah of the heart'.

I believe the actual purdah is of the heart. You see, if somebody wears nikab and covers herself but is not chaste, that means her purdah is of no use (Participant 9).

Islam teaches us about purdah to stop us from doing wrong things ... [now] I believe in 'purdah of the heart', meaning I need to be strong in my character (Participant 5).

Chaddar is enough for covering, as actually purdah is of the heart ... (Participant 11).

In the example given below, experience and exposure to the public had made this woman more confident. Her perception and practice of purdah had changed into 'purdah of the eyes', rather than covering herself with chaddar or burqa.

Actually it is to keep our mind and heart clear of all wrong things. It is 'purdah of the eyes', to avoid contact with men (Participant 6). 159

But personally I think purdah is of the eyes because being virtuous and modest is what we believe in our heart: it is not about dressing up (Participant 18).

6. Women's perceptions of meaning of purdah

Women related their purdah practice to their protection, their confidence or lack of confidence, respect of family and self-respect, religious obligation, and societal demand. Every woman gave purdah a specific meaning, which varied based on many factors, for example: age, marital status, education, financial status, employment, family and ethnicity. While analyzing the participants' purdah-related perceptions and the personal meanings they gave to purdah, it became evident that age and marital status were particularly important when linked with other categories, in determining the women's purdah practices (Berninghausen & Kerstan 1992: 18).

6.1 Purdah practice of unmarried women in the 21-30 years age group

The sample included three women in the age group 21-30 years who were not married, had secondary level education and who were living with their parents. Two said that their families were not strict about them observing purdah, but they did wear a chaddar or scarf when they went to work, and they were escorted by a male family member. They said their purdah practice was basically to avoid the 'dirty eyes' of (male) onlookers.

Modesty and bashfulness were linked to these young, single women's practice of purdah - not only in terms of covering, but also their increased mobility in public places. An important factor for these women in observing purdah was to secure their marriage prospects. When these women were asked about their concept ofpurdah they said:

I observe purdah because I am told to dress in a certain way and I have been doing it since my childhood. I am scared of people's looks and remarks ... I think we should observe purdah as Islam teaches us so: the way in which only our feet can be seen - but then 160

what will people say? My sisters and I have tried all the styles of purdah dress, which have been in fashion (Participant 3).

Purdah is good as we can avoid people's comments. It is to cover our hair and body but I don't practice it. I do wear chaddar but do not cover my head. I do want to do it but I am not used to it ... No one is practicing what religion says. I cannot do it as I feel shy what will people say? Whether they call it religious or whatever, these days purdah is fashion (Participant 20).

I used to wear chaddar but due to my leg problem now I just wear a scarf. Although our family is religious there is no restriction of purdah (Participant 19).

The notion of purdah was inculcated subtly, and gradually understood by the young women as a measure to gain respect and security. Their perception of religious purdah was quite strict, but they chose not to practice it in this way, as they were concerned about what others/society would say. They chose their practice of purdah in terms of fashion, which served the purpose of family respect and security, whether or not they were personally satisfied. But all three of these women were working in segregated environments, as their parents would not allow them to work in a desegregated environment. Even with the observance ofpurdah dress, there were additional restrictions on these women.

6.2 Purdah practice of married women in the 21- 30 years age group

The four married women in the youngest age group in the sample also had post-secondary education, with some sort of additional training as well. All of them were employed and contributed to the family income. Three of them were married to men with no formal education, while one woman's husband had received a secondary level education and owned a grocery shop. As far as purdah practice was concerned, these women had very different opinions, influenced by their personal experiences, opinions, husband's attitudes and financial conditions. One woman (the only one in the whole sample) did not wear any outer purdah dress (chaddar or burqa), except duppata (a part of the national dress). She had a good understanding with her husband, and together they had good income and were able to maintain a high standard of living in comparison to others in the social category 161

under discussion. Moreover, because of their compatibility in various aspects of life, they had confidence in each other. In particular, the husband trusted his wife and did not impose any kind of restriction on her mobility. Her concept of purdah was more related to her behavior rather than to physical covering by chaddar or burqa.

Purdah is an individual's inner concept. Just by covering oneself with clothes does not serve the purpose. I think it is more a belief than a physical thing ... it reflects in one's talk, gestures, manner­ thus total behavior. Purdah stops us from doing wrong things ... illegal sexual relations. But I think it depends more on men to control wrongs than on women in our society (Participant 7).

In the next example, the situation was quite similar to the above, as once again the emphasis was on her personal behavior, but this woman did emphasize physical purdah as well. Both of these women implied that it was the society that was debauched, and therefore to avoid any untoward incident women had to observe purdah.

Purdah is not just to cover the face but the whole body. That is why I wear burqa. Avoidance of eye contact with men is also purdah, as eyes convey feelings and thus can create problems. I practice purdah to avoid unnecessary attention and to keep my privacy. I only feel secure in the four walls of my home: out there, there is no security (Participant 4).

In the example below, the age difference between the husband and wife was marked. The husband was not educated and did not have a secure job. Before her marriage this young woman had been working with men and was confident of her good character and ability to manage men at least in her work environment. For her, physical attire, self-expression of grooming, her personality and talents were very important. Her husband allowed her to work, but always checked up on her and teased her for her boldness and interaction with men. He was also critical of how she presented herself and wanted her to wear a big chaddar. Furthermore, he objected to her working and would often visit her work place. Her husband would never acknowledge or appreciate her contribution, but she accepted this situation, as she did not want to give him the impression that he was inferior in any way. 162

My husband does not trust me and is very strict. I cover myself with chaddar. From a religious point of view we need to cover ourselves, even our hair, but not our face: that is what I do (Participant 9).

The next woman had to do odd jobs because her husband suffered from heroin addiction,. She felt this was embarrassing for her and that her respect and status within her family and community was damaged. Although she believed in the religious instruction of purdah, when she had to come out of seclusion of her house she was concerned about her respect and not breaching the religious commands regarding purdah.

When I was working in homes my purdah was breached ... like I have lost my respect. I felt ashamed and wanted to hide from everyone (Participant 10).

6.3 Purdah practice of divorced and widowed women in the 21- 30 years age group

The two quotes below are from the interviews with a divorcee and a widow. Both were the eldest children of their family. Both had arranged marriages in accordance with the common practice in the society. Due to the age difference between the husbands and their wives, both husbands had mistrusted their wives and imposed restrictions on them. The women had not been allowed to leave the house. The following involves a woman who was married at a young age, and who initiated divorce proceedings a few months later when her life was challenged:

After suffering in my married life, I believe that I have to face life boldly. For me purdah is protection my character so that no man can harm me (Participant 5).

This woman's grandfather and father had realized their mistake in marrying her off in the village without knowing much about the groom, who was a 'junkie'. He constantly demanded money from his in-laws through the wife, and tortured her as well. Although the whole family suffered, they tried to compromise, but finally, on the insistence of the woman, her father decided to apply for a divorce lawsuit. Her life experience had taught her to be strong in her character so that no man could harm her. Although she wore chaddar, 163

her newfound meaning of purdah was to enhance her self-confidence and to earn her living, as she did not want to depend on her father who already had a big family to feed.

Purdah clad women create curiosity and men's habit of staring cannot be avoided. This was the experience of the next interviewee, a widow (whose husband died from the efforts of an electric shock) and mother of four daughters. Her father still had the responsibility of finding husbands for two other daughters, and her brothers were married and had their own families to look after. Before her marriage she did not experience any seclusion but practiced purdah dress. While being in her parents' house she could go to the market and visit her close relatives. When her husband put her in seclusion she respected his orders, as she did not want to spoil her married life. But occasionally he did take her to his or her parents' house.

My idea of purdah has been changing. First I thought it protects me from onlookers but I realized it created curiosity. When I used to wear nikab I was confused ... now I only wear chaddar to cover my head and chest and I think from an Islamic point of view it is enough ... purdah or no purdah, men will always look at women, thus there is no remedy to their curiosity (Participant 6).

After her husband's death, this woman faced a number of challenges. She wanted to live in the village with her mother-in-law where she shared property, but she was not welcome. She did not want to be a burden to her parents but had no choice, as living alone with four daughters would not have been safe. A neigh boring friend helped her to find a job. Being a widow she would have been vulnerable to community criticism. Living with her parents provided the required safeguard. She told me that her financial independence had made this easy for her; otherwise even her parents would have not accepted her. In her work, she got the opportunity to meet other women and hear their problems. As the mother of daughters, she needed to be vigilant in her behavior. Her work involved dealing with both men and women. In spite of being young, she presented herself as mother-like so that no one could take advantage of her. Her confidence to face life because other strict covering brought her out of seclusion. 164

6.4 Purdah practice of married women in the 31- 40 years age group

There were nine women in this age group. Seven were settled in their relationships with husbands and children, and there was stability and consistency in their practice of purdah.

According to this group in the sample, their morale, honor and protection were linked with the practice of purdah. Those with grown-up daughters seemed more concerned about their own practice of purdah as they wanted to be good role models for their daughters (Detailed further in Chapter 8, Section 7).

Basically purdah is related with a woman's respectability. It is not to stop women from work. But personally I think even if women are in 'seven purdah's' the men stare at them and pass remarks, so it does not matter if we are covered or not. Anyway, still I observe purdah as I don't want to bring any bad name to my family (Participant 2).

For me, purdah observance is my training. It gives me protection and safety. Islam teaches us to observe purdah as we are not a showpiece. It should not be forced but women should be allowed to do it with free will (Participant 14).

Purdah dress, which was practiced in the name of modesty and reverence, was not possible for women of limited resources. One woman, who had no education or money, felt degraded and believed that she could not afford it. She hid her poor clothes under her chaddar. For her, purdah was not a status symbol of affluence, but a disguise.

I wear what people give me. Due to lack of education and financial constraints I have lived a simple and unnoticed life, no fashion. Rich people can afford purdah attires, but not people like us (Participant 12).

6.5 Purdah practice of widowed and divorced women in the 31- 40 years age group

There was one widow and one divorced woman in this group. Both the women had a troubled married life, with limited support from their parents, and were forced to rely on their own capabilities. Because of their independent status they were more cautious in the practice of purdah, though they believed it enhanced spirituality. Their cautious behavior 165

was not only for their own self but also for the future of their children, especially daughters. Due to the family's lack of a man's protection, even the young daughters had adopted purdah as protection from the societal criticism. In such circumstances, for the sake of respect, the women imposed purdah boundaries on themselves.

I believe purdah is a religious obligation. Though I believe it is not about covering, I nevertheless do it, as that is what our society demands (Participant 18).

6.6 Purdah practice of divorced and widowed women in the 41- 50 years age group

There were two women in this age group, one a widow and the other undergoing litigation for a divorce. As illustrated in examples above, the honor of a widowed or a divorced woman is vulnerable, and to safeguard it they used purdah a camouflage to avoid any criticism.

I believe God wanted us to be in purdah from strangers and not to go out without any purpose. Purdah is for a woman's respect, not a restriction (Participant 17).

For me purdah is respect and safety from peoples stares ... simplicity is good (Participant 13).

7. Discussion

The following discussion draws together the major themes emerging from the accounts of the urban lower middle-class women interviewed in this research, in terms of the determinants of their purdah practice and their conceptualization of purdah. The participants' responses to the researcher's questions indicated that they generally perceived obedience and submissiveness to be the criteria for a 'good woman', and that in this regard the practice of purdah was central.

This chapter has presented the visible norms of purdah practice, and highlights the primary influences on the women: family traditions, social pressure and religious conscience. From 166

the responses it is difficult to draw conclusions about the relative degree of influence of these three sources. As presented in Appendix 3, in the sample of the present study, 100 percent of the women had observed purdah and had worn different types of purdah outfits at different stages of their lives. This is comparable to a study by Shah and Bulatao (1981 referred in Shaheed 1989: 20) which found that, according to women's self-definition, 82 percent of urban women from Karachi (a big metropolitan seaport in Pakistan) follow purdah. The complexity of the purdah phenomenon became apparent in the present research, as in each case it is founded on constantly shifting aspects of the participants' lives.

7.1 Purdah and the social construction of family

Mohanty argues that although women in Muslim societies attain value within the family due to the patriarchal kinship system, they appear to be an oppressed group. She further states that all women, regardless of class and cultural differences, were affected by family traditions, and it appears that until recently there has been no change at all ( 1991 : 61). In a social context in which a woman is defined in relation to a man, as a daughter, sister, mother or wife, her social status is derived from the man's social status. And as 'family' in Pakistan is identified with men, women are obliged to abide by the family's code of honor, values and traditions, which are all determined by men (Shaheed 1989; Weiss 1992). The definitions of self in terms of family could be so strong (as in other parts of the world) that family members (particularly women) may have no conception of their own personal welfare and identity (Jansen 1987; Okin 2000). But with changes in Pakistani family structures, where living with extended families is declining and single family residence is increasing, the grandparents' influence is diminishing. The process of modernization has diminished the extended family system, which facilitates independent decision-making power in nuclear families. The participants of this research mentioned that in their childhood their grandparents, especially grandfathers, had been the decision-makers in their families, and no one could question their authority, whether it was related to women's education, marriage or purdah. In this perspective the findings of the present study indicate that basically women were still dominated by family men, with some shift away from women's seclusion and progress in their access to public space. 167

7.2 Intensity of societal influences

In the late 1950s in Kennedy's survey, family and religion were mentioned as sources of influence on women to observe purdah, but society was not referenced (quoted in Vreede­ de-Stuers 1968: 97). However, the present study has found that societal influences were quite powerful in determining a woman's practice of purdah, which was, in tum, linked with thr social status.

Variations in purdah practice were found to be part of the modernization process that is occurring in urban Pakistani society. As modernization had encouraged desegregation, a clash of traditions and shifting norms has led to confusion and anxiety in many of the women interviewed. To some extent space, authority and boundaries between the sexes are becoming blurred, demanding complex adjustments by both sexes (Memissi 1975: 85).

Although family appeared to be the immediate influence on women's practice of purdah, the frequency of mention of society in the interviews indicated the importance of this influence as well. Many participants were concerned about the society's reaction if they stopped observing purdah or, conversely, if they donned the traditional burqa. Women's public appearance was under constant social scrutiny. The recent changes in the social context further necessitated women's practice of purdah to avoid provocation, offense and harassment in public places. Not practicing purdah meant getting a 'bad reputation', and women had to be conscious of gossip and accusations of immorality. This was also found in a recent Iraqi study by Khayyat ( 1990).

7.3 Religion and code of behavior

In times of economic and social restructuring (as is evident from Pakistan's short history, see Chapter 2) religion becomes a fertile basis for imposing a code of behavior (Beminghausen & Kerstan 1992: 50). Although the participants of the present research had limited knowledge of religious teachings related to purdah, their belief that purdah observance was a religious requirement was very strong. The Islamic ideology had been strongly internalized by the women and accounted for their construction of purdah. Such 168

mechanisms contribute to stabilizing the societal system (Jeffery 1979). The basis of the religious influence on the women in their understanding of purdah was fear, with little attention to doctrinal reasons. The women believed that if they displayed their hair and skin in public, this would damage their faith and after death they would go to purgatory. These findings were consistent with Jaschok & Jingjua's contention that in Muslim culture purdah, with its many inter-related aspects, regulates women's day to day life, implying piousness, respect, honor and protection for them not only in this world but also in the hereafter (Jaschok & Jingjua 2000: 187). Thus, without questioning, the women in this study accepted and internalized many religious injunctions as codes for their behavior, particularly those that required them not to violate space rules or transgress specified boundaries.

7.4 Social construction and the women's internalization of purdah

The women's observance of purdah was not just physical. In fact, much more was involved both for those exerting influence (i.e., men), and for those influenced (i.e., the women themselves).

Participants of this research expressed that through various phases of their lives they had changed their practice of purdah by varying its form, from seclusion to various dress modes. The divorced and widowed (mostly in the age groups 31-40 years and 41-50 years), expressed that they still did not feel secure, comfortable or confident in the public sphere but they faced the challenge as they had no alternative. Unlike Shaheed's (1989) study in which the younger women did not favor purdah and considered it outdated, the younger women of the present study (age group 21-30) were in favor of purdah, considering it a religious obligation, and a prerequisite for respect and safety. They were not in favor of the old style burqa but liked wearing the less confining chaddar or scarf. The probable reason for the revival of purdah dress in the last few years is that it has become popular both as a fashion and as an expression of religious identity.

The women in this study who were not married or were comparatively younger, were under the influence of their parents. Husbands expressed the view that the young married women 169

were not allowed to work with men, and the women themselves were not confident that they could work with men. Basically, some of the women had arranged their lives in such a way that there was limited interaction with men, by evolving strategies to protect themselves and keep a social distance from men while at work. This phenomenon was also noted by Mirza ( 1999), in her research on gender relations in the workplace in Pakistan. Women used a variety of strategies, for example, running a shop in a girl's school, or dealing with all-female staff and avoiding men by not talking with them, or having limited conversation to create social distance. Women also utilized kinship terms to address male·. colleagues in order to integrate the men into an imaginary relationship circle, which created a sense of responsibility and respect in male colleagues for these women. This facilitated sharing the same physical space, thus overcoming the purdah norms of gender segregation.

The women, whose parents and/or husbands had more confidence in them, were also comparatively more confident than those whose male relatives were distrustful or suspicious.

The participants of the present study suggest in their accounts that the process of observing or not observing purdah was not really of their choice, but began as an act of obedience and compliance when they were young girls. The society and culture obliged acquiesce to the norm, and they continue to submit to various restrictions imposed on them in the name of purdah. The most obvious and apparent concept of purdah held by the women in the sample was that purdah provided the means of attaining respect, honor, good character and protection. Some participants expressed the view that purdah was exploited and misused by prostitutes and was thus a violation of a symbol of purity. Again, this is similar to findings of other research by Jansen ( 1987: 185).

At least for this group of women, physical seclusion was diminishing, and this aspect of the purdah institution had lost its efficacy. Ashrafi ( 1992) reported a similar finding in her Indian study of Muslim women. In Ahmed's view in Muslim cultures, the practice of purdah serves as a transition process for lower middle-class women and it indicates a change that can democratize mainstream culture (Ahmed 1992a: 225). The subtle shifts 170

through the successive generations due to modernity, urbanization, financial imperatives, and change in family structures, education, experience and exposure are enabling the participants to have less restrictive lives than in the past. However, the participants who were mothers of daughters still expected their daughters to observe purdah dress so as not to jeopardize their future marriage prospects, and to maintain the honor of both the girls and their family. The shift in the traditional ways and understanding of purdah depicts a liberal trend creating a 'portable space' for women - a space of their own within the public domain.

8. Conclusion

In this chapter, the first two research questions have been comprehensively addressed. Following the initial section in which the participants have been introduced, the complex influences of family traditions, social norms and religious obligations on the women's practice and understanding of purdah have been discussed. As has been shown, all of these aspects were interwoven and reinforced each other in influencing the women's construction and internalization of purdah practices. The women's perception of purdah varied, and their behavior was also influenced by other factors such as age, financial status, marital status and family circumstances.

It emerged that for the participants, although norms of purdah observance had relaxed over time, adherence to dress codes did not provide the women with protection or reduction in rude comments, unwanted looks and harassment on the street. The women practiced purdah for their personal satisfaction, morality and safety. The nature of recent changes has not dissolved the dichotomy of public and private space, or diminished the patriarchal nature of the society. In the next chapter findings will be presented on the shift in purdah practices that have occurred in response to the socio-economic changes in contemporary Pakistan. 171

CHAPTERS

THE IMPACT OF PAKISTAN'S CHANGING SOCIO­ ECONOMIC CIRCUMSTANCES ON WOMEN'S PRACTICE OF PURDAH

The grass is also like me As soon as it can raise its head The lawnmower, Obsessed with flattening it into velvet Mows it down again. How you strive and endeavour to level women down too! But neither the earth's nor woman's desire to manifest life dies. (Naheed 2001 :27)

1. Introduction

The previous chapter has given an insight into familial, religious and social factors influencing women's practice of purdah, and what meaning women attach to purdah in their day-to-day lives. In general, urbanization, use of technology, changing family patterns, education, economic and political pressures have influenced the overall institution of purdah. Therefore, women's practice of purdah has necessarily modified. This chapter addresses Research Question 3 (see Chapter 1, page 4) by presenting data on how purdah has been changing in the lives of the women interviewed, in response to these changing socio-economic trends. The main effect has been a reduction in the seclusion of the (the most restrictive form of purdah) and the interview data reveals that there were many factors that had contributed to this trend.

2. Opportunities afforded by urbanization

In the past thirty years or so, the overwhelming majority of the participants' families had moved to the city of Rawalpindi from either villages or small towns. The obvious reason 172

their families had moved was to gain better opportunities for employment and the education of the children. In the recent past some of the participants had also made their own deliberate choices to live in the city because this provided them with opportunities to earn some income.

We lived in a nearby village. My brother had a business in the city so we also got the chance to come here and study .. .In the village the school was far away and my father did not allow us ... By living in the city I had the liberty to do things in my way. I could do my shopping and visit friends ... My husband has lived in the U .K. When he came back, for him farming was difficult, so we decided to move to the city and started a small business. In the village still there is no girls' high school. I have five daughters whose education is a must (Participantl5).

We did not have any monthly income except my husband's pension. My husband wanted to go to the village, as we could not afford living in the city: rent and bills are expensive. To cope with the situation, I had to start stitching clothes and then I got a regular job. There is no point going back to the village, as I am concerned about my children's education and better prospects in life (Participant 8).

When my husband died I could have moved to the village, but thank God I did not do that. First of all I would have been away from my family who are a great support. My mother-in-law was not ready to give me my share of the property. My friends helped me to find this job. My daughters are attending school and living in a much better environment than they would have been in the village (Participant 6).

We belong to a village near 'Pindi. The village school was not only far off, the teachers were not regular and it needed half a day to travel there, and so my father had wanted us to discontinue studies. But my brother lived in the city, so after primary level I shifted here with my brother. In fact, slowly all our family has shifted to the city for better prospects (Participant 7).

Our father shifted to the city. He was a gardener. He worked in the university and was impressed by the educated people. He wanted us to be educated as well. He gave us a respectable life and better opportunities for us. Now we three sisters are educated and all are doing good jobs and looking after our mother (Participant 9). 173

As will be shown in the following sections, while the city was perceived as offering opportunities for advancement that were not available in rural villages, the women could not access these opportunities unless they could find suitable ways of maintaining purdah.

3. Education, employment and economic empowerment

One factor that had both a direct and an indirect impact on the lives of the women, was . education. The participants' experiences demonstrated that it was difficult to make the initial breakthrough to convince their families to allow them to get an education and later a paid job. In most of the cases the women interviewed were either the eldest daughter of the family or the eldest daughter-in-law. They were pioneers, and made the breakthrough not only for the younger women of their own families, but also became examples within their community. Although the initial intention to acquire an education was for self- betterment, in most cases education led to the women finding work. This opened many opportunities for learning and understanding the society around them. It also gave them a chance to negotiate and understand their practice of purdah within the family and the society.

Before marriage my salary was spent on my dresses, but when I got married I realized I needed to earn as I was married into a large family and we needed finances. So I started the job... I obeyed them (in-laws) in one aspect and gained their confidence, and now I do whatever I want. After this they never imposed any restriction on my movement and job (Participantl ).

My parents allowed me to take the stitching course. I was not allowed a job outside the house, but I was allowed to work at home as there was no harm by sitting in the house and earning money. But now there is a big change in the society, now people want their educated females to be employed ... (Participant 2).

Now elders in the family have to listen to the arguments of the youngsters, like in regards to doing a job. My daughter has more knowledge and she can convince them from an Islamic perspectives as well (Participant 2).

I want my daughter to study whatever level she wants to. I am not in favor of her early marriage. But in our family people do not like 174

to send girls to college as they think that girls will be spoiled and would not listen to the parents. I think differently. When the time comes we will see (Participant 10).

I want to complete my education and want some training as well. There is no security in marriage, I want to be financially independent. Why should I be a burden on any one? (Participant 5)

Exposure to urban life had brought many attitudinal shifts in the thinking of elders as well as the women. As evident from the quotes above, over time there has been growing acceptance not only of the women's education but also of their participation in income­ earning activities. Once these women had the opportunity to go out, they overcame their fears as their confidence grew. For example in one participant's family, the younger generation women were able to convince their elders about the value of women's education and other matters through religious arguments and by using examples from history.

Recently I had to come to the training center and there was no one to escort me. So I had to come alone. In this fifteen minutes walk, although I was scared, I realized nothing could go wrong. I tell you it was the first time I felt confident. Due to my work exposure I am experiencing the outside world. Previously in school, I was a scared girl (Participant 3).

I do believe that we should dress appropriately to the situation. But when I was teaching in the village, I did not wear any burqa or chaddar, but just duppata. And everyone respected me. When I was leaving the school the male principal said that I had proved that a modem educated girl could be of good character (Participant 7).

I believe in my own character and if I am right no one can harm me. I have had exposure to a lot ofjobs and with male bosses, but I have not had any problem. But wearing a purdah dress is a different matter (Participant 9). 175

The newfound freedom and exposure was instrumental in some of the women gaining confidence. On the other hand the following uneducated woman did not feel comfortable and confident to go out and work, so she devised other strategies to add to her income:

I do not know how to earn more money. People suggest to me that I can work in (other people's) houses, but I feel ashamed. If I was educated and working in a job like teaching, that would have been respectable, but now ifl go out I won't be respected. So I have goats from which I earn money (Participant 12).

The women were conscious about the importance of education and economic empowerment. Education gave them awareness and confidence about how to carry themselves in the society. When their financial contribution was acknowledged, that reinforced their self-esteem. As was evident in the case of participant 11, exposure made her confidant and she faced the challenges of life bravely.

I have experienced a very hard life, but now I am just like a man. What do men do? They go out and earn for the family I am doing all that now and I have no fears (Participant 11 ).

For many of the participants, economic participation brought them personal contentment and a degree of financial independence, and their achievements earned them the respect of their parents, in-laws and community.

I have worked very hard in my life but today I feel satisfied and contented with what I have achieved for my family and myself. My in-laws respect me. My father-in-law was always helpful but especially now my mother-in-law gives me regard and respect (Participant 1).

My father-in-law also gave me the perm1ss1on [to work], as he knew I have good training. In the family he gives me as an example to other women. I know he appreciates me. My sisters-in-law also take my advice and financial help. Personally, I feel confident and financially independent (Participant 2).

[But] my in-laws respect me and care for me. They are proud to have an educated daughter-in-law (Participant 9). 176

Yet there were other cases in which the women's financial contribution was not acknowledged. These participants felt that their husbands did not acknowledge their financial contribution as they did not want to admit the superiority of their wives. In the case of participant 9, though her in-laws were proud of her being educated, her husband did not really recognize her abilities.

To maintain his superiority my husband would never acknowledge anything good in me. But when he is in a good mood he sometimes appreciates me (Participant 9).

I am trying my best to help my husband in our business crisis, but he will not acknowledge it. If I try to give him any suggestion, he does not appreciate it. He indicates his attitude by making a sarcastic remark. As he does not want me to be confident. I do not show it, but I know I am confident (Participant 14)

These women had to prove their worth by doing twofold work (i.e., their domestic duties as well as their income-earning work) and by making sacrifices. Their earnings were used to please the family and they preferred to use money for the benefit of the household instead of on themselves. As well as the chauvinism of the male family members in not acknowledging the women's contribution, one woman also believed that generally the society did not accept the concept that women were earning members. Therefore she did not admit her economic contribution to the family income.

I try to hide my work from family and neighbors so that my husband's honor is not damaged (Participant 14).

Some men were indifferent to the family needs, as in the following example, where the woman realized the family needs but the man was not ready to contribute.

My husband feels he needs to take no responsibility for matters ... He does not concern himself with where I earn my income. He says his responsibility is to provide food, and the rest he is not concerned with. So the rest of the expenses are met from my earnings (Participant 8). 177

4. Exposure, training and awareness due to the NGO

Having moved from rural villages to the city of Rawalpindi, the lower middle- class women in this study came to be within the area of operation of a welfare-oriented NGO that provided them with additional new opportunities. As explained in Chapter 6, the sample of this study was developed with the help of an NGO which was rendering its services for the welfare of the community, with special emphasis on providing opportunities of education, training, and employment for women. The majority of the interviewed women were, in one way or the other, associated with the NGO's programs, either as paid employees, part-time workers or clients. And the whole concept of women helping other women was a source of inspiration, as expressed by one of the participants:

I think the staff of the NGO is doing a great service to our community. They are also somebody's daughter, sister and wife. If they can work for us, why can't we [also work for others]? (Participant 10)

The NGO has given me training and confidence. We do community welfare work, so we deal with women as well as men. [Initially] women do not cooperate, due to a lack of awareness. They take time to understand. They cannot make independent decisions, as they have to take permission from their men. So often we approach the women through their men (Participant 1).

These women also learned how to break down the barriers and bring about change by informing and involving local women. The women employees of the NGO who worked in the community had developed a bond and gained strength and motivation from their peers.

Working with the NGO has been very useful. It has given us in­ service training which has been useful in our day-to-day life and has built our confidence (Participant 18).

I have got all this strength from working with the NGO, where my colleagues help and guide me. Moreover NGO training has made us bold. Sometimes I wonder about myself because I was a coward, but now I am a totally different person. Now I am an understanding 178

mother. I want to give exposure to my daughters as well (Participant 8).

Due to the association of these women with the NGO, they gained exposure to the outside world, and were thus well informed about issues related to the welfare of women. This gave them confidence to ask for their rights. Because they realized the importance of their rights (at least in some areas), they wanted their daughters to become educated, confident and to gain employment, but at the same time the women were sensitive to their own class and cultural limitations.

The women who come out of seclusion gained confidence, and working outside the home gave them strength, which they could never have otherwise gained. One woman's confidence gave strength and encouragement to others as well, as their work for the NGO involved helping and supporting women in the community. Being exposed to the public arena, they learned how to conduct themselves in the society in ways that presented their modesty and honor, in addition to observing purdah dress norms.

The participants of this research who were working in a desegregated environment (NGO) had created parallel structures such as separate staff rooms and working areas, and being accountable to senior female colleagues rather than to male supervisors. It was observed within the NGO that acted as gate-keeper that senior female staff such as managers and doctors was more confident with interactions with the male colleagues who were at the same level or at lower levels. As well, the official status, training, and exposure of these senior female staff gave them courage, which was also emulated by the lower female staff in their dealings with the public. But the lower level female staff were careful and more concerned to keep their distance from men because of their social background and their lack of personal confidence.

Among the total participants of this research, these women who were working in the NGO were the most confident, aware and expressive. In fieldwork, when they had to interact with men (that was often), they were very confident and tactful in their official capacity. 179

5. Influences of media

Another recent change in Pakistani society is the increased exposure to media influences, as television has become more widely available to the lower middle-class in urban centres. In addition to other sources of influence on the practice of purdah, some of the participants suggested that the media was also having an impact, especially in relation to the declining use of burqa and chaddar. The women in this study did not approve of this influence, because they thought the media was propagating un-Islamic ideas and trends. In the media, the visual portrayal of purdah dress always included some component of glamour, and this does not reflect the norms of the social class of the participants.

In our society the TV is creating problems. Mostly they show violence, fashionable dresses, which are un-Islamic (Participant 4).

These days in TV they show advanced life in which girls and boys are dressed in modem outfits and there is fighting and crime in drama. Our media is quite distant from the Islamic traditions (Participant 12).

Purdah is reducing due to the impact of TV and cable and dish channels. The culture that we see on TV is un-Islamic. These days girls follow what they see in the movies (Participant 20)

Most of the participants who expressed their views about the media were concerned about the increased crime reported on television. They felt that street violence had increased generally in society, and this made them feel insecure about going out. On the one hand the women were critical of the purdah fashions shown in the media because it is un-Islamic and they cannot afford to copy the expensive purdah outfits. But on the other hand a number of participants mentioned that they, or women in their families, had started wearing the new type of purdah outfits promoted on television such as scarf and hijab.

A number of participants mentioned that although different kinds of purdah dresses were gaining popularity, they did not serve the 'real purpose': in fact it was categorized as fashion. The participants mentioned many types of purdah dresses, which they had tried 180

and discarded to follow the trends, before deciding to settle for a typical old style. The trendy purdah dresses were seen to have some degree of societal and ideological acceptance.

I think the scarf is a fashion. The young girls follow the trends. For them it is Islamic (Participant I).

My elder daughter wanted to wear it so I bought her a scarf, but she wore it for few months and then stopped using it. When I asked her why, she said duppata is better (Participant 2).

For some time my elder sister and I wore overalls and scarf, but when that style was over we changed to chaddar and nikab (Participant 3).

Scarf is fashion. I do not find any concept of purdah in it. I believe burqa is better, as chaddar is also getting smaller and smaller (Participant 4).

Recently my sister has started wearing a coat and a scarf, as it is the latest fashion. These days it is less about purdah and more about fashion. Girls are adopting different type of purdah dresses, including simple black scarves, fancy lacy scarves, chaddar and scarf, coat and scarf, big chaddar, small chaddar. So there is a lot of variety. I notice now so many young schoolgirls have started wearing nikab, some to hide their make-ups and jewelry. I believe some wear it to observe purdah, the rest are just obeying their parents in doing so (Participant 6).

We don't have money or education, so there is not any point to follow fashion. It is appropriate for the ones who have money, as then no one will denounce them. But if people like us follow this fashion then we will be ridiculed. We have to spend an unnoticed life (at home) (Participant 12).

These contradictory expressions depict the difficult situation of the group under discussion, as they were conscious of the significance of their traditional forms of dress (like burqa and chaddar) but for their status and identity they also wanted to imitate the popular trends. There were diverse reasons for using particular forms of purdah dress: some linked it with religion, some with protection and convenience, but others adopted it for reasons of fashion while still linking it with religion. Some women also used it to disguise their status and 181

identity. But overall, the choices of purdah outfits had made it possible for women of all ages to adjust to the process of modernization and also keep intact their religious identity.

6. Variations due to socio-economic status

Although all the women interviewed were from the lower middle-class, there were variations in the income levels of them and their families. The practice of purdah differed according to the socio-economic status of the participants. Although all the participants . practiced purdah in one form or another, none of the participants in this study linked their purdah practice with their affluence or improved economic status. Other research in this area (for example, Papanek 1982; Ahmed 1992a; El-Gundi 1999) has reported higher levels of purdah observance being associated with affluence, and notes the gradual adoption of purdah by the upwardly mobile classes. But the present study found that women from poor families disguised their precarious financial status by their use of purdah. As given in the following examples, the participants linked their isolation and use of burqa to cover up their impecunious status. Sometimes they also avoided going out because they could not afford a purdah dress (additional covering like chaddar), so the form of purdah they practiced was through seclusion.

My husband does not allow me even to meet my friends... My friends belong to a better status and he is conscious of this, but I think with friends it does not matter (Participant 9).

Financially we are in crisis. Till our status improves I am living an almost hidden life. I wear burqa so that my relatives cannot see my poverty. Moreover I do not have any thing to show off, so it is better to hide it in burqa (Participant 14).

Sometimes, to hide their poor financial state the poorer women in this study reported that their families used purdah as a reason for not sending the girls to school or college. In such situations, in the name of purdah, family honor was being saved. 182

My second daughter has completed Matriculation1 but then she had to discontinue. We do not have enough money to send her to college as three younger children are also going to school. If people ask me, I tell them her father does not allow her and wants her to stay in the house (Participant 12).

7. Generational shifts

In the families of the participants, during the last 40 to 50 years there had been noticeable changes in the practice of purdah across three generations - i.e. the participants, their grandmothers and mothers, and their younger sisters and daughters. These changes had occurred in response to exposure to urban life, economic needs and the influence of education. The changes were particularly noticeable in relation to seclusion and dress codes. There was also some increase in the provision of facilities for the segregation of sexes in public spheres but this was not substantial enough to provide protection and comfort for the female population.

7.1 The first Generation (mothers & grandmothers of the participants)

By looking at the data one finds that the grandmothers and mothers amongst the participants had limited education that included the rote learning of the Holy Quran, but only a few of them had any formal education, and for those few it was not beyond primary level. They were not allowed to go out of the home except for occasional visits to relatives or to a nearby market, and only when escorted by immediate male relations. According to the participants, their grandmothers, mothers and mothers-in-law wore typical burqa and later changed to a large chaddar. These women had a limited role in the decision making of family affairs, except in the day-to-day internal running of the household. The participants mostly spoke to their fathers, grandfathers, and fathers-in-law as the ones who made decisions regarding their education, marriage, jobs and other types of decisions pertaining to public domain. The impact on the older generation of exposure to city life was that they wanted their daughters to be educated.

1 Secondary Level education or year 9 & 10 in Pakistan Education system. 183

Because she could not study after primary level, she [mother] wanted us to be educated and independent. One of my brothers used to trick our mother in his English course, so she felt bad and did not want us to be in that position. But her Maths and Religious studies were good and in these areas she helped us (Participant 1).

The distinction of gender roles was quite pronounced. The men dealt with anything related with the public sphere. For this generation of women, there were limited opportunities and reasons to go out, only to family gatherings and very rarely to go shopping. A visit to the graves of religious saints was another opportunity to go out, but only in the company of male relatives or in a group of women. For the women who had to do odd jobs, they only worked within the neighborhood and surrounding community. For them, burqa or chaddar sufficed as a sign ofrespect and safety.

My mother wore burqa while going out to village, to visit relatives or going to graves of Sufis ... But when my father died she had to work as a maid or do stitching, as she decided to live in the city for our education. She did not have a brother [to support her], but my father's brothers helped us. But who can continue to provide support through out life? So she had to rely on her own earnings (Participant 10).

In the house my mother wears duppata but when she has to go out then she would wear chaddar... It is very occasionally that she goes out: only to weddings or visiting relatives. Mainly my father does the shopping for the house (Participant 13).

For elderly women purdah norms were relaxed and when men were not available they could do outside chores like dropping off and picking up children from school, visiting the doctor and shopping. While going out for these purposes they wore chaddar or burqa.

Daily our grandmother would take us to school. She herself wore shuttlecock burqa and was comfortable in it as she had been wearing it for so long. My mother wore the two piece black burqa, but she got sick so she had to remove it. Anyway she did not go out of the house in months (Participant 14). 184

7.2 The second Generation (participants)

The participants of this research had experienced a variety of sanctions of purdah in their lives (see Chapter 7, Section 6). Their level of education was better than the previous generation. They did encounter resistance from their elders in leaving seclusion, but also some support from within the family. Achieving change in the traditional practices of purdah was still an uphill task for the participants, as they faced criticism and opposition not only from within the family, but also from the broader society. In the process of modernization, if the finances allowed, girls' education was slowly gaining acceptance in this generation. However, in their case prospects of education were still given low priority, as, the main priority for them was preparation for marriage and managing the housework. The conflict between holding to the traditions and acceptance of modem socio- economic trends were still a continuing struggle for the participants. These women had experienced the traditional purdah dresses; although as time went on some adopted less cumbersome variations of purdah apparel.

Those participants who were between 41-50 and were working, initially wore burqa with nikab, but gradually changed to wearing chaddar with or without nikab (see Appendix 3). The impact of elders in an extended family system was very obvious in their lives, and male dominance also played a major role in restricting these women. The interesting aspect was that their children also insisted that their mothers should observe purdah. The women who were widows or divorced were not under the same pressures. They were freer to decide on their limits of purdah, but they still had to respect their families and societal pressures. Thus, they would renounce purdah observance, but it was more relaxed.

I have studied up to primary levels and so did my other sisters. After this, although my father wanted us to study, our grandfather did not allow us. His reasoning was that girls should not go out. And if we would go out to visit relatives we had to wear burqa with nikab. I have done it for the whole of my life, but now I do not wear nikab as I have breathing problem. But my daughters still want me to wear it. .. My daughters and daughter-in-law just wear duppata. I have not put any restrictions on them (Participant 17). 185

All my life I have worn a chaddar and my husband does not say anything, but then my son wants me to also wear nikab. One of my brothers-in-law also says that, but then he is also against my job (Participant 2).

I have always worn burqa or chaddar, but in the last two years since my husband died, I have stopped wearing it. Girls [in my youth] were not allowed to go out. At a young age I had to bring water, so I did that after sun set so that no one could see me .. .I do not remember even one day when my first husband took me out. If my children were sick my mother-in-law would take them to a doctor ... She was elderly, but she also wore burqa (Participant 11).

Some of the women who were in the age group 31-40 had also started wearing burqa, but the majority wore chaddar. Comparatively, this group was generally better educated, and managed to go up to Middle and Secondary levels of schooling (except one woman who was uneducated). Some of the participants in this age group had reacted against purdah when they were younger, but at a later age realized that purdah was necessary for the sake ofreligion, honor of the family and their respect in public.

I used to wear burqa, but two years back I had to get one of my eyes operated on so now I wear chaddar. When I am visiting our neighborhood I wear a small chaddar, but if I go to market or at a distance I wear big chaddar (Participant 12).

When I was young I hated to wear duppata on the head and was concerned about my hairstyle. But, with experience, now I am convinced that if we are not attired properly then people can misbehave with us. But if we are clothed properly, with head and body covered, this in a way is a message to the onlookers not to pester us. And in this situation if someone still misbehaves, then you have the right to complain and people will also support you (Participant 15).

Among the younger age group of participants between 21-30, one woman wore burqa, and the majority wore chaddar or duppata. Some had also tried a coat and a scarf for a period, but then reverted to chaddar as they thought it was better purdah to cover from head to toe. 186

Some girls of my age are yet not married and are enjoying an independent life. I have been through a very tough married life and now have the responsibility of four daughters so I need to look sober and responsible, so chaddar is a must. I also tried burqa for some months but I felt confused and when I stopped wearing it, I realized that it had made me a coward ... I am not doing anything against the religion. I cover myself properly. Now I have settled for chaddar, as I wore it when my husband was alive (Participant 6).

In our college we had different groups. Girls from a rich background did not wear a chaddar or burqa. Then there were those who would cover themselves to the extent of wearing gloves so that even their face, hands, feet, nothing is visible even inside the college. This group came from a different social background, but not the poor class who did not have money to spend on fashion for sake of purdah. But the majority of the girls usually wore burqa or chaddar, and inside the college just duppata. I was in the last group (Participant 9).

As expressed by the last participant, the purdah practice varied according to socio-economic background; urban lower middle-class women preferred to use burqa or chaddar.

7.3 The Third Generation (daughters & younger sisters of the participants)

In comparison to the participants, their younger sisters and daughters had more freedom in their choice of purdah. This third generation also had more support from their parents and they had opportunities to go to college and the university. In fact, they could study subjects of their own choice. Participants reported that some women in the younger generation were bold enough to say they do not care what people say, and discard chaddar because it is too heavy or unmanageable. There was some opposition to purdah dress in the younger generations, but they still conformed to the wishes of family elders and societal norms.

My second daughter just wears duppata. She wears a chaddar when we visit my father-in-law. Generally my daughters wear duppata as they say chaddar is heavy and they cannot manage it. They say we do not care what people say ... My daughter is lucky that her uncle can take her to university, otherwise she would have to discontinue her studies. My in-laws would not have allowed her to attend a co-educational university... My daughters do not 187

believe in restrictions and argue with their uncles and grandfather, but I tell them not to argue as people will say they are disrespectful and have no manners (Participant 2).

My brother-in-law has two daughters. The one who teaches in a school wears chaddar with nikab. The other one is in Higher Secondary school and she wears duppata but I think she should also wear chaddar. My own daughter is seven years old and has curly hair, which I do not like and I would soon like her to wear a chaddar (Participant 4).

I want my daughter to be self-sufficient; we will support her in whatever career she wants to choose ... She wears a scarf. I have never told her to wear it but it is her own choice. But personally I am pleased that she wears it as we live in a community where we need to follow the society (Participant 1).

I do not want to put any type of restrictions on my daughters because they have to cope with life. If they are not given some freedom then how will they gain confidence? My daughter who is studying engineering at university wears chaddar with nikab. Although her friends and teachers want her to remove it, she says she feels comfortable in it ... I did not tell them to wear chaddar but I was always concerned about what they will do when they grow up. I did not like young girls who did not cover themselves properly. But I am happy my daughters are good Muslims, they pray regularly and dress carefully (Participant 18).

From various examples in this section, it emerged that there were shifting trends in purdah practices. Some younger women had liberty to decide about their own purdah practices but almost every mother expressed that they wanted or expected their daughters to observe purdah. And they did not want them to go out in public without any genuine need, and then to have an escort. Those who refused to do so were considered amoral, offending family elders and the religion. Therefore, in one form or another, purdah practice was still expected of the younger generation, influenced by family traditions, societal pressures and religious obligation.

"According to Islam we should be observing purdah [dress] but then people make jokes so I do not wear it. But my younger sister 188

wears a scarf and is not bothered what people say". [This is what was told by one of the respondent's daughters who said that she would not put restrictions on her daughters.] I have to tell them the pros and cons in life, then it is up to them to do what they want. But I like them to cover their heads. I now realize my father was right in being strict about our purdah (Participant 15).

My daughters are fourteen and thirteen. They wear chaddar though they do not do it properly. I did not tell them to do so. Actually I am concerned about my middle one who is careless, so I am waiting to see when she will start wearing the chaddar. I think there is no harm in training them to wear chaddar because you never know in future what their in-laws will want them to do, and if they are strict people at least the girls won't have problems in adjusting. You see it is my responsibility to train them for their future (Participant 14).

The above example shows that the family's respectability was linked with the purdah practice and the women's morality was judged by their purdah. Moreover, it was also necessary as a preparation to adjust with the future in- laws.

I want my daughters to be well educated and doing good jobs. If they will wear burqa then they will lose their confidence. I want my elder daughter to be a doctor. I want them to be confident and face the world and not to hide themselves (Participant 6).

Once, with my fourteen years old daughter, I was going to market. In the street she called me and said somebody pinched her. When she identified the person I quickly got hold of him. Some pedestrians joined me and we beat him. But since then I am scared to take my daughters to the bazaar (Participant 11)

Analysis of this section reveals that it was the mothers who made restrictions, wanted their daughters to wear purdah dress, and who limited their daughters' mobility in the outside world. This is in contrast with the experience of the older generation, where their male family members had been instrumental in imposing purdah restrictions. Although participants reported that the third generation has more choice in purdah outfits, the preferred purdah dress is still chaddar, which is widely considered to fulfil the religious obligation and traditional needs of purdah observance. The indirect concern of the mothers 189

was that their daughters find the correct balance between religious traditions and modernity.

These days I see girls wearing burqa or chaddar and when they cross their neighborhood and streets they remove it, and later put it back on when they come back. I have personally observed girls doing this. So what is their purdah for and from whom? (Participant 14).

My elder daughter wore scarf for some time but then she stopped. My sisters do not wear chaddar as our mother never forced us. I wore burqa and nikab because of my husband, and now my daughter who is fourteen, wears chaddar with nikab. She is very regular in her prayers (Participant 12).

The participants also felt that some young girls go too far in the direction of modernity.

Moreover, it also appears that for the younger generation, the practice of purdah was an option rather than being forced, as it had been for the earlier generations (further details in Section 8).

Now people only use the name of Islam. I tell you even purdah has become fashion. The women, who wear a scarf, look at their eye make ups and sunglasses. It is becoming glamour! (Participant 7).

In our college days I had observed that in winter the scarf was more popular. But actually for the last three or four years it has become a fashion. Girls wear dark lipsticks and heavy eye make-up to make themselves attractive. Even in women's religious gatherings purdah dress has become a fashion, and I think the real purpose of purdah is forfeited (Participant 9).

The urban lower middle-class families felt that they had to be cautious of the modern society, while adapting to change. Mothers who wanted their daughters to boldly face the challenges of life and get an education, work and be independent economically, only saw these as possibilities when purdah is observed and therefore respecting the cultural and ideological underpinnings of the Pakistani society. Purdah as an optional choice was under 190

consideration but had not yet materialized in the participants' lives. At individual levels the negotiation had begun, but external factors were still compelling.

8. Discussion

8.1 Urbanization and purdah practice

Empirical studies on the status of women in different cultures have increasingly taken into account not only specific socio-religious customs and practices but also superimposed social, political and economic changes. The data presented in this chapter depicts the struggle of two generations (the participants and their parents) as they strive to lay a foundation for the future of a third generation. Examination of the lives of women in the sample reveals that urbanization had a major impact on their practice of purdah.

The parents' decision of coming out of the isolation of the village life to interact with the modern life in the city was the first step towards breaking down the women's seclusion. The changing material conditions in urban areas produced new patterns of socially acceptable behavior, allowing the women to challenge traditional norms and break new grounds (Mumtaz 1994b ), even though conservative values were perpetuated by observing a code of purdah dress and manners (Shah 1995: 177).

In search of better status, the women of the families who moved to urban areas had to adopt the cloak of respectability (burqa, chaddar, nikab) when they left seclusion, and by doing so they dissociated themselves from the economically poor. In Weiss' (1992) study of the Walled City of Lahore (also in Pakistan) where the women had not immigrated but had lived for decades, the intensity and practice of purdah observance was found to be the same. But the common factor of Weiss' sample and the sample of the present study is likely to have been that insufficient income earned by men opened up opportunities for women to work.

The variation in the socio-economic situation of each family also determines the level of influence of purdah on the women. Movement up the class ladder also changed the kind 191

and level of confinement (Shah 1995: 178). Rahat (1991: 94) points out that in villages there is a concept of collective honor, which is not applicable in cities. She further argues that, besides other influences of urbanization, purdah as a cloak of respectability becomes a phenomenon of upward social mobility, justified in terms of religion and tradition (Rabat 1981 & 1991).

In the experience of the women in this study, initially it was difficult for their families to accept women's education, skill training, employment etc. These difficult decisions were taken with much reluctance and without any pre-planning. Ahmed argues that embracing purdah dress by newly urbanized lower middle-class women also serves as a transition in the process of adjusting to the new environment (1992: 222). As discussed in Chapter 7, after moving to the city the women gradually began coming out of seclusion as they had more opportunities due to the reduced influence of grandparents, the lack of a close knit community, and shifts in individual family values. Many things were slowly accepted as part of the life in cities, and so adjustments were made to the family lifestyle.

8.2 The liberating impact of 'portable seclusion'

Two new trends are obviously emerging in the lives of women who settle in urban centers: induction into the work force and education. In response to socio-economic pressures these new opportunities are being created for women to come out of seclusion - but not necessarily out of purdah. In fact, the physical form of purdah is being strengthened. Research in other Muslim countries like Egypt, Morocco and Iran, has also shown that the adoption of the purdah outfit has circumvented the cultural belief that women should not work (Bullock 2000). Thus women are gaining access to the public sphere and coming out of seclusion by means of a compromise that involves disguising themselves in purdah dress. The elders and society have compromised and accepted women in public places clad in purdah. Thus, due largely to economic reasons, the religious and cultural prescriptions regarding purdah have had to be loosened, which has involved a decrease in the seclusion of women, but an increase in purdah dress, which takes many forms according to age, economic status, marital status etc. 192

The women's own realization of the implications of seclusion became obvious to them when they had to break through barriers to obtain education or work. As reported above (Section 3) education provided an acceptable reason for women to come out of seclusion. For lower middle-class women education was one of the means to gain status in the community as it guaranteed movement up the class ladder. The fringe benefits of education were the gaining of confidence, self-esteem, and awareness. A study done by Khalid on a sample of 660 women of different strata including urban middle class in Lahore, supports that three factors enhance self-esteem of women, namely education, employment, and social support of the spouse and family (Khalid 1991: 194).

The data also revealed that although there was a shift in attitude towards women's paid work, parents and also women themselves preferred a segregated environment. In Pakistani society there were limited accepted occupations for women. The participants were involved in traditional occupations such as community work, teaching, and skill trainers in embroidery and soap making. The parents were reluctant to allow them to enter occupations where there could be interaction with men. Women themselves were not confident to move about in the society. Those women who were economically active evolved different strategies to cope with their public interactions. One of the strategies used was of purdah dress as 'portable seclusion', which not only gave them confidence, but also justified their presence in public and was satisfying for their families. Therefore, to avoid seclusion, criticism, and harassment in public and interaction with other men the women adopted 'portable seclusion'. Purdah observance was a form of passive resistance to familial pressures and as Minturn (1993: 326) depicts, in certain circumstances the wearing of a purdah dress was a sort of pseudo status to gain respect.

The participating women's understanding of their own situation greatly increased as they were content to contribute to the family finances. The unmarried interviewees mentioned that they were supporting their parents, preparing their dowry and support for their further education. Some women mentioned that within the house, they had gained some decision making power, especially in matters of spending in the house and in family matters where they were consulted, such as concerning the educational matters of children. The 193

participants (who were mothers), both educated and uneducated, were all supportive of their daughters' education as they wanted their daughters to be self-assured in times of need. The participants who were widowed or divorced and the head of family were more confident in taking decisions and supportive of their daughters' education. Some of them (daughters) were graduates, some were in professional colleges and some were already doing jobs as nurses and teachers and administrative support staff. Thus women's worth was enhanced when they had some control over money, which helped in building their self­ esteem and in curtailing male power.

8.3 Media, fashion and purdah practice

In previous decades there was a lack of communication, and the women were not aware of changes taking place even in their local surroundings. Now women saw changes through the media, in school and at the work place, and there was a quick response to what they observed. The affordability and extensive use of media in today's world can contribute to rapid changes, especially for women. Generally the Pakistani media reinforces the familiar world of myths and stereotypes (Hussain and Shah 1991: 176). The interviewees mentioned that they had access to television, some of them mentioned information gathering from television dramas, daily news, talk shows, fashions shows, music shows, religious information etc. Although some participants mentioned that they could not afford the latest fashion trends in purdah dresses, for others the media influenced their choice of purdah dress. Most of the women were of the opinion that the trendy outfits were just a fashion and did not satisfy the requirements of the traditional purdah outfits. Womens' roles shown in television dramas were inspirational for women, as was mentioned by the women who had applied for divorce. It helped them to know what happens in such situations (though they said, it was very different in reality in the court).

The media could be very effective as a vehicle for giving women greater insights into the world around them. Though in the last few decades the Pakistani media has improved its quality of programs related with women's issues, the participants of this research did not mention benefiting from such information. 194

8.4 Purdah as a tool of empowerment

The participants of the research were living life 'as it comes to them'. For these women, purdah dress was a tool of empowerment bringing them out of seclusion and offering chances of mobility in the public sphere. And the family and society accepted this change, maintaining that these women were still following their religious obligation. Observance of purdah was a family and social obligation embedded with ideological and political compulsions (Khayyat 1990). In general, despite a degree of economic independence, these women were still under the control of men. While adjusting to the changing purdah norms, exposure to the outside world gave them a new understanding of morality and instilled self­ confidence. As Jeffery ( 1979) observed in her study of Muslim Pirzada2 families in Delhi, the pirzada women had internalized the status quo, which ultimately enhanced the stability of the purdah system. The findings of the present study revealed that women did not challenge the practice of purdah, but rather perpetuated it in a different form to evade one form of it, that is seclusion, which had substantially decreased. Overall, the conversations with the participants indicated each had gained some mental and physical freedom. And within each participant's family's own definition of purdah there was some indication of change.

9. Conclusion

In the previous chapter the influences of family, society and religion in reinforcing purdah, and the participants' internalization and construction of purdah concepts were reported. In the current chapter, it was revealed that changes in attitudes and trends regarding women's practice of purdah also occur in response to changes in the broad socio-economic context. In spite of the physical and psychological restrictions on women, the opportunities provided by living in the city, especially for education and involvement in financial activities, as well as exposure to information and development of peer groups, had an influence in changing the women's attitudes in relation to purdah. Looking into the life stories of the participants, it was apparent that the concept of purdah was under transformation. Thus the women were 195

adjusting to life beyond the security and protection of the home. While on the one hand these women gained opportunities due to education and financial needs, on the other hand the society was not welcoming or fully prepared to accept women in public. Moreover, women were prone to face clandestine biased public policies and discrimination in relation to family rights, civil rights, litigation, justice, and political participation. These 'invisible' implications of purdah will be discussed in the following chapter.

2 Syed Muslim, whose lineage is traced to the Prophet Mohamed. 196

CHAPTER9 INFLUENCE OF PURDAH ON WOMEN'S POLITICAL AND LEGAL AWARENESS AND PARTICIPATION

I am the one you hid beneath The weight of traditions For you never knew That light can never fear pitch darkness.

I am the one from whose lap you picked flowers Then poured flames and thorns instead For you never knew that chains cannot hide the fragrance of flowers. (Naheed 200 I: 28)

1. Introduction

Chapters 7 and 8 show that the practice of purdah of the women in this research has been influenced by family, society and religion influenced, and that in the last few decades, due to socio-economic changes there have been shifts in the women's practice of purdah. The complexities in the nature of purdah are a reflection of the pull between the conservative factors influencing the participants and the progressive need for change.

This chapter addresses Research Question 4 (see Chapter 1, page 4). It presents findings on the participant's awareness in regard to political and legal rights and their utilization of political and legal processes in Pakistani society. The issues covered in this chapter are the 'invisible' aspects of the purdah institution, i.e., implications for women's lives and the attainment of their human rights that are a direct reflection of purdah. These invisible aspects deal with the underlying attitudes of society, and the control of women's lives by those individuals and institutions who use religion and tradition as their means to exploit women's rights in many spheres of life, including education and health, as well as legal, judicial and political participation. The extent to which the equality enshrined in the 197

constitution and the Islamic provisions trickles down to grassroots level is examined through the experiences of the participants of this study. Data in this area of exploration is limited in scope as the participants saw political and legal considerations as having little relevance to their daily lives.

2. Political life of women

Against the background described in Chapter 2, one can now ask how the purdah institution has influenced women's awareness and their involvement in political life. This is illustrated by examining the experiences of the participants in relation to registration for voting, exercising their right to vote, their criteria for casting votes, and their views on the political conditions in the country.

2.1 Registration as voters

Out of the total 20 respondents, four participants were not questioned about their participation in the political process (that is, whether they voted and their criteria etc) 1• Out of a remaining 16 interviewees, eight were not registered voters although six of these eight had identities cards and two said they were thinking of getting registered. The process of obtaining an identity card was very difficult for women. It involved going to an intimidating office (because the majority of staff are male), which they could only do with the approval and in the company of their male relatives. Delays and sometimes bribes were also involved, especially near elections. The women also met resistance from men who did not consider it necessary for them to vote. In some instances women's photos were not pasted on their identity cards, and furthermore their identity card name often did not match the voter's list, which could be due to change of name following marriage, divorce or other reasons. The result was many women were denied their right of franchise.

1 In Pakistan casting a ballot is not compulsory. In the 1973 Constitution the voting age for both men and women was lowered to 18 years. But in the 1985 elections General Zia raised the minimum age back to 21 years. From 1988 voters have been required to produce their Identity cards (ID cards are required for citizens at the age of eighteen) in order to be allowed to cast the vote. In 1999, the present regime once again lowered the voting age to 18 years for Local government non-party elections. 198

I am not registered. But I am planning to register myself. In my parents' house I never saw that women go voting. After marriage I was so busy in my life that I never thought about it. I do have an ID card, which was made after my marriage (Participant 6).

The above participant illustrated an important point in that she did not see the women in her family taking part in the voting process. Politics, being in the public domain, automatically leads to an assumption that it is out of bounds for women due to the purdah practice of seclusion. Thus, the lack of precedent in a woman's close environment instills ignorance of any involvement in the ballot process. The above mentioned participant married when she was 17 years old to a man much older than her. She had had a troubled married life where 'the husband did not trust her, and did not let her go out. Within six years they had four daughters and then he died. For some time she remained in the village and then she moved to the city. After her husband's death, she realized that as an individual she had responsibilities to earn and to bring up her daughters. She then realized she had other responsibilities as well. In the city she was working for an NGO, which was disseminating information to empower women and raise their awareness. Earlier she had lived a secluded life, which restricted her within the four walls of her house. She now observed purdah attire, which provided her respect and the ability to deal with day to day affairs in the public domain.

No I have not voted. My father was active in political work but we were not encouraged. Now I have got my ID card; moreover after working with the NGO I have learned that voting is important (Participant 9). 199

In the case of the woman2 quoted above, her father's keen interest in politics and his admiration for Benazir Bhutto gave her some knowledge of the importance of political rights and the potential for political processes to effect change. At the time of the interview, she did not have an identity card, as in the past voting age for registration was 18 years and therefore she had not been eligible. And now she was 22 and could have had an identity card, but her comments reflected how women could ignore the importance of their official identity.

I am not registered. Will it matter if I vote? I don't like any party (Participant 20).

This crisp and brief comment from this young woman showed that she did not have hopes from the political system of the country, therefore she had no interest to get herself registered. The researcher cannot say whether she was questioning her political right as a female voter or if her comment was a general one but, she mentioned that in her family no woman except her grandmother casts a vote (as referred to below in Section 2.3).

2.2 Exercising the right to vote3

The remaining eight participants, who had exercised their right to vote, had not done so on a regular basis. This was mainly because they were registered to vote in the villages they originally came from, and at the time of voting they might not be able to return to the village. Because vote registration was linked to permanent residency, the people who temporarily shifted to the city had to go back to the village to cast their vote.

I have only voted once; that was last year ... Otherwise, sometimes if we are not there [village] then we miss it (Participant 7).

Yes, I cast my vote in the village (Participant 8).

2 This woman had been doing different jobs and the researcher wonders why her identity card was not required there. Is it ignored in case of women? Even in her job with the NGO she was not required to show her identity card, but at least the NGO did contribute in sensitizing her to the importance of her vote. 3 Here specific reference is being made to the local level elections for councillors. 200

I have only voted once but it is a great hassle as we have to go to the village and then it is not our choice who to vote for as we go by the decision of the men of the family (Participant 15).

In the foregoing three examples reference was made to voting in the village. It is a family affair and depended on men's interests in having them participate, as only then can women also take part. Otherwise, the men go alone and cast their ballot without the women. For purdah reasons women had no direct interaction with the male candidates or exposure to their political manifesto, which was another reason why they had no interest in the political process.

I have voted three times but it is difficult to get time for it. I waste the whole day when I go for it (Participant 12).

It appeared that these women lacked any enthusiasm to utilize their right to vote. The whole process appeared cumbersome to them as they felt it was a waste of time and they did not know why they were voting.

2.3 Decision-making in casting votes

Out of the eight women interviewed who had used their right to vote, only two did so without the influence of their family men. The remaining six were totally influenced by the family or men's decision about who to cast their ballot for. In another case of a woman who was educated, the men in her family did not restrict her job and accessibility to the outside world and family males did not influence her on her decision of who to vote. In our family we cast a vote. I do so according to my choice and my husband has never imposed his decision on me. But my mother-in-law goes by her husband's choice (Participant 1).

Similarly, in the case of participant 12 who was uneducated, her husband was very strict on her purdah dress and going out, but he did not have any influence on her right to ballot. My husband does not have any influence on my vote (Participant 12). 201

The remaining six women were influenced by their male family members' decisions. The awareness of the participants, and even of their mother, was limited as far as political and electoral processes were concerned. The women did not mention any direct contact with the candidates for election, nor were they aware of their political agendas. Women who lived in the city had no interest in village politics. The male family members were more aware of the political process and they were 1n direct contact with the candidates, so they had more involvement and interest.

It is always my husband's choice. His family has their own selected member so the whole family votes for them. In our village, the vote is a serious matter and if someone cheats it can be checked as all the votes are calculated--1 mean the members in each family and how they vote (Participant 8).

As I do not know the people and what is their election agenda, I always vote according to the desire of my husband. In fact it is not just me: the whole family goes by my husband's choice. And he never lets us waste our vote (Participant 10).

My mother always voted as directed by my father (Participant 9).

Even if the husbands did not influence the women, the overarching interest of the baradari (lineage) was involved and concerned with where the family votes go.

I do vote and so do my family members. But personally I never know what is their agenda and why we are voting for a particular person (Participant I 0).

In this case one male member decided for the whole family, and obviously the women who did not know the person for whom they voting, were just fulfilling an obligation to the male family members.

Our votes are based on baradari (lineage) system so there is no question of voting for a person other than what the elders decide (Participant 15). 202

The case of participant 7, she had awareness about her right to caste a ballot and also concern for the development works in her village (see Section 2.4).

The village councillor was to be elected. I voted for the person whom our family supported. Our votes are on a baradari system. No one is bothered about the development or improvement in the village (Participant 7).

Another participant mentioned that her grandmother voted according to her own choice, which was unusual.

My grandmother and the men cast their votes. My aunts do not go for voting and my mother was only registered recently. My grandmother is very strong--even her sons cannot interfere in her matters. Actually, she has all the property in her name and is wealthy (Participant 20).

According to this participant, the reason for her grandmother's authoritative attitude was because she owned the property and therefore she was financially empowered. The financial independence of the grandmother was crucial in her voting choice whereas, in the same family, the women who were financially dependent on their men were restricted and did not cast their ballot.

2.4 Opinions about political situations

Once women had the chance to leave seclusion and gain exposure to the public arena, they do analyze things for themselves and develop their own opinions.

Two women had some concern about the local political situation. And they could sense that their elected members were responsible for work in the community and any elected member who neglected this responsibility did not deserve to be elected again.

The person for whom I voted was competing for the first time, so I could not judge him. But in one year I have seen he has not done anything for the village. I have told my family that next time we 203

should not support him: at least I will not vote for him. The village next to ours is getting the government's attention and even philanthropists are investing in it, but our village is being neglected. I want my village people to sign a request, which I will take to influential people who can build schools and health centers in our village (Participant 7).

I have voted for both parties. But when Benazir came I voted for her, thinking that as a woman she will do something for us, but I do not see any results. The poor people are poorer. We know our patience is always tested and things are becoming more difficult day-by-day. But the people for whom I have voted proved to be useless. They make false promises and after getting elected never turn up. This time I am thinking of voting for a religious group (Participant 12).

Although a very small number of women commented on the political scene, those who did so concluded that the political representatives did not fulfill their promises and the situation of the people was not noticeably improving.

3. Women's legal rights and participation in legal processes

As described in Chapter 2, it was and is problematic for women to benefit from the Pakistani legal system and institutions because of ambiguities and the complexity of multiple legal structures. Most importantly, biased attitudes towards women's participation in the main stream society are reflected in legal systems and structures. This complex situation is highlighted in some areas through the experiences of the participants in the present research.

3.1 Awareness of legal rights and access to legal entitlements

The present research explored how far the women were aware of their legal rights in areas of education, health and family law (pertaining to marriage, divorce and property, etc). An important link was found between women's status and their awareness of legal resources, both of which were influenced by the participants' practice of purdah. 204

3.1.1 Education

The constitution, laws and written ordinances are outwardly supportive of women's education. Article 37 of the constitution provides that, - (b) 'the State shall remove illiteracy and provide free and compulsory secondary education within the minimum possible period; and, ( c) make technical education and professional education generally available and higher . education equally accessible to all on the basis of merit'(Ali 2000: 117).

Despite legislation for compulsory education, it is not implemented in all the Provinces of Pakistan except Punjab, where full implementation was achieved in 1995. Not only is it is enshrined in secular law, but the acquisition of knowledge for all is fundamental to Islam. The Hadith of the Prophet Muhammad states that, 'To acquire knowledge is the obligation of every Muslim man and woman' 4 (Ali 2000: 116) (See Chapter 2, Section 6).

Generally, the society has perpetuated seclusion and allowed the adoption of stereotypical roles for women. Women's education has been seen as problematic because it requires them to enter the public sphere. Moreover, other economic and cultural constraints such as the lack of infrastructure, lack of transportation and other such resource constraints, have further influenced parents to give preference to the education of sons rather than daughters.

From the experiences of the participants of this study it emerged that the family did not readily recognize women's right to education and that they had to struggle for it as indicated in Chapters 6 and 7. The family's tradition of practice of purdah, family honor and the preference for girls to look after the housework to prepare them for responsibilities of married life, were given as the main reasons.

Reported difficulties in maintaining purdah, which is a manifestation of the family's honor and tradition, often masks the real reason for not pursuing girls education, this reason being

4 However, low allocation of funds, political apathy and customary practices inhibit women's education. 205

to hide the family's poor financial status. The earning capacity of girls in poor families is a complex matter. It was one of the dichotomies of the society that on the one hand it was said that due to purdah girls could not go to school but they were allowed to work. For example, in the following case of participant 11, as a child she had worked as a domestic maid and the lady of the house had facilitated her primary education. Furthermore, it was interesting to note that in the two examples that follow, an affluent neighbor and a kind teacher helped these women further their education.

In our family girls were not educated. We were only taught the Quran and had to pray regularly... I worked for a lady in the neighborhood who taught me till primary and later on admitted me to school (Participant 11 ).

When I was in grade eight my father stopped me from going to school, as he could not pay the fee ... But one of my teachers paid for my fee and then one of my aunts convinced him to continue my education. These were the circumstances in which I completed my Matric (Participant 6).

For safety reasons, the women were required to wear a purdah dress and only then were they allowed to go out and even then segregation was preferred.

My daughter is very lucky that the women's university was opened and so she could continue her studies. Otherwise her father and uncles would have never have allowed her to join a co­ educational university. And now every day her uncle escorts her to the university (Participant 2).

The participants' families resisted sending girls (the younger generation in the participants' families) to a co-educational institution. This directly affected the girls' further education, as girls wanted to continue their study instead of entering an early marriage. Purdah dress alone was not sufficient to satisfy some families as they would only send women to all­ female institutions5• But even then, to avoid public harassment, women of all ages were escorted to and from the school, workplace or any other destination outside the house. Within the families of the participants, with changing times the need for female education

5 All government schools were segregated, but there was only one desegregated University. 206

had slowly been recognized and other forms of purdah replaced the restrictions of purdah by seclusion.

The participants had played a major role in changing their families' attitudes. These women had been an inspiration not only in their own families, but also in the community.

From our neighborhood many girls have been allowed to come to school because their parents have confidence in me. But I had to do a lot of motivation. Now within my own family two women have learned stitching and are earning their living. So I think my success has given an inspiration to many women (Participant 2).

I am not only concerned about the education of my children but about my sisters-in-law as well. Because they are just like my daughters and we need to educate them (Participant 1).

The participants realized not only the importance of education, but had developed a sense of responsibility towards themselves as individuals. In this regard they were trying to send the message to the next generation. In their mothers' time education had not been a permissible reason for girls to decide to delay their marriage.

My parents want my sister to be married but I want her to study, as early marriage is not good (Participant 6).

3.1.2 Health

Health and access to health-care facilities are not explicitly recognized as fundamental rights in the Constitution, although Article 35 states that:

'the State shall protect the marriage, the family, the mother and child' (Ali 2000: 122).

Inadequate health facilities include unaffordable doctor's fees, inaccessibility of health facilities and shortage of medicines. Women's access is further curtailed due to purdah restrictions on their mobility, and a shortage of female doctors. 207

An essential component of women's health is her reproductive right, but this has also been lost in the multiplicity of cultural norms, and has not been legally recognized. For a woman to have a tuballigation she has to get her husband's permission, but a husband does not have to get his wife's permission for a vasectomy. Interference of other family members in a woman's right of marriage and pregnancy planning further complicates the situation and this is compounded by misconception about religious beliefs. Lack of political interest and prevailing social norms have created a dismal situation in the health sector as well. A recent study in rural Punjab by Valerie Durrant and Zeba Sathar indicated that, in the context of infant mortality, 'the children with mothers who practice purdah outside the home are 1.5 times more likely to die ... '(Durrant & Sathar 2000: 28) due to lack of medical attention. The participants of the present study also indicated problems while seeking medical treatment for themselves or their children.

In the examples given in the following discussion it was found that in health matters women depended on men's permission because, again, in accordance with traditional purdah, any interaction in the public sphere and consultation with male doctors was not allowed. Inaccessibility to health care was more pronounced in cases of women who lived in extended family households. Reproductive health was an area where some mothers-in­ law were more sympathetic, but those who had not availed themselves of any facilities during their own childbearing years considered it a waste to spend any money on their daughters-in-law's childbirth.

If my child is sick and I have to take him to doctor I have to have the consent of the men of the house. I cannot take them to a doctor of my choice because that is also not approved (Participant 2).

My children were born at home and thank God nothing went wrong. But my mother-in-law used to say it is a natural process and there is no need to waste money on the hospital. Actually, during their time, due to purdah reasons they were not allowed to go to a doctor, so for her it (childbirth in a hospital) was a wrong thing (Participant I).

Once I was not well and my husband took me to the doctor. When we came back my in-laws were very angry and they said that in 208

their family no one takes their wives to the doctors. They were furious with my husband (Participant 13).

Although it was not traditional for a husband to be with his wife at the birth of their child, it was definitely his responsibility to pay for the expenses. The example quoted below indicates an unusual case of a respondent's sister. The sister's husband was a doctor, but because he was gay he was not interested in the birth of his child or the health of his wife, and was not interested in continuing the relationship.

My sister is married. When her child was born, her husband straight away said that there is no need to take her to a doctor and he did not turn up to the hospital at the time of delivery. And my father paid all the expenses incurred in the hospital (Participant 3).

The above examples extend to the health issues not only of the women, but their children as well. Like any other matter related to the public domain, even women's consultation with the doctor was considered a breach of the family's honor. Without the permission of male members, women were not allowed to take children to a doctor.

During this research the field staff of the NGO told the researcher that they had taken a seriously burnt girl to the hospital. They arranged her admission, medicines, food for the family etc, to enable the father to go to his job rather than staying with the girl in the hospital. But after the second day the girl was taken out of the hospital. The staff was baffled, and when they visited their house they were told that male doctors had been treating the girl, and the family did not want such treatment because her purdah was being breached. As there were strong cultural taboos against contact between the sexes, the gender of the health provider was crucial. As in the field of education, when there was shortage of finances to provide adequate facilities for the whole population, purdah traditions and family honer was used to hide the real situation. Limited availability of health facilities, especially the shortage of female doctors, was another reason for discouraging women from seeking health care. 209

3.1.3 Marriage

In Muslim Family law, the institution of nikah (or marriage contract) has a central position. It is through marriage that the paternity of children is established and the relationship and affinity are traced. The marriage of a Muslim who is of sound mind and who has attained puberty is void if it is executed without his/her consent. As per Shariah, its confirmation needs to occur in the presence and hearing of two adults and sane witnesses (Ali 2000: 15 l ). There are slight differences of opinion in different schools of thought, but this is the popular and accepted marriage practice. In Pakistan, the registration of marriage 1s compulsory, however where there is non-compliance the effectiveness of the law is weakened (Mehdi 1994: 158). According to the Muslim Family Law Ordinance of 1961, the minimum age for marriage for a girl is sixteen years and for boy is eighteen years. Under the Act a girl under the age of sixteen years is defined as a child and it is an offence to marry her, but in practice local customs prevail and the under-age marriage of girls still occurs (Patel 1991: 156).

Eighteen of the participants had no idea of their marriage rights. Their lack of awareness was largely because, being secluded in the home, they had no means of learning about their rights unless their male relatives informed them. Even if they had made a thumb impression or written signature on the marriage contract (nikahnama), they had not read it or did not know what was written in it. Most of the marriages had been arranged within the family. According to most of the married participants, they were not consulted. And even if they were consulted, their answer was expected to be in the affirmative, as otherwise it would be considered an insult and defiance of the family on the part of the women.

I was married when I was thirteen. Nobody asked for my opinion. Even my parents were not consulted, as my grandfather decided the matter. Although my father did not approve of it he could not refuse his father. I was scared, as I did not know anyone in that family. Then, there was village life, which I was not used to, but I could not say anything to my father, as I did not want to be disobedient and disgrace my family (Participant 5). 210

I was married twice but no one asked my opinion. After my first marriage broke down, even then no one asked me (the second time). In our families (Pathan) they say these decisions are for elders to settle... I could not even claim my children [after her first marriage ended.] (Participant 11 ).

My parents were poor. They did not even have a proper place to live so they married me at a young age to my father's friend who was literally of my father's age (Participant 12).

In case of participant 5, the grandfather arranged the marriage without the consent of the girl and even ignoring the parents. Within a few months the marriage ended in a divorce (also see Section 3.1.5). Participant 11 was a parentless child, and twice her grandparents married her without consulting her. They also ended her first marriage without her consent, and even custody of her five children was not given to her. She was then married a second time without her consent. Participants suggested that one of the reasons to arrange for daughters to be married at an early age was to relieve poor families of the economic burden of caring for girls.

Those participants who had daughters of marriageable age had a real concern for their marriages but had limited decision-making power.

Our time has passed. When I got married I did not know about the nikanama, l just signed it. But now I am worried about the marriages of my daughters, as I will have no say in the decision and I do not know what the men will decide. Within the family we do not have any boys of my daughters' age so I do not know what awaits them (Participant 2).

Many of the participants had left total seclusion and were associated with the NGO, which was very helpful in raising awareness in many areas related to women's life (also see Chapter 8, Section 4). It appeared that even an awareness about their rights was not enough to ensure their implementation in a conservative patriarchal society. The women and families who took steps in implementing their rights had to be determined and assertive in facing the challenges. 211

I did not know about my marriage rights, but we attend awareness courses in the NGO office and now I am aware. At least when my daughters are getting married I will take care (Participant I 0).

After working with the NGO I have realized that the marriage contract should not be signed without reading it. Islam has given us rights, but in our families people do not believe that. Marriage is a contract between two families, so if the rights aspect is negotiated that means we do not trust each other and it creates misunderstandings (Participant 18).

In the example in the following discussion, the participants experienced unusual circumstances that enabled the woman to get all her marriage conditions. For example, her education, extensive work experience and exposure to life, and her mother's support were advantageous. She had no male family member (father and a disabled brother had died) whose honor would be affected by her asking for her due rights and putting conditions on her marriage. Although the male members of her in-laws family members objected to it, she was determined to get her rights as her future husband was uneducated and jobless, and she sought for legitimate guarantees to secure her future.

As a community worker I was aware about nikanama and I know of many cases where women are suffering. There are many stories around us. Therefore I was conscious and had some conditions in my marriage, like the right to my jewelry and haq-mahr6 in case of divorce, that I will be able to continue doing job, own property, that my husband will not marry (a second wife) or if he does then he will pay me 2000 rupees monthly. I know if the marriage is successful then these things do not matter, but if something goes wrong, it is my future security (Participant 9).

All marriages are performed in the presence of a Qazi (an authorized person to officially perform the marriage and register the marriage contract), but he would never point out a woman's rights. Rather, he would often cross out those clauses which deal with a woman's rights in front of her family members, and no one would object to it. On the 'happy' occasion, no woman would like to disappoint her parents by raising questions about her

6 The right to the dowry. 212

marriage contract. As is shown in the example below, often-knowledgeable women did not feel able or inclined to look into vital matters related to their future life.

My own sister was aware of the marriage rights, but did not bother to benefit and was not concerned (Participant 2).

There were a few examples where a woman's right in marriage were recognized and practiced. Mostly this occurred when the men of the family realized their importance and wanted them to be implemented.

My father is very particular about the rights of his daughters. There were three proposals and he gave me the right to decide. As I knew all of them I made my choice and he agreed. And he made me read my nikanama. I have opted for all my rights that is, haq­ mahr (dower), khula (redemption, woman's right of divorce through court) (Participant I)

It was an arranged marriage with my first cousin. But my brothers asked my opinion and I agreed. Although he is less educated than me, I think he was the best available choice. I did not know what was written in the nikanama, but I signed it (Participant 7).

Bad experiences within some families led to the realization of the importance of the legal aspects of the marriage laws. It was these first hand experiences that directed them to take corrective measures in the future.

We already had a bad experience in our family. We will be careful in the next marriages. It is not only my sister, one of my aunts has also gone through this experience. And now times are gone when marriages were done on a trust basis. My father, brothers and myself, all of us are concerned about my fiance. If he is not earning enough I will not marry him. And I am definitely going to look into the nikanama. In my case I will avail my rights (Participant 3).

Now my parents say my younger sisters won't be married at a young age. My marriage breakdown has become a lesson for the whole family. All my cousins are studying and now one has got married, but only after completing Higher Secondary level education (Participant 5). 213

One of the participants expressed the marriage relationship as an act of total submission. Although marriage was a contract, its termination is quite easy for a man but not for a woman, which creates insecurity for the women.

Women do not have a home (of their own)--either it is their father's, brother's or husband's house. And to keep it secure, we are subservient to the men. Marriage is no security. I am always scared when my husband gets angry and sends me out of the house. For men to get a divorce is so easy-they just pronounce it and it becomes effective (Participant 14).

3.1.4 Widowhood

According to the rhetoric of Islam and social expectations, before marriage a woman is the responsibility of her father and brother and after marriage she becomes the responsibility of her husband, but in case of his death the parents (his and hers) are supposed to provide for her maintenance. This research found that a widow's situation becomes precarious and more vulnerable, as she is dependent on the good will of her immediate family and community. Widows have negligible legal support, as whatever the law entitles them to is out of reach for these women financially and technically, as it comes in the jurisdiction of the public arena, and is therefore unapproachable for women. For example, if a widow wants to claim her share of the property, she could encounter numerous problems including non-cooperation from the family (see Section 3.1.6). In the case now described the widow was intentionally married to the younger brother of her deceased husband so that the in­ laws did not lose the property. It was challenging for the woman to insist on her legal rights, and resulted in her character being maligned.

For the sake of the property they married me to their second son, but my parents could not understand their trick... But I forced them to sign a legal paper that my first husband's property will be given to my daughters. If my 2nd husband marries a second wife then he will have to pay me Rupees 50,000 and give me monthly money for my daily expenses ... My father-in-law insisted that I should give him the legal papers, but I did not... So they turned 214

against me and abused me for having a bad character ... (Participant 13).

But the research found that families vary in the extent to which they support widows in gaining their legal entitlements. As referred to below, there was another situation in which, without any difficulty, a widow was able to get her share and both her male in-laws and her parents' family realized their responsibilities and the due right of this woman and her children.

Initially I lived with my in-laws but when I wanted to move I requested that they give me my share of the property, which they did. I wanted to build a small house but my brother did not let me live alone. So for about six years I lived with him. With three young girls it was not suitable to live alone as my son was small (Participant 17).

For five of the six widows in this study, access to legal entitlements was not possible in an environment where, due to purdah restrictions, these women were unaware, dependent on men, and not even confident to deal with their affairs in the public domain.

3.1.5 Divorce

In Section 3.1.3 it emerged that child marriage and arranged marriages were common place amongst the women interviewed. Once married they had to cope with the circumstances and tolerate their treatment not only by their husband but their in-laws as well, as most of the women went to live in extended family households. None of the participants were directly asked about any domestic violence or related issues, but a few of the participants ( 18, 13 and 5) mentioned episodes of violence inflicted on them by their husbands and in­ laws. The women who mentioned such instances were the ones whose extreme situations ultimately led them to pursue divorce. Even in extreme situations they had tried to cope and endure the violence, and hoped for something positive, as divorce was considered disgraceful. In such circumstances the participants who wanted a divorce felt that they could not express it. Moreover, they could not make any decisions on their own as they 215

were dependent on their families' (male members') decisions as these were the ones who had to bear any potential financial costs.

The experiences of the divorced participants of the present study were similar to Jansen's study ( 1987) in that the acceptability of such a woman back in the family of origin was not only shameful but also a cumbersome responsibility. Also, remarriage usually entails a drop in social status; therefore it is neither desired by the women nor encouraged by the family (Jansen 1987: 2). Not surprisingly, only one of the divorcees in this study had remarried. The findings suggest that divorced women with no economic support had miserable lives and they were left on their own to earn their living, which was difficult in a purdah society. In the narratives of the participants, the typical situation for participants was complicated by issues such as financial resources and family honor. Thus family honor and respect associated with purdah undermined their capability to deal with the situation.

I think my father does not want [my sister to get] a divorce, as it is a shameful thing for the entire family. Then he does not have finances either, to take the matter to court or even to visit her in­ laws in Sind. But my sister does not want to go back, and wants a court decision to be able to keep the child. But she cannot say that to father, as she knows firstly he won't like such a decision, and on the other hand he can not manage it financially (Participant 3).

After one month they sent me to my parents and as I was fed up I said to my father that it is better to seek a divorce. And then I told him that in spite of everything ( several times there were demands of large amounts of money made by her husband which were fulfilled by her parents) my husband beats me, and burns me with cigarette buts and he is a drug addict. Before this I had not told him any thing... My father agreed, but the rest of the family opposed it, saying that if the first daughter is divorced not only it is a disgrace for the family but also it will affect the marriages of younger daughters (Participant 5).

In the above two situations the women suffered to a great extent but they could not decide their own future, as they were again dependent on their parents. The parents, because of both family honor and a lack of finances, were not able to indulge in lengthy legal procedures to obtain a divorce. Once again the women's financial dependency, their lack of 216

knowledge about legal processes, their lack of confidence, and lack of decision-making power were obvious. The result was agonizing for the parents as well as the women. In such circumstances the vicious cycle of women's lack of knowledge, lack of confidence, lack of access to public arenas and dependence on men all could be directly attributed to stifling purdah norms in the society.

3.1.6 Property

According to the constitution and Sharia law, the women had the right to earn, acquire, access and dispose of their property (both movable and immovable) without the interference of their male relatives (Ali 2000: 112). This appeared to be only in theory, as the reality for the participants of this research was very different. The dowry given to the daughters was considered their share in their parents' property. There was also a persuasive view that in financial matters women needed men's help, as it was a public matter and therefore out of women's domain. The property was rarely in women's names and even if it was, the men controlled it. Due to the seclusion aspect of purdah, women were restrained in dealing with property matters. Obstacles of mobility, transport problems, lack of knowledge in financial matters and business dealings further hindered women's participation in economic activity. This state of affairs and the societal norms failed to provide for the dilemma of women who were heads of households and therefore had to be in the public sphere in spite of all obstacles. As the women were not aware of their property rights and had limited information about the law and procedures, they were easily abused in such a situation.

In the example below of a widow, the mother-in-law exploited the daughter-in-law by not giving her due share of the property. In this case it also appeared that in some circumstances even women could discriminate against other women, and so it was not only men who were oppressive. It depended who could avail for themselves of the opportunities. The mother-in-law used the daughter-in-law's lack of awareness, as well as her need to observe purdah, in pleading for her not to appear in the Land Office. In this case the local land officer pursued the case anyway, to uphold the participant's due right. 217

My mother-in-law did not want to give me any share in the property. She told the local land officer that I am a purdah­ observing woman and cannot come in his office, but that I do not want any share in the property ... Somehow the officer approached me and told me about the whole situation. She had even bribed him (Participant 6).

Section 3.1.4 also provided examples of widows exploited by their in-laws. The exploitation of women's property rights was sometimes done in the name of the honor of her parents' family, and sometimes for the honor of her in-laws, to which her husband's respect was also linked.

They took all my jewelry saying that I am too young to keep it. Then they took my property papers. Every day my husband would come and ask me to sign papers, which I did. When I asked him he said it is not my business ... First time when I was going to my parents' house he demanded money, and if I do not come back with it I should not come ... My father had to sell his taxi and fulfil the demand, but that was not the end (Participant 5).

3.2 Participation in legal processes

From the experiences of the participants outlined in the previous discussion it emerges that they had very little awareness of their rights, the law and any avenues available for settlement. Once family matters are taken to the courts, the litigation procedures are cumbersome and expensive, and were thus out of reach for some of the women in this study. For the majority of participants, the court procedures were avoided and issues were settled at the family level. The women had limited say in such decisions, as it was the men who decided whether or not to seek legal help on their behalf. Ali and Naz's (1998: 134) analysis of Pakistani case laws in matters relating to marriage, divorce, dower, maintenance etc., revealed that the court decisions were reflective of patriarchal and customary trends and attitudes towards familial cases.

The following examples are a reflection of the purdah constraints that limit women's awareness of the law and legal procedures, in addition to the family pressures, financial 218

problems, duration and stress involved in the court procedures. The cases of participant 13 and 5 were typical examples, which depicted numerous types of controls on a woman's life, directly linked with purdah constraints. These women's vulnerability started at the hand of their parents, who arranged for them to be married at very young age and then did not secure their future by upholding their legal rights in the marriage contract. The 'so-called' protective life in purdah meant these women lacked confidence in expressing themselves with their immediate families, had a lack of awareness about their rights, and the lack of financial resources compounded their misery. Above all they felt guilty and concerned about any humiliation caused to their families.

Once my mother slapped me and said I should not think of a divorce and she forced me to go back. My parents wanted me to adjust to life with my second husband and his family. Their main concerns were the children and their future ... Still the case is in the court and my father is paying all the charges. I do not know how long it will take. My lawyer suggests that till the divorce case is decided I should claim living expenses from my husband but my father does not allow that. For him it is humiliating, but till then I will be dependent on him (Participant 13).

In the beginning I was scared, could not talk in front of the judge and I used to faint. My family and the lawyer encouraged me ... The court proceedings were very long, and often the date of the hearing was postponed. Sometimes the judges were transferred. After four years the divorce was finalized. But now two more cases are in the court: that of my property and dowry share ... As in my nikanama I was not given the right of divorce, I had to surrender half of the dowry... I pity my father because it is so expensive to bear the cost and he is experiencing mental stress as well (Participant 5).

In the case of participants 13 and 5 they could manage to pursue their cases as they had both the moral and financial support of their male family members. But in the case mentioned below, this widow, due to a lack of finances and the lack of any male family member's support, could not pursue her legitimate and Islamic right to her property from her in-laws. She gave up her own and her children's share in the property because, without the help of a male, she could not deal with the cumbersome legal procedures. 219

Because of a lack of finances and the long procedures in courts I did not claim any property from my in-laws. There is no one to pursue my case in the courts; without a man it is difficult to deal with the lengthy litigation of the courts (Participant 18).

She lacked confidence to make any decisions for herself and had no access to any financial independence. Moreover, expensive and lengthy procedures of the legal system were discouraging these women from knocking at the door of the judiciary. However, it was encouraging to note that once participants 5 and 13 had endured litigation, though expensive and slow, they were getting favorable decisions.

4. Discussion

Chapters 7 and 8 clearly enunciate that in many areas of their lives purdah dress did not impede participants' activities. In fact, it facilitates them to go out for education, work, shopping etc, though they were still harassed and taunted in the streets. In spite of the change, there was still a palpable debilitation and subjugation of these women in the society. There were invisible facets of the purdah institution, which actually impeded and limited the spheres of activity in which women participated. Examination of the status of the women interviewed informs us that because of purdah, there were multiple dimensions through which women were denied their rights, marginalized and incapacitated.

4.1 Purdah and women's awareness and practice of their political rights

The interviews with the participants reveled that in almost every aspect of their lives, they were dependent on the men in the family, and thus the patriarchal influence does endure even if these women were educated and earning members. Studies by Bano & Fahim ( 1995) and Hassan (2000) also produce similar findings and suggest that in Pakistan, many women who are educated still haven't gained their freedom and still depended on their fathers or husbands to make decisions for them. Jayawardena's (1994) studies in Asian countries also revealed that woman's absorption into the workforce had not served to break through the bonds of male domination. 220

One unspoken consequence of the seclusion form of purdah was that the participants were automatically excluded from political participation. The purdah restrictions on individual participants varied and there were variations in how this influenced their pursuit of rights. In some cases even an illiterate and secluded woman had used her right to vote and without men's influence but in other cases even educated, working and financially independent participants were influenced by male family members. The majority of the women interviewed were not interested in casting their vote, except for five of them who also participated occasionally. Women's seclusion hindered women's realization of their political rights. Because the process is complicated, from acquiring a form to getting an identity card, to knowing the election candidates (local or national, who were mostly men), to going to cast a vote, the women had to rely on their men.

The women lacked confidence, awareness, decision-making power and interest in any activities in the public domain, which limited their capacity to take part in politics. The researcher of this thesis had a chance to interview two local female councilors who also confirmed the problems caused because of many of the issues. According to the Key Informant I (Interviewed on 15.12.00),

'the women from lower middle-class who support us are the ones who have had an identity crisis, like widows, divorced or families who want small gains in return for the support. So-called respectable families do not allow their women to take part in politics'.

4.2 Purdah and women's awareness and practice of their legal rights

The number of women interviewed who were aware of their legal rights was small. While they only knew some of their legal rights, they were not free to exercise them as such, in the areas of health, marriage and property. These restrictions were imposed in the name of purdah traditions and family honor.

The majority of women interviewed specifically mentioned that if they were outspoken about their rights it was not appreciated in the family. It is important to note that the 221

concept of segregation of the sexes is intended to facilitate women's access to the public space, but there was very limited infrastructure to create a comfortable and encouraging segregated environment for women in public arenas. This was indicated by the participants in their discussion of a lack of facilities in transport, health especially access to female doctors, workplaces, the market, lack of female staff in the administration and so on. Greater provisions in these areas would encourage women to step into the public domain.

Some women recalled their experiences of harassment in the street, in spite of being clad in . chaddar, which discouraged them from going out. This coincides with Afary's observation of research in other Muslim cultures that in the public domain, where molestation of women was rampant on the streets, non-observing purdah women often had no recourse to law or higher authorities, as they themselves would be held responsible for harassment they endure (Afary 1998). This validates the participants' rationale for observing purdah (reference Chapter 7, Section 4), which they saw as being linked with family honor and their personal respect.

In Pakistani society, the goodness of women's character is reflected in them being shy, demure, not arguing, submissive, not asking for their due rights out of respect to the family. This provides the potential for an abusive space and control of their lives by others. However, a few of the women in this study who, were assertive and asked for their rights, with the approval of male family members did get them from the same biased, ineffective infrastructure and patriarchal society, albeit to varying degrees.

5. Conclusion

This chapter attempted to unfold some of the areas concerning political and legal aspects of women's lives in relation to the influences of purdah. Besides the overt influences, there were multiple covert ways in which women were marginalized by the observance of purdah. Thus the overall restraint put on women in the name of purdah ensured that women lacked in every field of life, in confidence, knowledge, awareness, self-esteem, decision-making power and the capacity to obtain their rights. 222

As depicted in the previous two chapters, the participants had a very limited and distorted knowledge of the Islamic religion, which meant that for the state and for society, it was easy to exploit the situation. The entitlement of equality for women enshrined in Islamic law was not evident in their everyday life. There was a negligible practice of women's rights in political and legal areas, especially in the area of family rights concerning marriage, inheritance, divorce, and property rights. In spite of both the constitutional and Islamic laws, women had no recourse to their rights because of the dominance of the patriarchal culture. There were some indications through the examples of the actions of a few participants that with an increase in awareness and with the support of the family, it was possible to make laws effective.

In the concluding chapter, the overall findings and the theoratical framework for this thesis will be briefly discussed under a feminist perspective. 223

CHAPTERl0

AND THE JOURNEY CONTINUES ...

These four walls, the chadur I wish upon the rotting carcass In the open air, her sails flapping, races ahead my ship.

I am the companion of the New Adam Who has earned my-self assured love. (Riyaz 2001: 52)

1. Introduction

As explained in the introduction (Chapter 1), when I initiated this journey to understand the reality of purdah in Pakistani society, I was overwhelmed with multifaceted questions and ambiguities that surrounded purdah. The seeds for the present research were my assumptions and educated guesses, which were refined into four manageable research questions. The in-depth interviews with the urban lower middle-class women from Rawalpindi in Pakistan helped me to understand the nature and complexity of these women's practice of purdah. It is evident from the findings of this research that purdah is like a cobweb that intersects and permeates every aspect of the lives of the participants' in this study, and it probably impinges even more on the lives of the majority of women who are still kept in seclusion. The pervasiveness of purdah is depicted in Fig.9. It also emerged that purdah, because it is embedded in the system of social values, particularly in its traditional form of seclusion, holds the potential for women to be exploited and disempowered in many areas of their lives.

The participants' experiences revealed that they had been exposed to gender discrimination throughout their lives, starting in early childhood. Thus, as daughters, sisters, wives and quite often even as mothers, these women were denied civil and legal rights. Basically, it is argued in this concluding chapter that these women's lack of exposure to the social and political world, and that any, lack of initiative associated with their submissive nature were primarily repercussions of purdah an institution. Purdah was also associated with their lack of confidence, low self-esteem and lack of decision-making capacity. This description 224 225

characterizes all of the women interviewed, even though several of them were better educated than the men in their families.

2. Contribution to knowledge

Any credible study related to women's status in Pakistan cannot avoid considering the impact of purdah on their lives. It needs to be acknowledged that Pakistani women's lives vary in relation to issues such as class, ethnicity, education and marital status, as well as the general socio-political, economic and religious influences found in Pakistan today. Just as women's lives are not uniform or monolithic, neither is the influence of purdah on their lives.

The qualitative nature of the present study, as well as the contextualization of the empirical data in relation to geographic location, social class, historical background, religion and feminist theorization, distinguishes it from previous studies of purdah. Previous research related to the status of Pakistani women has addressed purdah only to a limited extent, generally as a secondary issue in studies where the main focus has been on issues such as education, economic development, human rights, health and religion. In past research there has been no specific exploration of how the phenomenon of purdah is lived and experienced by practicing women. The present study has directly approached the examination of purdah in the lives of urban lower middle-class women in Rawalpindi. Within this particular context, it has been possible to examine changes over time and variations within this particular population. The present study not only adds to available knowledge about how purdah is practiced, but also illustrates how purdah is interconnected in complex ways with virtually every aspect of women's lives, as depicted in Fig 9.

3. Purdah and chastity

The overt rationale for purdah practices of the participants of this research had to do with preserving chastity and, thereby, family honor. The predominant form of purdah in the past in these women's lives, as well as for the older generations of women in their families, has 226

been seclusion. The strictness of seclusion varied for these women, based on each family's traditions and their socio-economic status.

The women I interviewed viewed their practice of purdah, which took the form of the purdah dress rather than seclusion, as providing them with opportunities they had never had access to before. But to the extent that they were still secluded, many were deprived of their civil and legal rights. Purdah norms left them vulnerable to exploitation as has been described comprehensively in chapters 7, 8 & 9. Moreover, as examined in Chapter 7, the complex influences of family traditions, social norms and religious obligations reinforced each other in influencing the women's construction and internalization of purdah practices. The rationale of purdah, which secluded women from public domains, reinforced the patriarchal system. In this process of subjugating the women, religion was also used as a tool to strengthen male dominance by implying that restrictive forms of purdah were an Islamic injunction.

4. Purdah as disempowering --- the effect of seclusion

The present study of the women's experiences shows that their seclusion in the home precluded them from gaining knowledge of their legal rights, and impeded them from being able to pursue these rights in public arenas.

Thus, seclusion had negative consequences for the women that had nothing to do with chastity. For example, purdah precludes them from learning about and pursuing their legal rights (both secular and Islamic) to education, health, voting, property, marriage etc. The seclusion aspects of purdah leave them dependent on the men in their families, with no means of recourse if their rights are abused.

5. Social change and shift in purdah practice

Socio-economic pressures and social changes such as urbanization are creating an impetus for the women in this study to become educated so that they can gain employment and contribute to the family income. 227

In response to these social changes, the women creatively used purdah dress as a strategy to resist male dominance and gain a degree of liberation, rather than viewing purdah only as an emblem of submission. Thus, through purdah covering, they have carved a private space within the public space, which has permitted greater mobility outside the delineated boundaries of the home. Therefore, for these women, purdah through seclusion was giving way to purdah through dress codes: 'portable seclusion'. From the experiences of the participants it can be corroborated that the core meaning of purdah had undergone a semantic shift, from women's invisibility to 'a garment' which provides a badge of morality, liberation and also of religious identity.

Basically, it was found that as far as the women in this study were concerned, in conjunction with the recent substantial decrease in their seclusion, there has been an increase in the variety of purdah attires that they could choose from. The multiple choices in purdah dress had relaxed the negative energy around purdah, although the practice of purdah norms in one form or the other was still essential for women of all age groups. Also, the extent of chastity of the wearer was signified to some extent by the use of various types of purdah attires. Some of the women identified burqa as a protector of their chastity, but for others burqa was seen as old fashioned, denoting backwardness. Some of the women preferred to wear chaddar or a scarf, which they thought reflected their higher level of education and status. The participants' adoption of the latter was indicative of the new meaning of purdah.

Arguably, the women's expenences provide some evidence that while the outward manifestation of the old system of purdah had changed, the hard core of purdah-related practices, beliefs and attitudes remain strong in the society. Women coming out of seclusion and being publicly camouflaged in purdah dress still exposed them to negative reactions from men on the street, indicating that the changing norms were not necessarily widely accepted. The behavior of men in public places conveyed a strong message that the women had intruded into male territory and hence the pressure to retreat into the safety of chardewari whenever possible was strong. The participants concluded that, due to the 228

indiscriminate harassment of women in public and the resultant general insecurity felt by them, there were no grounds for optimism about the changing role of women.

Generally, the women in this study had not had any preparation for taking on the role of breadwinners, nor had they been trained to cope with life in the public domain, so for them these experiences were daunting and full of challenges. At this stage, when they leave seclusion in purdah dress, they still aim to keep their interaction with unrelated males to a minimum (in the spirit of preserving chastity), and therefore they feel most comfortable in segregated facilities. Though these had women gained some control over their lives by wearing purdah, it was only a partial solution to the issue of sexual discrimination. The participants mentioned various strategies that assisted them to adjust to their work environment and the public domain.

6. Implications

As women leave seclusion by adopting purdah dress as an alternative to seclusion, their exposure to information will increase, as will their awareness of their vulnerability to male exploitation.

The positive impact on the women due to their newfound limited exposure to the outside world increased their awareness and gave them some financial independence. As they began to contribute to the family income, there was a subsequent increase in the respect given to the women, and subsequently in their decision-making power. This also appeared to influence the overall self-image of some of the women, who gained confidence and self­ esteem, although this was not the case for all the participants. The exposure and increased awareness had an especially positive impact on widows and divorced women who were not under the immediate influence of male family members. However, their lack of male protection did make them more vulnerable in the community generally.

To hasten the process of women's awareness and exposure to information, feminists and various NGO's can play an important role in channelling female voices to collectively 229

demand their civil and legal rights - rights that have been denied as an invisible by-product of the seclusion form of purdah.

The findings of the present research indicate two main factors impeding women from coming out of seclusion, that are preventing them from not fully benefiting from change in their practice of purdah and their new role. These two factors are, first, the social pressure and insecure environment of the public sphere, and second, the lack of a supportive civil infrastructure. Thus, in spite of robust evidence that there is some relaxation in purdah · norms, real change demands an attitudinal change at both public and private levels.

Feminists in Pakistan have a role to play in a society in transition, that involves negotiating a compromise between the old tradition of purdah and the emerging modern way of life. Feminist activists need to sensitize both policy planners and public administrators to create an environment that can facilitate women coming out of seclusion, by creating a social environment in which that they can feel secure and comfortable in the public domain. A feminist's pragmatic approach to the question of a shift in purdah needs to be undertaken with extreme sensitivity, both at a doctrinal and a symbolic level as is discussed more fully below. There is also a need to inculcate an attitudinal change in the society towards women's changing role, which can be done through creating awareness by such means as formal education and the national media.

Currently the State fails to acknowledge the private and public experiences of women and does not recognize women's autonomy and status as being separate from that of men. Discrimination in the legal and institutional infrastructure is bolstered by societal attitudes. Government development plans and policies can be made more effective by consultation and coalition with organizations working with women at grass-roots level, such as the gate­ keeper NGO referred to in this study.

The participating women's concept of purdah also indicates that they had both a limited and distorted knowledge of Islamic injunctions, as their religious understanding of purdah was mostly tinged with fear and superstition. The women's understanding of religious texts 230

(Quran and Hadith) is currently the prerogative of males, who give them a myopic interpretation that distorts and uses religion as a tool for imposing purdah in the form of seclusion.

Increasing awareness through both formal and informal education, and increased provision of segregated public facilities to give women their own sphere, could be long term but expensive initiatives. But whether or not this access is dependent on the ideological and political culture of the society.

7. Recommendations for further research

The present project represents the tip of the iceberg, as there are many dimensions to understand when unravelling the complexity of purdah's influence in the lives of women in Pakistani society.

This study is limited, as the sample is both small and atypical in that it was only drawn from one region of a particular city of Pakistan. Moreover, these women were much more informed than most in their social class due their involvement with the NGO, (the gate­ keeper). Therefore, the women who participated in this research are not representative of the urban lower middle-class and women in general. To look into the real impact of purdah, this study needs to be supplemented by similar research with participants who are not influenced by an NGO and thus not already involved in increased economic activity.

Further research can ascertain the extent to which the picture that emerged from this research, of shift in purdah and societal attitudes, is more widely the case in Pakistani society.

8. Conclusion

In the 'Islamic' societies, any discussion about women's rights and status needs to consider the influence of purdah on women's lives. To understand the complexities of purdah it is necessary to distinguish between patriarchy and Islam. It also must be recognized that the 231

path of acknowledging and legitimizing women's rights in a Muslim country presents a dilemma when nationalism, Islamic identity and anti-Western feelings are everyday realities (Treacher and Shukrallah 2001; Siregar 1998). Nevertheless, the post - modernist and post-Islamist discourse needs to disentangle the dilemma of the tensions between Islam and modernity.

The purdah debate is central when we talk of any reinterpretation of the Islamic Sharia and the broader debate of Islam and feminism. Islamist feminist theologians can elucidate women's rights by affirming a gender sensitive view of the Islamic text (Greely 1995).

Contemporary women scholars such as Fatima Mernissi (1991), Leila Ahmed (1992), Riffat Hassan (200 I) and many others have analyzed local cultures, historical documents and Islamic texts, producing different conclusions regarding the interpretation of the Quran and the Sunnah, which necessarily challenge the existing interpretation of Shariah laws. Variations emerging from differing interpretations of Islamic texts have always existed, but the emergence of a specifically Muslim feminist theology has given a new perspective, which in turn is carving out a niche for itself (Ahmed 1992; Haw 1998; Hassan 2001 ).

Notwithstanding, the compatibility of Islam and feminism is a contested paradigm. Nighat Said Khan (1993: ix), a Pakistani women's right activist, argues that using progressive interpretations of Islam means using Islam to fight Islam, thus not leaving any other discourse to demand women's rights in Pakistan. But in reality, for any real change to occur, Islam must be acknowledged as of central importance to any emerging discourse for women's rights.

Islam's flexibility is demonstrated in its adaptation to diversity by its capacity to absorb local cultures and traditions, and is also exemplified by the variations of purdah attires in different Muslim societies. While there is criticism of the debate around 'particularism' (Mojab 1998) based on religion, ethnicity, race, nationality, culture and geographic location, a grand theoretical framework of Islamic feminism can only emerge from 232

particularistic ideologies. Furthermore, a convergence of the feminist discourses through transnational feminist networks can strengthen the women's cause in individual Muslim societies. 233

GLOSSARY

Alim: Religious scholar. Anjuman Jamhooriat Pasand Khawateen: Democratic Women's Association. Baji: Elder sister. Baluch: People belonging to Baluchistan a province of Pakistan. Baradari: Clan, Tribe. Burqa: It is a Pushtu word for tent-like veil for Afghani and Pathan women in North-West Frontier Province of Pakistan. Chaddar and char-divari: The veil and four walls. Idiomatically used for the institution of purdah. Chaddar: It is derived from Persian chador, which is a big piece of cloth worn by women to cover body. Daras: Gathering for religious preaching. Dupatta: Part of the traditional Pakistani dress for women, a two-meter-long cotton or silk cloth loosely wrapped around head and body. Hadith: Heritage carried from the Prophet Muhammad's times. Haq-mahr: The right to dower. Hijab: Arabic term for Islamic modest dress for women. Hudood: In law, punishment, the limits of which have been prescribed in the Quran and Sunnah. /jtihad: Independent investigation of religious sources. lzaat: Honor, respect. Jamiat-i-Tulaba: Group/ party of women at campuses. Jihad: Holy war. Kamiz: Knee length shirt. Khawateen: Women. Khu/a: Redemption, woman's right to divorce through court. Mahr: Dower. Maj/is: Gathering/Group. 234

Majlis-i-Khawatin: Gathering/group of women Maulvi: Cleric, Muslim preacher. Na-mehram: Non-kin. Nifaz-e-Sharia Mahaz: Front for enforcement of Sharia. Nikab: Face covering for women. Nikah: Literally 'conjunction', in law denotes the marriage contract. Nikanama: Marriage contract deed. Nizam-e-Mustafa: The system of the Prophet Mohammad. Pathan: People belonging to North-West Frontier Province of Pakistan. Punjabi: Language of Punjab Province of Pakistan. Purdah: Literally 'a curtain', it denotes the institution of gender segregation, the seclusion of women and also veil. Pushtu: One of the languages of Afghanistan and North- West Frontier Province of Pakistan. Qanun-e-Shahadat: The Law of Evidence. Qazi: An authorized person to officially perform the marriage and register the marriage contract Quran: Muslim's holy book. Sari: Type of women's special dress in the Indian subcontinent. Sha/war: Slack pants. Sharia: The religious law, including both the teachings of the Quran and the tradition of the Prophet. Shariat: According to Sharia. Sunna/Sunnah: Prophet Muhammad's model behavior. Surrah: Chapters in the Quran. Ta/aq: Divorce. Talaq-i-tafweez: Delegated right of divorce for a woman. Ulema: Plural of alim or learned person denoting religious scholar. Urdu: National language of Pakistan. Wali: Guardian in marriage. Zina: Extra-marital sexual contact including adultery and rape. 235

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Appendix 1

INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR THE PRIMARY PARTICIPANTS OF THE RESEARH

The questions varied in situations such as whether a participant was married, unmarried, divorced or widow; educated or uneducated; working or non-working; type of job etc. And many queries were linked to more than one broad area of research question.

I. Standard information from all participants: • Age, marital status, family members, joint family or nucleus family. • Urban settlement since when? Belong to what region /area? • Formal education level of the family members and religious education. • Earning members of the family.

II. Broad areas of four research objectives The queries related to research questions 1, 2, 3 and 4 given below were based on the emerging themes: 1. To explore the practice and concept of purdah based on the women's experiences. 2. To explore the cultural and religious practice of purdah and the interaction between the two.

• Family Influence • Religious influence • Societal influence • Women's social construction of purdah practice • Women's perceptions and meaning of purdah • Consequences of practicing or not practicing purdah 257

3. To examine the changing attitudes towards purdah in Pakistan's changing socio­ economic scenario • Exposure to urban life • Education and employment • Economic empowerment • Awareness /exposure through NGO • Socioeconomic status • Changes in the community

4. To examine women's experiences of purdah in context of political and legal life • Women's level of awareness of their rights and responsibilities. • Women's awareness oflegal rights and participation in legal process. • How do they perceive the political, legal and judicial system in the country? • What were the sources of their information? • Whether their families and they themselves participate in the political process and how? 258

Appendix 2

STRUCTURE OF EDUCATION SYSTEM IN PAKISTAN

Primary Level / Certificate Primary School Length of program in years: 5 Age level from: 5 to 10

Middle level / Certificate Middle School Length of program in years: 3 Age level from: l Oto 13

Secondary School Certificate or Matriculation Secondary School Length of program in years: 2 Age level from: 13 to 15

Intermediate Certificate or Higher Secondary School or F.A Intermediate Colleges: Length of program in years: 2 Age level from: 15 to 17

Bachelor Degree (B.A): Length of program in years: 2 Age level from: 17 to 19

Master's Degree (M.A): Length of program in years: 2 Age level from: 19 to 21 259

Appendix 3

Progressive changes in Purdah attire adopted by participants' over time and some metaphorical expressions

Purdah practices over time Metaphorical expressions used Participant 1 a) Burqa with nikab b) Burqa c) Coat with scarf Participant 2 a) Big loose Chaddar b) Coat with scarf Participant 3 a) Big Chaddar b) Chaddar with nikab Participant 4 a) Big Chaddar c) Purdah of the eyes b) Traditional Burqa (meaning not to make any eye contact with men) Participant 5 a) Chaddar with nikab c) Purdah of the heart b) Chaddar

Participant 6 a) Chaddar d) Purdah of the heart b) Burqa with nikab and mind c) Small Chaddar

Participant 7 a) Duppata Participant 8 a) Chaddar b) Burqa with nikab c) Duppata & covers head Participant 9 a) Big Chaddar b) Purdah of the heart

Participant 10 a) Burqa with nikab d) Purdah of the heart b) Fitted burqa c) Chaddar

Participant 11 a) Chaddar d) Purdah of the heart b) Burqa c) I lower my eyes 260

Participant 12 a) Burqa with nikab b) Big and small chaddar c) Scarf

Participant 13 a) Chaddar b) Some times cover the face c) Burqa in the court Participant 14 a) Chaddar b) Scarf c) Burqa Participant 15 a) Duppata and cover head b) Chaddar Participant 16 a) Burqa & nikab b) Chaddar & nikab

Participant 17 a) Burqa with nikab b) Chaddar with nikab Participant 18 a) Burqa c) Purdah of the eyes b) Chaddar and the heart

Participant 19 a) Chaddar b) Scarf Participant 20 a) Small chaddar b) Scarf