Genealogies of Resistance to Incarceration: Abolition Politics Within Deinstitutionalization and Anti-Prison Activism in the U.S

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Genealogies of Resistance to Incarceration: Abolition Politics Within Deinstitutionalization and Anti-Prison Activism in the U.S Syracuse University SURFACE Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Sociology - Dissertations Affairs 12-2011 Genealogies of Resistance to Incarceration: Abolition Politics within Deinstitutionalization and Anti-Prison Activism in the U.S. Liat Ben-Moshe Syracuse University Follow this and additional works at: https://surface.syr.edu/soc_etd Part of the Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Ben-Moshe, Liat, "Genealogies of Resistance to Incarceration: Abolition Politics within Deinstitutionalization and Anti-Prison Activism in the U.S." (2011). Sociology - Dissertations. 70. https://surface.syr.edu/soc_etd/70 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs at SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Sociology - Dissertations by an authorized administrator of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Dissertation Abstract “Genealogies of resistance to incarceration: Abolition politics within de-institutionalization and anti- prison activism in the U.S.” looks at two main sites in which abolition of “total institutions” is enacted. The first site is activism around penal and prison abolition. The second site is deinstitutionalization- the move to close down institutions for people labeled “mentally retarded” (or intellectual/developmental disabilities) and “mental illness” (or psychiatric disabilities). My goals in this study are twofold and interrelated. First, I investigate abolition or closure of institutions as a radical form of activism and sketch the costs and benefits of engaging in abolition as an activist tactic. I highlight the limits of reform efforts, but also the way they are used strategically to improve the lives of those who are incarcerated. My second aim is to demonstrate the interwoven relations between multiple sites of incarceration and the resistance to them. I begin by sketching an alternative historiography of prisons and institutions in an attempt to paint some of the perils of these systems that were present from their inception. These landscapes of incarceration are also mapped out in both historical and ideological ways. The phenomenon of psychiatric and developmental disabilities centers closing and then turning into prisons will be highlighted as a parable of the cyclical nature of social control. I also connect prisons and mental institutions by demonstrating the ways in which such institutions shifted from being rehabilitating to custodial; were (and are) embedded in notions of danger; were created for economic gain; and were influenced by increased medicalization, as well as racist and eugenic impetuses that mark them to this day. One of the contributions of my research is in the utilization of Michel Foucault‟s work not only theoretically, but also methodologically. Genealogies interrogate truth claiming, notions of (scientific) progress, and the discovery of one universal truth, and provide means to extrapolate buried histories of ideas and actions that have been discarded and discredited. As part of this genealogical excavation, I critically investigate instances of possibility, both in deinstitutionalization as a tactic, a dream and its unfulfilled promises and in relation to current prison abolition work and the vision of non-punitive society. During and in the aftermath of the move out of institutions, many critiques were laid out by policy makers, academics, and organizations that cater to people with disabilities. In the popular imagination these staunch criticisms have led to a backlash toward what can be characterized as “the failure of deinstitutionalization.” Part of this genealogy is devoted to investigating the chasm between activists‟ perception of the process of institutional closure and that of their critics. As part of such excavation, I also offer an analysis of the ways in which disability, mental illness and prisoners have been constructed in the social sciences (what Foucault characterizes as erudite knowledge), as well as the ways in which these characterizations are resisted, enacted or performed by prison abolition and de-institutionalization activists. I particularly highlight the critiques of the social world offered by those engaging in deinstitutionalization and prison abolition (about disability/mental illness/mental retardation, concepts of home and community, dependence, crime and punishment, social control, social justice etc.). Genealogy also encompasses the excavation of subjugated knowledges, in the Foucauldian sense as both buried histories -the story of the enactment of prisons and institutions told by the activists who wish to abolish them; and disqualified knowledge- disability studies, anti psychiatry scholarship and critical prison studies as forms of knowledge that are deemed non-scientific and illegitimate. Lastly, this work maps the various ways one fights against total institutions and target the instances in which abolition is seen as a useful strategy. In sum, I trace the costs and benefits of utilizing abolition as a strategy of resistance to incarceration, for the activists, for perceptions of them and their work in the public discourse and for their prospective goals. This research also attends to the various ways in which abolitionary practices are combined with others (such as reform efforts) and the social or political constraints that moved movements and activists from one strategy to the other in the winding road towards a non-carceral society. Genealogies of resistance to incarceration: Abolition politics within deinstitutionalization and anti-prison activism in the U.S. By Liat Ben-Moshe B.A. Tel Aviv University, 2000 Certificate of Advanced Study in Women and Gender Studies, Syracuse University, 2005 Certificate of Advanced Study in Disability Studies, Syracuse University, 2008 DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology Syracuse University December 2011 Copyright 2011 Liat Ben-Moshe All rights reserved. Acknowledgments No work happens in a vacuum and this one is no exception. I could have never done this research or even conceived of this topic without the amazing work of scholar/activists who were and are actively fighting against the tyranny of carceral edifices. Their relentless efforts not only inspired me to write this dissertation but also inspire my everyday life- the kind of person I want to be and the kind of world I want to be a part of. If nothing else, this work has made me even more committed to this struggle and also to the necessity of creating coalitions and bridges across social movements with similar aims, or in Minnie-Bruce Pratt‟s terms “shared horizons”. This work is dedicated to shared horizons of inclusion and a non-carceral society. In particular I would like to thank my committee members, who have guided me through this tenuous and exciting project. Steve Taylor acted not only as a wonderful and generous chair who read numerous reiterations of this manuscript; but also acted (unknowingly at times) as a great informant to the history and praxis of deinstitutionalization in developmental disabilities. Steve embodies for me the image of the scholar/activist who not only writes about social struggles but actively takes a stand when it matters the most. Without the work that he has done, and others in the Center on Human Policy before and with him, this project could not have existed simply because deinstitutionalization in the field of developmental disabilities would not have been as successful without their existence and relentless advocacy. It is the spirit of the Center on Human Policy (with its aging building, its informal and rich archive, and wonderful people –especially the extraordinary and always helpful Rachael Zubal- Ruggieri and Cyndy Colavita) that moved me through this project. I feel very fortunate that I was a part of this center and I will carry its essence with me wherever my future endeavors take me. vi Marj DeVault was the best academic advisor one could ask for. She was supportive and helped guide me along through tough patches when I thought this was too big of an undertaking or I was unsure where this is taking me in general. I knew that I could always come to her for a brief chat and emerge more confident in myself and the project. She also planted in me the seeds of feminist theory and feminist methodology that occasionally sprung throughout this project. Beth Ferri has influenced me to open up the field of disability studies to other critical perspectives, in particular feminist, queer and critical race theories and I have tried to carry this torch forward through this project. Minnie Bruce Pratt has taught me so much about the meaning of doing intersectional social justice work, and also about the price it carries (to oneself and the movements). It is that direction that I hope to take this research in future years, whether in the streets or academic conferences. Jackie Orr encouraged in me the love of theory and the ability to utter this sentence without being ashamed, the ability to conceive of theory as praxis and as a vehicle for social change. Thank you all, I could not have asked for better mentors and committee members. I would also like to thank numerous people from the prison abolition realm who have engaged with my work and enriched it tremendously. The numerous conversations I had with Angela Y. Davis made this research not only seem more meaningful but also helped me develop as a scholar/activist more generally. In the disability studies world we do not like to refer to people as “inspirational” but how else can I describe such a generous and thought provoking teacher and mentor. In addition to the conversations we had in person I often find myself thinking “what would Angela do or say” in a way that regardless of the answer ended up influencing the direction this research took. I also want to thank Anthony J. Nocella II and Jean Stewart who opened up to me many avenues of activism and scholarship in ways I could have vii not even imagined and who always insist in their own lives and work on intersectional practice on the way to a more just world.
Recommended publications
  • Sanism and the Law Michael L
    Virtual Mentor American Medical Association Journal of Ethics October 2013, Volume 15, Number 10: 878-885. MEDICINE AND SOCIETY Sanism and the Law Michael L. Perlin, JD “Sanism,” an irrational prejudice against people with mental illness, is of the same quality and character as other irrational prejudices such as racism, sexism, homophobia, and ethnic bigotry that cause (and are reflected in) prevailing social attitudes [1, 2]. It infects both our jurisprudence and our lawyering practices. Sanism is largely invisible and largely socially acceptable. It is based predominantly upon stereotype, myth, superstition, and deindividualization and is sustained and perpetuated by our use of alleged “ordinary common sense” (OCS) and heuristic reasoning in irrational responses to events in both everyday life and the legal process [3, 4]. I have written extensively about the roots of the assumptions that are made by the legal system about persons with mental disabilities. These mistaken assumptions include: that people with mental illness are erratic, deviant, sexually uncontrollable, emotionally unstable, superstitious, lazy, and ignorant; that they demonstrate a primitive morality; they are invariably more dangerous than persons without mental illness, and such dangerousness is easily and accurately identified by experts; that for a person in treatment for mental illness to decline to take prescribed antipsychotic medication is an excellent predictor of (1) future dangerousness and (2) need for involuntary institutionalization; that people with mental illness should be segregated in large, distant institutions because their presence threatens the economic and social stability of residential communities; that they give in too easily to their basest instincts and do not exercise appropriate self-restraint [5].
    [Show full text]
  • U.S. Citizens Kidnapped by the Islamic State John W
    CRS Insights U.S. Citizens Kidnapped by the Islamic State John W. Rollins, Specialist in Terrorism and National Security ([email protected], 7-5529) Liana Rosen, Specialist in International Crime and Narcotics ([email protected], 7-6177) February 13, 2015 (IN10167) Overview On February 10, 2015, President Barack Obama acknowledged that U.S. citizen Kayla Mueller was killed while held in captivity by the terrorist group known as the Islamic State (IS). This was the fourth death of an American taken hostage by the Islamic State: Abdul-Rahman Kassig (previously Peter Kassig), James Foley, and Steven Sotloff were also killed. The death of Mueller and the graphic videos depicting the deaths of the other three Americans have generated debate about the U.S. government's role and capabilities for freeing hostages. In light of these deaths, some policymakers have called for a reevaluation of U.S. policy on international kidnapping responses. Questions include whether it is effective and properly coordinated and implemented, should be abandoned or modified to allow for exceptions and flexibility, or could benefit from enhancements to improve global adherence. Scope The killing of U.S. citizens by the Islamic State may be driven by a variety of underlying motives. Reports describe the group as inclined toward graphic and public forms of violence for purposes of intimidation and recruitment. It is unclear whether the Islamic State would have released its Americans hostages in exchange for ransom payments or other concessions. Foley's family, for example, disclosed that the Islamic State demanded a ransom of 100 million euros ($132 million).
    [Show full text]
  • Foucault's Darwinian Genealogy
    genealogy Article Foucault’s Darwinian Genealogy Marco Solinas Political Philosophy, University of Florence and Deutsches Institut Florenz, Via dei Pecori 1, 50123 Florence, Italy; [email protected] Academic Editor: Philip Kretsedemas Received: 10 March 2017; Accepted: 16 May 2017; Published: 23 May 2017 Abstract: This paper outlines Darwin’s theory of descent with modification in order to show that it is genealogical in a narrow sense, and that from this point of view, it can be understood as one of the basic models and sources—also indirectly via Nietzsche—of Foucault’s conception of genealogy. Therefore, this essay aims to overcome the impression of a strong opposition to Darwin that arises from Foucault’s critique of the “evolutionistic” research of “origin”—understood as Ursprung and not as Entstehung. By highlighting Darwin’s interpretation of the principles of extinction, divergence of character, and of the many complex contingencies and slight modifications in the becoming of species, this essay shows how his genealogical framework demonstrates an affinity, even if only partially, with Foucault’s genealogy. Keywords: Darwin; Foucault; genealogy; natural genealogies; teleology; evolution; extinction; origin; Entstehung; rudimentary organs “Our classifications will come to be, as far as they can be so made, genealogies; and will then truly give what may be called the plan of creation. The rules for classifying will no doubt become simpler when we have a definite object in view. We possess no pedigrees or armorial bearings; and we have to discover and trace the many diverging lines of descent in our natural genealogies, by characters of any kind which have long been inherited.
    [Show full text]
  • Two Uses of Genealogy: Michel Foucault and Bernard Williams 90 1
    the practices which we might use genealogy to inquire into. Of course, 1 these two thinkers each used genealogy in very different senses insofar as I Chapter 5 Nietzsche's genealogy was an attempt to undermine and subvert certain! modern moral practices whereas Williams' was an attempt to vindicate i Two uses of genealogy: Michel Foucault and and strengthen certain modern moral notions concerning the value ofl Bernard Williams practices of truthfulness. Although the minimal conclusion that Foucault's genealogy differs I Colin Koopman from Nietzsche's and Williams' genealogy may not be all that surprising" what is nonetheless revealing is an exploration of the specific terms oni which these varying conceptions of genealogy can be differentiated. Such! an exploration particularly helps us recognize the complex relationship I The notion CMn1lWn to all the work that I have done . .. is that of problematization. between genealogy and critique. It is my claim that Foucault's project dif-i -Michel Foucault, 1984, 'The Concern/or Truth' fers from more normatively ambitious uses of genealogy and that muchI i light is shed on the way in which Foucault used genealogy as a critical appa­ ratus by explicating this difference. Foucault used genealogy to develop a i Michel Foucault's final description of his genealogical and archaeological form of critique that did not rely on the traditional normative ambitions inquiries in terms of the concept of 'problematization' is, most commen­ which have motivated so much of modern philosophy. Foucault, perhaps
    [Show full text]
  • Philosophical Genealogy: a User's Guide
    Philosophical Genealogy: A User's Guide MPhil Stud Victor Braga Weber University College London 2019 1 I, Victor Braga Weber, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. Victor Braga Weber, August 28, 2019 2 Abstract In what way might our past effect our current philosophical outlook? More particularly, is there any philosophical value in investigating the contexts from which our philosophical outlooks originate? Analytic philosophy has historically responded antagonistically to the suggestion that looking to our past for answers is valuable. Yet some philosophers argue that the search for the origins of our philosophical outlook can be a source of great (meta-)philosophical insight. One such strand are the so-called genealogists. The purpose of this thesis is to understand what the promise of philosophical genealogy is, and whether it can be fulfilled. A challenge for my project is that the term ‘genealogy’ has been used to describe very different kinds of things (Section I). As such, I propose to develop a taxonomy of conceptions of genealogy (Section II), identify what the distinctive features of its members are (Section III), and what kind of insight they can give us (Section IV). In the final section (Section V), I return to the question of whether there is any non-trivial claim we can make about what features are shared by the disparate conceptions I identify. I argue that there is, but not at the level of a common philosophical method.
    [Show full text]
  • The Hostage Through the Ages
    Volume 87 Number 857 March 2005 A haunting figure: The hostage through the ages Irène Herrmann and Daniel Palmieri* Dr Irène Herrmann is Lecturer at the University of Geneva; she is a specialist in Swiss and in Russian history. Daniel Palmieri is Historical Research Officer at the International Committee of the Red Cross; his work deals with ICRC history and history of conflicts. Abstract: Despite the recurrence of hostage-taking through the ages, the subject of hostages themselves has thus far received little analysis. Classically, there are two distinct types of hostages: voluntary hostages, as was common practice during the Ancien Régime of pre-Revolution France, when high-ranking individuals handed themselves over to benevolent jailers as guarantors for the proper execution of treaties; and involuntary hostages, whose seizure is a typical procedure in all-out war where individuals are held indiscriminately and without consideration, like living pawns, to gain a decisive military upper hand. Today the status of “hostage” is a combination of both categories taken to extremes. Though chosen for pecuniary, symbolic or political reasons, hostages are generally mistreated. They are in fact both the reflection and the favoured instrument of a major moral dichotomy: that of the increasing globalization of European and American principles and the resultant opposition to it — an opposition that plays precisely on the western adherence to human and democratic values. In the eyes of his countrymen, the hostage thus becomes the very personification of the innocent victim, a troubling and haunting image. : : : : : : : In the annals of the victims of war, hostages occupy a special place.
    [Show full text]
  • Hostage-Taking
    Chapter II Hostage-Taking The development of the international humanitarian law rules that prohibit hostage-taking followed a similar trajectory to those relating to collective pun- ishment recounted in the previous chapter, although the transition from per- mitted practice to a prohibited one was much more abrupt. The taking of hostages had been embraced by belligerents as a means of warfare from ancient times right up to the Second World War, after which it was transformed almost overnight into one of the most egregious violations of international humani- tarian law, a grave breach of the 1949 Geneva Conventions. Previously, hostages were exchanged pursuant to interbelligerent agreements and taken from com- munities as a means of ensuring compliance with demands and for the purpose of deterring hostile acts. Those held were frequently executed in the event of disobedience, killed in response to the acts of others. As such, the taking and particularly the killing of hostages was based on a notion of collective respon- sibility, whereby those held were liable to death, injury, or continued detention for the acts or omissions of the target group or its members.1 The use of hostages was common during the wars of Ancient Greece and Rome. These were usually exchanged or taken to ensure the maintenance of truces and other agreements, and although an injured State often “wreaked a terrible vengeance on the foreign hostages,” they were, for the most part, treated with courtesy and consideration.2 Early international law writers, such as Grotius and de Vattel, supported the taking of hostages, but opposed their killing, if the hostages themselves were innocent of any crime.3 But killed they were, through- 1 Unless otherwise stated, hostage-taking is used in this chapter to mean both the taking and the killing or ill treatment of hostages.
    [Show full text]
  • Neurodiversity Studies
    Neurodiversity Studies Building on work in feminist studies, queer studies, and critical race theory, this vol• ume challenges the universality of propositions about human nature, by questioning the boundaries between predominant neurotypes and ‘others’, including dyslexics, autistics, and ADHDers. This is the first work of its kind to bring cutting-edge research across disciplines to the concept of neurodiversity. It offers in-depth explorations of the themes of cure/ prevention/eugenics; neurodivergent wellbeing; cross-neurotype communication; neu• rodiversity at work; and challenging brain-bound cognition. It analyses the role of neuro-normativity in theorising agency, and a proposal for a new alliance between the Hearing Voices Movement and neurodiversity. In doing so, we contribute to a cultural imperative to redefine what it means to be human. To this end, we propose a new field of enquiry that finds ways to support the inclusion of neurodivergent perspectives in knowledge production, and which questions the theoretical and mythological assump• tions that produce the idea of the neurotypical. Working at the crossroads between sociology, critical psychology, medical humani• ties, critical disability studies, and critical autism studies, and sharing theoretical ground with critical race studies and critical queer studies, the proposed new field – neurodiversity studies – will be of interest to people working in all these areas. Hanna Bertilsdotter Rosqvist is an Associate Professor in Sociology and currently a Senior Lecturer in Social work at Södertörn University. Her recent research is around autism, identity politics, and sexual, gendered, and age normativity. She is the former Chief Editor of Scandinavian Journal of Disability Research. Nick Chown is a book indexer who undertakes autism research in his spare time.
    [Show full text]
  • A Spectre Is Haunting Law and Society: Revisiting Radical Criminology at UC Berkeley
    72 DAVID STEIN A Spectre Is Haunting Law and Society: Revisiting Radical Criminology at UC Berkeley David Stein* The task has been to study the historical relationship between criminal law and economics, the history of class struggle, and to utilize these interrelationships to analyze the present prison system. – Georg Rusche, Labor Market and Penal Sanction Introduction N FALL 2012 JONATHAN SIMON, PROFESSOR AT UC BERKELEY, AND TONY PLATT, visiting professor at San Jose State University, initiated a remarkable experi- Iment in pedagogy and scholarly collaboration. Building off discussions and disagreements between them, they designed a course that would revisit the politi- cal context and scholarly analysis of the radical wing of UC Berkeley’s School of Criminology in the period prior to its closing in 1976 (Platt 2010; Simon 2010). Titled “From Community Control to Mass Incarceration: Legacies of 1970s Crimi- nology,” the course investigated the growth of mass incarceration from the vantage point of those who studied and criticized the nascent political architecture of such a system while it was developing into a force with stunning depth and magnitude. The course attracted students and auditors from other departments, together with scholars and professors from other institutions and long-time activists, political thinkers, and guest lecturers such as professors Ericka Huggins and Angela Y. Davis. A proxy class also developed amongst New York-based anti-imprisonment activists to read through the syllabus and think about the course themes. In sum, the course material spoke to the urgent issues of our contemporary moment and brought forth a corresponding response from excited participants.
    [Show full text]
  • Radical Criminology
    [ features ] A RADICAL GROUNDING FOR SOCIAL DISORGANIZATION THEORY: A POLITICAL ECONOMIC INVESTIGATION OF THE CAUSES OF POVERTY, INEQUALITY AND CRIME IN URBAN AREAS MICHAEL LYNCH & LYNDSAY N. BOGGESS his article !a"in s s$ cific &'s r(ati&#s T a'&)t crim $r&*)c * '+ s&cial dis&rga- #izatio# th &r+ /SDT0 r lat * t& th r latio#- ship ' t1 # )r'a# $&( rt+, i# 2)alit+ a#* crim , 3r&" th $ rs$ ctiv &3 radical crimi- #&logical. As 1 #&t ' lo1, th * ( lo$" #t &3 radical crimi#&logical !$la#atio#s &3 crim #t r * a stat &3 *&r"a#c+ '+ th 5667s at th sa" tim that incr as * att #- tio# 1as ' in, $aid t& !$a#din, critical al- t r#ati( s t& th kinds &3 class-'as * a#* $&- litical c&#&"ic a$$r&ach s $r 3 rr * '+ ra*- ical crimin&logists i# &th r *isciplin s4 Sinc 5667, that t #* #c+ t& sh+ a1a+ 3r&" class a#* $&litical c&#&"ic a#al+sis has als& $r&- 11 12| RADICAL CRIMINOLOGY (ISSN 1929-7904) *)c * a lac8 &3 critical in( stigatio# &3 &rth&- *&! th &ries &3 crim a#* th a(&ida#c &3 class-'as * critiq) s &3 th&s th &ries4 9hile this &'s r(atio# a$$lies t& all c&#t "$&rar+ &rth&*&! th &ries / 4,4, th r has ' # limit * &r #& radical critiq) &3 lif -c&)rs th &r+ :3&r a# !c $tio# s L+#ch 566;<, s lf-c&#tr&l th &r+, * ( lo$" #tal th &ries, , # ral th &- ries :3&r a# !c $ti&# s , L+#ch a#* Gr&( s, 566=<0, it is als& a$$lica'le t& th c&#tin) * * ( lo$" #t &3 a critiq) &3 s&cial dis&rga#i- zatio# th &ries &3 crim (L+#ch a#* Gr&( s 56>;? L+#ch a#d Michalo1ski @77;04 I# lin 1ith th a'&( &'s r(atio#s, th ar- ,)" #t ' lo1 !a"in s h&1 radical crimi#&- logical th &r+
    [Show full text]
  • Michel Foucault, Philosopher? a Note on Genealogy and Archaeology1 Rudi Visker
    PARRHESIA NUMBER 5 • 2008 • 9-18 MICHEL FOUCAULT, PHILOSOPHER? A NOTE ON GENEALOGY AND ARCHAEOLOGY1 Rudi Visker My title formulates a question that is mainly addressed to myself. Less elliptically formulated, it would read as follows: please explain why you, a professor in philosophy, have published over the years so many pages in which you kept referring to the work of someone who has authored a series of historical works on topics which, at first sight, have hardly any bearing on the discipline which your institution pays you to do research in. Whence this attraction to studies on madness, crime or sexuality? Wasn’t one book enough to make you realize that however enticing a reading such works may be, they bring little, if anything, for philosophy as such? I imagine my inquisitor wouldn’t rest if I were to point out to him that he seems badly informed and apparently unaware of the fact that Foucault by now has come to be accepted as an obvious part of the philosophical canon for the past century. Should I manage to convince him to take up a few of the books presenting his thought to philosophers, he would no doubt retort that what he had been reading mainly consisted of summaries of the aforementioned histories, and for the rest of exactly the kind of arguments that gave rise to his suspicion: accusations of nihilism, relativism, self-contradiction, critique without standards… And worse, if I were honest, I would have to agree that for all the fascination that it exerted on us philosophers, Foucault’s work also put us before a deep, and by now familiar embarrassment.
    [Show full text]
  • A Retrospective View of Critical Legal Studies and Radical Criminology Albert P
    Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology Volume 84 Article 3 Issue 3 Fall Fall 1993 Radicalism in Law and Criminology: A Retrospective View of Critical Legal Studies and Radical Criminology Albert P. Cardarelli Stephen C. Hicks Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/jclc Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminology Commons, and the Criminology and Criminal Justice Commons Recommended Citation Albert P. Cardarelli, Stephen C. Hicks, Radicalism in Law and Criminology: A Retrospective View of Critical Legal Studies and Radical Criminology, 84 J. Crim. L. & Criminology 502 (Fall 1993) This Criminology is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology by an authorized editor of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. 009 1-4169/93/8403-0502 THE JOURNAL OF CRIMINAL LAW & CRIMINOLOGY Vol. 84, No. 3 Copyright © 1993 by Northwestern University, School of Law Printedin U.S.A. CRIMINOLOGY RADICALISM IN LAW AND CRIMINOLOGY: A RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF CRITICAL LEGAL STUDIES AND RADICAL CRIMINOLOGY ALBERT P. CARDARELLI* & STEPHEN C. HICKS** I. INTRODUCTION: HISTORY AS A PRELUDE As the end of the century approaches, there is a growing senti- ment that we may be witnessing the end of the "Left" as a major ideological force in American society.' The reasons for the pur- ported demise, especially in American politics, are not always in agreement, even among leftist scholars themselves. 2 One explana- tion posits that the fall from power began with the ascendancy of the "Right" in national politics with the election of Ronald Reagan, and was accelerated by the collapse of communist governments through- * Senior Fellow, John W.
    [Show full text]