THE MEDIA FRAME: THE RED DOOR ET LA PORTE ORANGE

James McLean

Amid the toxic bluster of an uninspired federal election campaign, voters in made a collective decision. They threw the Bloc Québécois under the bus and turned their back on the traditional federalist alternative. In the end, may have won his coveted majority, but the real story of 2011 is how a little guy with a cane managed to ride une vague orange right through the front door of .

Face aux échanges virulents d’une campagne peu inspirée, les électeurs québécois ont collectivement décidé d’évincer le Bloc québécois de la vie politique canadienne tout en rejetant l’option fédéraliste traditionnelle. À l’arrivée, les conservateurs de Stephen Harper ont certes obtenu une majorité longtemps convoitée, mais le clou de l’histoire réside dans l’exploit d’un « bon gars » qui, armé d’une simple canne, a fait déferler une vague orange jusqu’aux portes de Stornoway, résidence du chef de l’opposition officielle.

t was a telling moment. ’s Liberals had “Michael Ignatieff. He didn’t come back for you.” The infer- just brought down the government. The Conservative ence, of course, was that Ignatieff had “come back” to fulfill I war room had shown its hand, the phrase “reckless a personal agenda, a grab for power as might befit the patri- coalition” welded into every minister’s media lines, an auto- cian heir to a Russian aristocratic line, a prince in waiting. matic response whenever the word “Liberal” was uttered. That Ignatieff and the Liberal message machine did not Here was Michael Ignatieff’s chance to scotch Conservative hit back with an equally forceful line of attack ads targeting claims that, given the option, he would depose another Stephen Harper is one of the enduring mysteries of this Harper minority and seek to form a coalition to govern with campaign. Stéphane Dion had never recovered from a simi- the NDP and Bloc Québécois. And Ignatieff, former journal- lar pre-campaign ad blitz after failing to understand that a ist, author of umpteen books on international affairs, for- leader must define him-or herself in the public imagination mer Harvard professor, leader of the or risk being defined negatively by his adversaries. For rea- and all-round smart guy, blew it. There is a “blue door and sons known only to God and the Liberals, Ignatieff chose to a red door,” said Ignatieff in a non-answer so classically eva- keep his powder dry. Only when the campaign was official- sive that the scent of a self-inflicted wound set the Hill ly underway would he appear to as a pretty like- reporters into full howl. able guy, not terribly pretentious. Heck, he could even look By the following morning, Ignatieff was back before the reasonably comfortable serving up a plate of hot dogs, national media clarifying that he would indeed not form a dressed casually for the cameras in a tasteful blue sweater. . Thus began the official election cam- Was that a dig at Harper’s attempt in the previous election paign of 2011. campaign to appear more folksy? More average? More real? Yet the unofficial campaign had been going on for Where Harper had looked stiff and unnatural mixing with weeks. Indeed, Harper’s Conservatives had not stopped regular people, Ignatieff seemed to be at ease. campaigning since they first assumed power in 2006, miss- This prime-time introduction of the leader translated into ing no opportunity to demonize and discredit any threat, a bump in Liberal fortunes. The numbers jumped a few points. perceived and real, from the opposition benches. Ignatieff The cash spigots opened. The pundits seemed to warm to the in particular had been targeted, as had Stéphane Dion man if not necessarily, or immediately, to his message. The before him, as an intellectual snob. It had worked before arrows seemed to be pointing in the right direction. and, if anything, Ignatieff was more vulnerable. He had And why not feel hopeful? The Conservative campaign spent the best part of his adult life outside Canada working was a lifeless affair of endless repetition, constructed to keep as a so-called public intellectual. So the Conservative attack Stephen Harper insulated from controversy. It was a neces- machine got some traction, especially with its base, when it sary strategy for a prime minister with five years in power, kicked into gear with the endlessly repeated tag line the point for any government when some of the unsavoury

64 OPTIONS POLITIQUES JUIN-JUILLET 2011 The media frame: The red door et la porte orange aspects of political life start oozing into to a few basic points: The country needs The truth is that none of the cam- public awareness. The strategy permit- strong economic management because paigns were particularly inspired. The ted Harper to deflect awkward ques- the recovery is still fragile. The priority Liberal “Family Pack” platform was rem- tions about a former senior adviser in is to eliminate the deficit. Then we can iniscent of the broad-based wealth redis- the Prime Minister’s Office, a man with think about new spending. Those other tribution programs of a different multiple (and apparently unnoticed) guys will derail the recovery, raise your political epoch. It was aimed, as always, fraud convictions. It kept Harper from taxes and spend us all into penury. at poaching votes from the NDP and the fallout when it was revealed that They will form a reckless coalition. Stick whatever progressives were willing to defect from the Harper Ignatieff in particular had been targeted, as had Stéphane camp. Harper was in his bub- Dion before him, as an intellectual snob. It had worked before ble. had dust- and, if anything, Ignatieff was more vulnerable. He had spent ed off the “defend Quebec’s the best part of his adult life outside Canada working as a so- interests” drum and was beating it at mainly small called public intellectual. So the Conservative attack machine gatherings of the nationalist got some traction, especially with its base, when it kicked into base, assured in his own gear with the endlessly repeated tag line “Michael Ignatieff. mind at least that he was on He didn’t come back for you.” the way to an enhanced mandate. And of Conservative operatives had misled the with the proven team. Give the the NDP looked sick and tired. public by claiming credit for prudent Conservative Party a majority. Indeed, as the election campaign spending, as outlined in a report by Canadians saw a grounded and got underway there were questions Auditor General Sheila Fraser, when controlled Stephen Harper in relatively about whether he would make it to she had really been referring to the concise snippets on the evening news, voting day. Layton had been fighting Liberals. It insulated Harper from the message stated and restated until, as prostate cancer. He had just undergone charges that his chief spokesperson had intended, it became the Conservative hip surgery. He began the campaign meddled in the appointment of a new mantra. On the rare occasions when he on crutches. He was thin, pale, tired head for the Port of . And it was forced off his message track, Harper and obviously in pain. His pitch, as kept Harper from having to respond dealt with matters in a direct and always, was to squeeze corporations in substantively to uncomfortable ques- unambiguous fashion. When party order to fund social programs of one tions about his government’s record, operatives blocked a young woman sort or another, to appeal to large vot- questions about multi-billion-dollar, from attending a campaign event ing blocks: students, the elderly, par- single-source fighter-jet agreements, because she had appeared with Michael ents struggling to make ends meet. It detainees in , the elimina- Ignatieff in a posting, she got was a tired and predictable message tion of the long-form census, the real an apology and an invitation to future from a man who looked like he was need for more horrifically expensive events. When a prairie candidate going through the motions. Then prisons, the pork-barrel spending on mused about reopening the abortion something changed. The planets the conference, the shenanigans debate, Harper stated directly that abor- aligned and the New Democrats were around Integrity Commissioner tion was not on the agenda. When he reminded that timing in politics, as in Christiane “I See Nothing!” Ouimet’s took media heat for crassly trolling for comedy, is everything. half-million-dollar severance package, votes in a Quebec community depend- ’s magical (not) memory and ent on asbestos exports, he simply t began with a very positive recep- all of those other less-than-happy shrugged, said there was nothing illegal I tion on Radio-Canada’s popular cur- moments that had contributed directly about it and moved on. In one of the rent affairs talk show Tout le monde en and indirectly to a contempt of weirder moments of the campaign, parle. There was Layton, at ease, han- Parliament finding and the fall of the when a party operative was exposed try- dling himself with good grace and Conservative government. ing to flog a picture purporting to be humour, speaking French like a bilin- Michael Ignatieff toting a gun in gual native anglo-Quebecer. As in previ- arper’s strategy was to keep the Afghanistan, Harper dismissed him ous campaigns, Layton wasn’t shy H media at a distance, limit the without a second thought. Love him or about trotting out his Quebec creden- number of questions to five at any hate him, the prime minister’s cam- tials. But this time people seemed more given event and never, ever, willingly paign strategy went off without a sub- open to the pitch, even when the media deviate from his message. In all respects stantial hitch. Even when the pointed out that he had not lived in the this was a classic front-runner’s strategy opposition was throwing mud by the province for his entire adult life. Layton with a message track that boiled down bucketful, nothing seemed to stick. was energized by his visits to Quebec.

POLICY OPTIONS 65 JUNE-JULY 2011 James McLean

He appeared to get a genuine charge Layton gave as good as he got with Marois with a message of unwavering out of slinging pints at a local Montreal Gilles Duceppe. He capitalized on that support. Though it must have been a watering hole, tapping into the energy mostly mythical Quebec identity he bitter pill, Duceppe had no choice. as the city geared up for the NHL play- had been playing up and managed, in Marois had just achieved an astonishing offs. He managed to look fairly normal the eyes of many, to turn the French- 93 percent approval rating from the PQ in his Canadiens’ jersey. He threw away language debate into a discussion rank and file, putting the last nail in the the crutches and picked up a spiffy between Quebecers. coffin for any aspirations that Duceppe black cane. He filled out a bit. Lost his Suddenly the NDP platform didn’t might have had for taking over the PQ pallor. He began to connect. look so far-fetched. Enhanced pen- in the foreseeable future. In essence, Duceppe was being sent Layton was energized by his visits to Quebec. He appeared to get back to play second fiddle in a genuine charge out of slinging pints at a local Montreal watering , where the Bloc’s hole, tapping into the energy as the city geared up for the NHL true aspirations were always destined to be muddled by playoffs. He managed to look fairly normal in his Canadiens’ jersey. the party’s own internal con- He threw away the crutches and picked up a spiffy black cane. He tradictions, its ultimate aim, filled out a bit. Lost his pallor. He began to connect. a sovereign Quebec, inter- minably sidetracked by mat- Then there were the leaders’ sions, more generous family and ters out of the party’s control. Duceppe debates on April 12 and 13. They were maternity leave benefits, money for was a lame duck. The best he could hope vitally important to Michael Ignatieff, renovating houses and subsidizing for was more of the same, representing his chance to show Canadians that he their cost, limits on credit card interest Quebec’s interests, whatever they might could put Stephen Harper on the spot. rates, a federal minimum wage. Much be, by playing a game that had been He failed. Harper managed to get his of it was standard NDP boilerplate. All crafted in the 1990s and hadn’t changed message across while attempts to pin of it was to be paid for with increased much since: the game of perpetual polit- him down on matters of governance corporate taxes of one kind or another. ical gadfly. And when Duceppe, in his and integrity failed to stick. In fact, it And Layton speculated that an NDP April 17 speech to the PQ convention, was Ignatieff who was caught off guard government would be prepared to nur- said, “Et tout redevient encore possible,” he by a torpedo from Jack Layton. “Why ture the “winning conditions” needed was echoing the separatist slogan of the do you have the worst attendance to entice the province into the federal 1995 referendum, “Oui, et tout devient record in the House of Commons?” fold. Of course, this was rhetorical pipe possible.” It was the last thing, the prom- asked Layton. Ignatieff had no answer. dreaming but Layton had nothing to ise of another referendum to divide It was the pivotal moment and Layton lose. He knew the message would them, that Quebecers wanted to hear. owned it. This was an election that the appeal to certain Quebecers and he If Quebecers were looking to put a Liberals had forced on the issue of the knew it was extremely unlikely that he real burr under Stephen Harper’s sad- Conservative Party’s contempt of would form the government this time dle, were Duceppe and the Bloc up to Parliament. How could the Liberal around. He also knew that renewed the task? leader argue that it was any less con- federalism was the last thing any of Maybe. But a mass vote for the temptuous to not bother showing up? the other leaders wanted to talk about. NDP would be radical and more than a How could he convincingly argue that If it was time to turn away from the bit playfully diabolical. And it would he would “be there” to do the hard same old Bloc message, here was a way have the added benefit of blowing a work expected of a prime minister? for left-leaning and federalist-inclined raspberry at those entitled Liberals The “he didn’t come back for you” Quebec voters to do so with relative who still considered themselves the message in the Conservative attack ads ease. only alternative to the Bloc. While suddenly seemed to hold some water. And the connection came at just Duceppe resumed his campaign, visit- In the meantime, Layton took his the moment when his main rival in ing cheese shops and greenhouses, the own share of hits and returned them Quebec started to lose his way. voters of Quebec quietly reframed the with a smile. “Smilin’ Jack” was back! entire Canadian political landscape. And this time the sunny grin that so hen the Parti Québécois held its many had found annoying in past W annual convention April 16 and s an added bonus, Jack Layton campaigns took on new vitality. The 17, adopting a number of toxic motions A was not Stephen Harper and he guy was a fighter, an optimist. And he that were surely intended to give a kick was definitely not Michael Ignatieff, was tough. He could grin, literally, to the sleeping dog of the language who, it seems, had started channelling through the pain. In the French-lan- wars, there was Gilles Duceppe shoulder his inner working-class Baptist. guage debate the following night, to shoulder with PQ Leader Pauline He claimed a Bruce Springsteen

66 OPTIONS POLITIQUES JUIN-JUILLET 2011 The media frame: The red door et la porte orange

The Gazette, Montreal

NDP Leader Jack Layton had a winning smile and compelling narrative as well as a platform to attract Quebecers on the left. In answer to Michael Ignatieff offering “the red door” as opposed to “the blue door,” Layton invited Quebecers to walk through la porte orange.

song had inspired him. And the crowd Then, in a “one-on-one” interview most campaigns hoped, make some of Liberals in Sudbury that post-debate on CBC’s The National, Ignatieff made decisions about where to cast their Friday night certainly seemed apprecia- what may have been the fatal blunder votes. The following week would be a tive. But when Ignatieff exhorted his of the Liberal campaign. On a question time for the parties to shore up com- followers to “Rise up!” he sounded from anchor Peter Mansbridge, the for- mitted supporters and make a final more like a southern preacher than the mer Harvard professor decided to pitch for undecided voters. But two Boss. Either way, he did not sound like deliver a civics lesson on the legitima- factors made this final campaign week someone who had lived in Canada all cy of coalitions. No, as promised, different from most others and both his life — more grist for the Ignatieff’s Liberals would not form a ended up favouring the NDP. The first Conservative mill. Furthermore, that coalition with the NDP and Bloc but, was the tenacity of the Montreal call to action, founded on a litany of yes, coalitions were perfectly permissi- Canadiens. The second was the wed- purported Conservative wrongs, what ble in the Canadian system. After all, ding of Prince William and Kate Ignatieff called “a pattern of abuse,” rules are rules. There could not have Middleton. may well have been heartfelt, but it also been a Conservative operative in the Anybody who was watching game smelled of desperation. Ignatieff had to land who wasn’t smiling through his six of the Habs and Bruins series, played be aware of the “surge” of support or her astonishment at that moment. in Montreal on the evening of April 26, developing behind the NDP in Quebec. The professor had just brought his would have noticed that the commercial He apparently was not aware that peo- intellect to a knife fight and he would breaks were dominated by political ads. ple, once inspired to cast off the shack- pay dearly. The Conservatives, as they had from the les of oppression, are not, in fact, beginning, continued to target “Michael bound to vote for you. In Quebec, at t showed as the campaign entered Ignatieff and his reckless coalition.” least, more voters were saying they I the Passover and Easter weekend, a Only a majority Conservative govern- wanted to “rise up” behind Jack Layton. time for families to get together and, as ment, claimed the Harper machine,

POLICY OPTIONS 67 JUNE-JULY 2011 James McLean

would save the country from a “coup” the series (they lost in overtime), country. It was almost as though the by those scheming Liberals, lefties and attention was already turning to the prime minister were sending a small separatists who were just waiting to royal nuptials in London. The momen- note of encouragement to NDP sup- knock off another tum behind the NDP was now undeni- porters. Of course, that’s exactly what and assume power. Remember, went the able, and with media attention focused he was doing. If right-leaning Liberals subtext, Ignatieff had all but admitted as elsewhere there was little the other ran from an impending train wreck much on national television. parties could do. Both the Bloc and straight into Stephen Harper’s arms, Meanwhile, Ignatieff’s “Rise up!” Liberals had resorted to trotting out then left-leaning Liberals, who were moment had marked a switch in the their respective elder statesmen in an never going to support Harper, would serve Conservative strategy If right-leaning Liberals ran from an impending train wreck better in the NDP camp. straight into Stephen Harper’s arms, then left-leaning Liberals, Split the vote in key who were never going to support Harper, would serve ridings, let the Conservative candidate run up the mid- Conservative strategy better in the NDP camp. Split the vote dle and achieve that elusive in key Ontario ridings, let the Conservative candidate run up majority. the middle and achieve that elusive majority. As we now know, that’s exactly what happened. Liberal campaign to a more confronta- attempt to remind voters of the stakes So, what about Quebec? tional strategy. The Liberal war room in play. Did an octogenarian Jacques Stephen Harper has four years to was now running ads as toxic as any- Parizeau set the sovereignist fires think about Quebec. In the meantime, thing the Conservatives had come up alight? Or did he send the message he has his majority. The Bloc has taken with, characterizing Harper as a tax- that the cause was tired; that a differ- such a drubbing that it may never cutting, program-slashing demagogue, ent approach might bear better, if dif- recover. The Liberals are in disarray. a threat to , a prorogu- ferent, fruit? Did Jean Chrétien’s The NDP, for all its success, is likely to ing, power-hungry and secretive anti- appearance with Michael Ignatieff find out sooner rather than later just democratic autocrat who was lying remind voters of past Liberal success how fickle Quebec voters can be, espe- about just about everything. The and the strength of Canada’s “natural cially with a party that has absolutely Liberal ads were meant to reframe, governing party”? Or did it put into no power to deliver much of anything remind and pound home the Liberal stark contrast the difference between for a province gearing up to elect a PQ position on Stephen Harper’s con- the two men, and not to Ignatieff’s government. But for all of that, what a tempt for Parliament, the real reason, advantage? For the last week of the very Canadian election this was! the Liberals claimed, for the election. campaign, amid the dawning realities Plodding and grinding and mostly But as the two big parties snarled at of massive loss and the rising condi- uninspired right up to the moment one another, as the tactics of fear oozed tions of panic, both the Liberals and when some of us decided to do some- out in the vicious language of innuen- the Bloc went into defensive mode: thing completely unexpected, to send do, foreboding music and acid images, Sauvez les meubles! Save the furniture! a message to our would-be elected rep- the NDP stepped up with Smiling Jack resentatives rather than swallow Layton, a ray of sunshine, and an ad trangely, perhaps, it was the wholesale the stuff crafted in the back- that asked Canadians to “imagine a S Conservatives who were best posi- rooms of political machines. leader who actually cares.” “Together tioned to take full advantage of the It almost makes a body want to we can do this,” said Layton as the ad NDP “surge.” After refusing to acknowl- throw on a blue sweater, crack a bottle of ended, “You know where I stand. You edge that a major shift was underway in Orange Crush and remember, as my know I’m a fighter. And I won’t stop Quebec, Harper’s team simply shrugged artist friends remind me (and at least until the job is done!” The contrast was and switched their negative messaging until political reality kicks in), that those stark. And if Layton’s message, with its from Michael Ignatieff to Jack Layton, two colours, blue and orange, combine scarcely concealed references to that other “coalition partner.” On the in a way that enhances our appreciation. Obama’s transformational “Hope and issue of the NDP’s speculation about They are, in the end, complementary. Change” campaign of 2008 was border- reopening constitutional talks with line hokey, it didn’t matter in the least. Quebec, Harper advised caution. Then James McLean is a professor in the The Habs won that night, going right to in the final days of the campaign he did Department of Journalism at Concordia the wire against a much bigger, much something unexpected. He said that an University in Montreal. His interests nastier Boston team. Imagine that! NDP opposition would actually clarify include political war rooms, how they By the time the Canadiens took to matters by giving Canadians a clear craft messages and how journalists are the ice in Boston for the final game of sense of the ideological divide in the implicated in strategic political speech.

68 OPTIONS POLITIQUES JUIN-JUILLET 2011