THE POLITICS of SOVEREIGNTY: BRITAIN and EUROPEAN MONETARY UNION ABSTRACT Raymond Keitch

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

THE POLITICS of SOVEREIGNTY: BRITAIN and EUROPEAN MONETARY UNION ABSTRACT Raymond Keitch THE POLITICS OF SOVEREIGNTY: BRITAIN AND EUROPEAN MONETARY UNION Raymond John Keitch PhD International Relations London School of Economics September 2002 Word Count: 99,987 (with footnotes) 90,965 (without footnotes) 1 UMI Number: U61334B All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U613343 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 OF POLITICAL TutseS F & o $ < %6^-L+O THE POLITICS OF SOVEREIGNTY: BRITAIN AND EUROPEAN MONETARY UNION ABSTRACT Raymond Keitch. PhD International Relations, London School of Economics The thesis examines the interrelationship between conceptions of British sovereignty and European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). The central argument advanced is that the multiple discourses of sovereignty generated in the political debate have been a key influence in understanding British government policy on EMU. Before 1997 both Conservative government policy and Labour opposition policy on EMU was marked by an overall “wait and see” approach and a referendum commitment. After 1997 there was a divergence between the “Yes subject to economic tests” policy of the Labour government and the “No for two Parliaments” policy of the Conservative opposition. The multiple discourses of sovereignty focused on the locus of sovereignty (executive, parliamentary or popular) and the divisibility of sovereignty (pooling, differentiated or absolutist). These discourses taken together influenced policy in a number of identifiable ways. Initial chapters outline the epistemological approach of discourse analysis, the interpretation of sovereignty as a social construct and the serious challenges of EMU to British conceptions of sovereignty. The relationships between the discourses of sovereignty and government policy on EMU are examined in the political debate from the Maastricht ratification process in 1992/3 to the aftermath of the European election of 1999. Five arguments are advanced. Firstly, the discourses of sovereignty reinforced the cautious “wait and see” policy. Secondly, sovereignty was a key component of Conservative divisions, which influenced Conservative government policy (1992-1997). Thirdly, Conservative divisions, arguments on popular sovereignty, and reaction by the Labour opposition fostered the referendum commitment by both major parties. Fourthly, the referendum commitment itself strongly influenced Labour government policy (1997-2001). Finally, the alternative discourses of pooling and absolutist sovereignty between the two major parties prefigured the 1997 policy divergence. Other factors influencing government policy on EMU are considered. The conclusion stresses the key influence of the multiple discourses of sovereignty. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Number INTRODUCTION 5 CHAPTER 1 EPISTEMOLOGIC AL APPROACH: 15 DISCOURSE ANALYSIS Explaining and Understanding 15 Language and Meaning 18 Discourse Analysis 20 Discourse, Structure and Agency 24 Discourse and Policy 27 The Utility of Discourse 3 0 Politics of Sovereignty: Application of 32 Discourse Analysis CHAPTER 2 SOVEREIGNTY IN THE CONTEXT OF 38 BRITAIN AND THE EU Sovereignty: Conceptual Bases 39 Sovereignty: Key Perspectives 43 The European Union and Sovereignty 49 Subsidiarity and the “Democratic Deficit” 60 Britain and Europe: A Troubled Relationship? 65 Structural Explanations of Semi-Detachment 69 Agency Explanations of Semi-Detachment 73 Sovereignty: Parliamentary or Other? 75 Central Thesis: The Politics of Sovereignty and 81 EMU CHAPTER 3 SOVEREIGNTY: THE CHALLENGES OF 88 EMU Money and Monetary Unions: Challenges to 89 Sovereignty International Monetary Union: The Gold 92 Standard (1867-1914) Particular Monetary Unions 95 Britain and the Historical Development of EMU 103 Monetary Sovereignty 109 Institutional Sovereignty: The European Central 121 Bank Fiscal Sovereignty 128 European Political Union? 136 CHAPTER 4 MAASTRICHT TREATY RATIFICATION: 145 SOVEREIGNTY SETS THE AGENDA EMU Policies Post-Maastricht 146 The Ratification Debates 157 Eurosceptic Discourses 168 The Ratification Debates: Appraisal 177 3 CHAPTER 5 INTO THE PUBLIC SPHERE: THE 1996 188 REFERENDUM AND 1997 GENERAL ELECTION DEBATES The 1975 EC Referendum 189 The 1996 Referendum Commitment: The 196 Conservative Discourse The 1996 Referendum Commitment: The 205 Labour Discourse 1975... 1996 Continuity or Change? 212 The 1997 General Election Debate 214 The Election Campaign: The Conservatives 218 The Election Campaign: The Labour Party 223 The Conservative Discourse: The Conflation of 227 EMU and Political Sovereignty Campaign: Evaluation of EMU Themes 232 CHAPTER 6 EMU AND SOVEREIGNTY: POST- 239 ELECTION POLICY DIVERGENCE Labour’s October 1997 Statement: Prepare and 240 Decide Conservatives in Opposition: No EMU 246 Membership for Two Parliaments Policy Consolidation: The Labour Government 247 Policy Consolidation: The Conservatives 257 “Phoney War”: Divergence Confirmed? 261 External Dynamics: Euro-X, Tax Harmonisation, 268 EMU a Reality Internal Dynamics: The 1999 European 274 Elections The Aftermath: Political Sovereignty 278 Centrestage CHAPTER 7 BRITISH BUSINESS PERSPECTIVES ON 288 EMU The Business Debate: 1992-1997 288 Post-1997 General Election Polarisation? 299 Business Debate: Widespread Uncertainty 304 Business Cases 312 CHAPTER 8 CONCLUSIONS: THE POLITICS OF 322 SOVEREIGNTY POSTSCRIPT 2001 GENERAL ELECTION 335 REFERENCES 339 4 INTRODUCTION: THE POLITICS OF SOVEREIGNTY Primary Thesis This thesis examines the interrelationship between European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) and conceptions of British sovereignty.1 The focus is on the British political debate during the period between the formalisation of EMU in the 1991 Maastricht Treaty of European Union and the aftermath of the British European election in 1999. EMU has raised a series of issues related to British sovereignty which have led to heated political debate. These issues include monetary sovereignty over interest and exchange rates, fiscal sovereignty over taxation and public expenditure, institutional sovereignty in terms of the new European Central Bank (ECB) and ultimately Britain's status as an independent nation-state. The sovereignty debate itself influenced government policy on EMU. The central thesis advanced is that the multiple discourses of sovereignty engendered by the political debate were a key influence on British government policy on EMU. Many conceptions of sovereignty were utilised during the debate. On the dimension of the divisibility of sovereignty the discourses ranged from an absolutist discourse of sovereignty surrendered to the idea of sovereignty being functionally differentiated (between say monetary and defence issues) through to the idea of pooling or sharing sovereignty. On the other dimension of the locus of sovereignty, the discourse ranged from executive sovereignty through Parliamentary sovereignty to the wider idea of popular sovereignty. Far from weakening the impact of sovereignty, the multiple discourses have strengthened its impact like the many strands that constitute a rope. 1 An initial note on terminology. EMU is used throughout this book for Economic and Monetary Union and is used synonymously for the more popular term "single currency" unless indicated otherwise. EU is used for European Union and is used except where historical or other circumstances require an alternative term. Britain is used throughout the thesis as a synonym for die United Kingdom. 5 British government policy on EMU displayed a number of characteristics. The strand of continuity throughout is the general caution displayed by both the Conservative government under John Major (1991-1997) and the Labour government (1997-2001) under Tony Blair. This caution was marked from the beginning by the British "opt-out" in the Maastricht Treaty, the general espousal of a "wait and see" approach and the decision not to join the first wave of EMU members in 1999. Another strand of similarity between the policies of the two main parties was the 1996 decision to grant a popular referendum on the specific issue of ultimate British membership of EMU. Underneath this apparently similar policy surface were marked differences in the detailed policies of the two main parties. The Conservative government stuck, with increasing difficulty, to the "wait and see" policy until their defeat in the 1997 General Election. The Labour opposition supported EMU membership in principle but stressed economic obstacles to British membership. After the 1997 General Election a clearer policy divergence emerged between the two main parties. The Labour government explicitly rejected a constitutional barrier to EMU (whilst rejecting early membership) and the Conservative opposition rejected EMU membership for two Parliaments. How did the multiple discourses of sovereignty relate to British government policy on EMU? The relationship is both a complex and a dynamic one. Five particular arguments are made in this thesis. Firstly, the general policy characteristic of caution reflected
Recommended publications
  • Corpus Christi College the Pelican Record
    CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE THE PELICAN RECORD Vol. LI December 2015 CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE THE PELICAN RECORD Vol. LI December 2015 i The Pelican Record Editor: Mark Whittow Design and Printing: Lynx DPM Limited Published by Corpus Christi College, Oxford 2015 Website: http://www.ccc.ox.ac.uk Email: [email protected] The editor would like to thank Rachel Pearson, Julian Reid, Sara Watson and David Wilson. Front cover: The Library, by former artist-in-residence Ceri Allen. By kind permission of Nick Thorn Back cover: Stone pelican in Durham Castle, carved during Richard Fox’s tenure as Bishop of Durham. Photograph by Peter Rhodes ii The Pelican Record CONTENTS President’s Report ................................................................................... 3 President’s Seminar: Casting the Audience Peter Nichols ............................................................................................ 11 Bishop Foxe’s Humanistic Library and the Alchemical Pelican Alexandra Marraccini ................................................................................ 17 Remembrance Day Sermon A sermon delivered by the President on 9 November 2014 ....................... 22 Corpuscle Casualties from the Second World War Harriet Fisher ............................................................................................. 27 A Postgraduate at Corpus Michael Baker ............................................................................................. 34 Law at Corpus Lucia Zedner and Liz Fisher ....................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • 'Opposition-Craft': an Evaluative Framework for Official Opposition Parties in the United Kingdom Edward Henry Lack Submitte
    ‘Opposition-Craft’: An Evaluative Framework for Official Opposition Parties in the United Kingdom Edward Henry Lack Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of PhD The University of Leeds, School of Politics and International Studies May, 2020 1 Intellectual Property and Publications Statements The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. ©2020 The University of Leeds and Edward Henry Lack The right of Edward Henry Lack to be identified as Author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 2 Acknowledgements Page I would like to thank Dr Victoria Honeyman and Dr Timothy Heppell of the School of Politics and International Studies, The University of Leeds, for their support and guidance in the production of this work. I would also like to thank my partner, Dr Ben Ramm and my parents, David and Linden Lack, for their encouragement and belief in my efforts to undertake this project. Finally, I would like to acknowledge those who took part in the research for this PhD thesis: Lord David Steel, Lord David Owen, Lord Chris Smith, Lord Andrew Adonis, Lord David Blunkett and Dame Caroline Spelman. 3 Abstract This thesis offers a distinctive and innovative framework for the study of effective official opposition politics in the United Kingdom.
    [Show full text]
  • Father of the House Sarah Priddy
    BRIEFING PAPER Number 06399, 17 December 2019 By Richard Kelly Father of the House Sarah Priddy Inside: 1. Seniority of Members 2. History www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary Number 06399, 17 December 2019 2 Contents Summary 3 1. Seniority of Members 4 1.1 Determining seniority 4 Examples 4 1.2 Duties of the Father of the House 5 1.3 Baby of the House 5 2. History 6 2.1 Origin of the term 6 2.2 Early usage 6 2.3 Fathers of the House 7 2.4 Previous qualifications 7 2.5 Possible elections for Father of the House 8 Appendix: Fathers of the House, since 1901 9 3 Father of the House Summary The Father of the House is a title that is by tradition bestowed on the senior Member of the House, which is nowadays held to be the Member who has the longest unbroken service in the Commons. The Father of the House in the current (2019) Parliament is Sir Peter Bottomley, who was first elected to the House in a by-election in 1975. Under Standing Order No 1, as long as the Father of the House is not a Minister, he takes the Chair when the House elects a Speaker. He has no other formal duties. There is evidence of the title having been used in the 18th century. However, the origin of the term is not clear and it is likely that different qualifications were used in the past. The Father of the House is not necessarily the oldest Member.
    [Show full text]
  • Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962
    Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2021 “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael R. Hogan West Virginia University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Part of the African History Commons Recommended Citation Hogan, Michael R., "“Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962" (2021). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 8264. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/8264 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael Robert Hogan Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In History Robert M.
    [Show full text]
  • BBC Outsourcing: the Contract Between the BBC and Siemens Business Service
    House of Commons Committee of Public Accounts BBC outsourcing: the contract between the BBC and Siemens Business Service Thirty–fifth Report of Session 2006–07 Report, together with formal minutes, oral and written evidence Ordered by The House of Commons to be printed 18 June 2007 HC 118 Published on 28 June 2007 by authority of the House of Commons London: The Stationery Office Limited £11.00 The Committee of Public Accounts The Committee of Public Accounts is appointed by the House of Commons to examine “the accounts showing the appropriation of the sums granted by Parliament to meet the public expenditure, and of such other accounts laid before Parliament as the committee may think fit” (Standing Order No 148). Current membership Mr Edward Leigh MP (Conservative, Gainsborough) (Chairman) Mr Richard Bacon MP (Conservative, South Norfolk) Annette Brooke MP (Liberal Democrat, Mid Dorset and Poole North) Chris Bryant MP (Labour, Rhondda) Greg Clark MP (Conservative, Tunbridge Wells) Rt Hon David Curry MP (Conservative, Skipton and Ripon) Mr Ian Davidson MP (Labour, Glasgow South West) Mr Philip Dunne MP (Conservative, Ludlow) Mr John Healey MP (Labour, Wentworth) Ian Lucas MP (Labour, Wrexham) Mr Austin Mitchell MP (Labour, Great Grimsby) Dr John Pugh MP (Liberal Democrat, Southport) Rt Hon Don Touhig MP (Labour, Islwyn) Rt Hon Alan Williams MP (Labour, Swansea West) Mr Iain Wright MP (Labour, Hartlepool) Derek Wyatt MP (Labour, Sittingbourne and Sheppey) The following were also Members of the Committee during the period of the enquiry: Helen Goodman MP (Labour, Bishop Auckland) Mr Sadiq Khan MP (Labour, Tooting) Sarah McCarthy-Fry MP (Labour, Portsmouth North) Kitty Ussher MP (Labour, Burnley) Powers Powers of the Committee of Public Accounts are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in SO No 148.
    [Show full text]
  • Parliamentary Debates (Hansard)
    Thursday Volume 511 10 June 2010 No. 13 HOUSE OF COMMONS OFFICIAL REPORT PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES (HANSARD) Thursday 10 June 2010 £5·00 © Parliamentary Copyright House of Commons 2010 This publication may be reproduced under the terms of the Parliamentary Click-Use Licence, available online through the Office of Public Sector Information website at www.opsi.gov.uk/click-use/ Enquiries to the Office of Public Sector Information, Kew, Richmond, Surrey TW9 4DU; e-mail: [email protected] 443 10 JUNE 2010 444 Friend the Minister, not only for his recent work in House of Commons developing the Government’s ambitious low-carbon economy programme, but for his long-term battle to Thursday 10 June 2010 give communities the power they need to stand up for themselves against inappropriate development. I am grateful to my right hon. Friend the Secretary of The House met at half-past Ten o’clock State for his answer, but will he reassure the House and my constituents that he intends to repeal perverse rules PRAYERS that prevent local councillors from standing up for their constituents— [MR SPEAKER in the Chair] Mr Speaker: Order. I am sorry, but I must now cut off the hon. Gentleman. From now on, questions and answers must be briefer. Oral Answers to Questions Mr Pickles: I think I got the gist; I think my hon. Friend was referring to predetermination and I am delighted to inform the House that it is our intention to COMMUNITIES AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT repeal those regulations. That means we can give local councils the thing that Members of Parliament so desire— that councillors with opinions can actually vote on The Secretary of State was asked— those opinions.
    [Show full text]
  • From Legislative Machine to Representative Forum? Procedural Change in the New Zealand Parliament in the Twentieth Century
    From legislative machine to representative forum? Procedural change in the New Zealand parliament in the twentieth century John E Martin* This article analyses procedural developments in the New Zealand parliament in the twentieth century to assess the shifting balance between government and parliament. A previous article in this journal documented how the government began to move to centre stage by the late nineteenth century. 1 This shift was consolidated in the first half of the twentieth century. A similar transition was evident in the British House of Commons and in other parliaments as the powers of the central state were extended: ‘A traditionally obstructive [legislative] procedure ... was transformed into a procedure which facilitated constructive criticism of the financial and legislative proposals of politically responsible governments, whilst severely restricting the opportunities of private Members to legislate.’2 This change was associated with a diminishing role for backbench private members and a strengthening of political party organisation in parliament. In New Zealand this came about at the turn of the twentieth century as the decayed factional system of politics was replaced by that of parties. (Previously political leaders assembled loose groups of supporters — factions — which gave them majorities in the House of Representatives. This form of politics broke down during the depression of the 1880s.) Associated with this change there was a gradual tacit recognition that the nature of obstruction of business should change as both governing and opposition parties considered that their work in parliament was orientated more towards the business of governing (and winning elections) than to demonstrating parliamentary independence.
    [Show full text]
  • UNIVERSITY of STIRLING Kenneth Pardey the WELFARE of the VISUALLY HANDICAPPED in the UNITED KINGDOM
    UNIVERSITY OF STIRLING Kenneth Pardey THE WELFARE OF THE VISUALLY HANDICAPPED IN THE UNITED KINGDOM 'Submitted for the degree of Ph.D. December 1986 II CONTENTS Page Acknowledgements III Abstract v 1. Introduction: The history of the welfare of the visually handicapped in the United Kingdom 1 2. Demographic studies of the visually handicapped 161 3. The Royal National Institute for the Blind 189 4. The history and the contribution of braille, moon and talking books 5. St Dunstan's for the war blinded: A history and a critique ,9, 6. Organisations of the visually handicapped 470 7. Social service-a and rehabilitation 520 8. The elderly person with failing vision 610 9. The education of the visually handicapped 691 10. Employment and disability 748 11. Disability and inco1;-~e 825 Bibliography 870 III Acknowledgements I would like to thank the following people who either agreed to be interviewed or helped me to find some useful sources of information: Colin Low, Martin Milligan, Fred Reid, Hans Cohn, Jim Hughes, Janet Lovall, Jill Dean, Joan Hughes, Doreen Chaney and Elaine Bootman of the National Federation of the Blind; Michael Barrett, Tom Parker, Chris Hynes, Pat O'Grady, Frank Mytton, L. J. Isaac, George Slaughter, J. Nor mile and R. 0. Rayner of the National League of the Blind and Disabled; Donald Bell, Tony Aston, George T. Willson, B. T. Gifford, Neville Lawson and Penelope Shore of the Royal National Institute for the Blind; Timothy Cullinan of the Department of Environmental and Preventive Medicine of the Medical College of St
    [Show full text]
  • Capital Thoughts
    Editor John Osmond Associate Editor Rhys David Administration Helen Sims-Coomber and Clare Johnson spring 2005 Design WOOD&WOOD Design Consultants. wood2.com To advertise Telephone 029 2066 6606 capital thoughts his year’s centenary of Cardiff as a city warrants a close examination of its role and in particular its relationship with the rest of Wales. Set against other cities around the British Isles Cardiff has no obvious Institute of Welsh Affairs tparallel. It lacks the grace, visual grandeur, and easy confidence of Edinburgh. St Andrew’s House 24 St Andrew’s Crescent Compared with Dublin it lacks critical economic and cultural mass. In size it Cardiff CF10 3DD measures up to a medium English city such as Nottingham. Yet it has ambitions which are far more extensive. After all, it is our capital city. What Telephone 029 2066 6606 E-mail [email protected] English city of equivalent size has a Cathays Park, a National Museum, a Web www.iwa.org.uk Millennium Stadium, a Millennium Centre for the Performing Arts, or a landmark building to house a National Assembly, now rising in Cardiff Bay? The IWA is a non-aligned independent think-tank and research institute, based in Cardiff Although Cardiff is also celebrating 50 years as the capital of Wales with branches in north and during 2005 it is undeniable that many Welsh people have yet to come to west Wales, Gwent, Swansea Bay and London. Members (annual terms with its role. One thing that unites many Welsh people outside the subscription £30) receive agenda three city is a perception that too much wealth is concentrated within it.
    [Show full text]
  • The Gordian Knot: Apartheid & the Unmaking of the Liberal World Order, 1960-1970
    THE GORDIAN KNOT: APARTHEID & THE UNMAKING OF THE LIBERAL WORLD ORDER, 1960-1970 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Ryan Irwin, B.A., M.A. History ***** The Ohio State University 2010 Dissertation Committee: Professor Peter Hahn Professor Robert McMahon Professor Kevin Boyle Professor Martha van Wyk © 2010 by Ryan Irwin All rights reserved. ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the apartheid debate from an international perspective. Positioned at the methodological intersection of intellectual and diplomatic history, it examines how, where, and why African nationalists, Afrikaner nationalists, and American liberals contested South Africa’s place in the global community in the 1960s. It uses this fight to explore the contradictions of international politics in the decade after second-wave decolonization. The apartheid debate was never at the center of global affairs in this period, but it rallied international opinions in ways that attached particular meanings to concepts of development, order, justice, and freedom. As such, the debate about South Africa provides a microcosm of the larger postcolonial moment, exposing the deep-seated differences between politicians and policymakers in the First and Third Worlds, as well as the paradoxical nature of change in the late twentieth century. This dissertation tells three interlocking stories. First, it charts the rise and fall of African nationalism. For a brief yet important moment in the early and mid-1960s, African nationalists felt genuinely that they could remake global norms in Africa’s image and abolish the ideology of white supremacy through U.N.
    [Show full text]
  • Generational Divide Will Split Cult of Corbyn the Internal Contradictions Between the Youthful Idealists and Cynical Old Trots Are Becoming Increasingly Exposed
    The Times, 26th September 2017: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/edition/comment/generational-divide- will-split-cult-of-corbyn-c0sbn70mv Generational divide will split cult of Corbyn The internal contradictions between the youthful idealists and cynical old Trots are becoming increasingly exposed Rachael Sylvester A graffiti artist is spray-painting a wall when I arrive at The World Transformed festival, organised by Jeremy Corbyn’s supporters in Momentum. Inside, clay-modelling is under way in a creative workshop that is exploring “the symbiotic relationship between making and thinking”. A “collaborative quilt” hangs in the “creative chaos corner” next to a specially commissioned artwork celebrating the NHS. The young, mainly female volunteers who are staffing the event talk enthusiastically about doing politics in a different way and creating spaces where people can come together to discuss new ideas. It is impossible to ignore the slightly cult-like atmosphere: one member of the audience is wearing a T-shirt printed with the slogan “Corbyn til I die”. But this four-day festival running alongside the official Labour Party conference in Brighton has far more energy and optimism than most political events. There have been two late-night raves, sessions on “acid Corbynism”, and a hackathon, seeking to harness the power of the geeks to solve technological problems. With its own app, pinging real-time updates to followers throughout the day, and a glossy pastel-coloured brochure, the Momentum festival has an upbeat, modern feel. As well as sunny optimism there is a darker, bullying side Then I go to a packed session on “Radical Democracy and Twenty- First Century Socialism”.
    [Show full text]
  • 1986 Peace Through Non-Alignment: the Case for British Withdrawal from NATO
    Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified 1986 Peace Through Non-Alignment: The case for British withdrawal from NATO Citation: “Peace Through Non-Alignment: The case for British withdrawal from NATO,” 1986, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Ben Lowe, Published by Verso, sponsored by The Campaign Group of Labor MP's, The Socialist Society, and the Campaign for Non-Alignment, 1986. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/110192 Summary: Pamphlet arguing for British withdrawal from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. It examines the origins of NATO, its role in U.S. foreign policy, its nuclear strategies, and its effect on British politics and national security. Original Language: English Contents: Scan of Original Document Ben Lowe is author of a book on NATO published in Spain as part of the campaign for Spanish withdrawal during the referendum of March 1986, La Cara Ocuita de fa OTAN; a contributor to Mad Dogs edited by Edward Thompson and Mary Kaldor; and a member of the Socialist Society, which has provided financial and research support for this pamphlet. Ben Lowe Peace through Non-Alignlllent The Case Against British Membership of NATO The Campaign Group of Labour MPs welcomes the publication of this pamphlet and believes that the arguments it contains are worthy of serious consideration. VERSO Thn Il11prlnt 01 New Left Books Contents First published 1986 Verso Editions & NLB F'oreword by Tony Benn and Jeremy Corbyn 15 Greek St, London WI Ben Lowe 1986 Introduction 1 ISBN 086091882 Typeset by Red Lion Setters 1. NATO and the Post-War World 3 86 Riversdale Road, N5 Printed by Wernheim Printers Forster Rd N17 Origins of the Alliance 3 America's Global Order 5 NATO's Nuclear Strategies 7 A Soviet Threat? 9 NA TO and British Politics 11 Britain's Strategic Role 15 Star Wars and Tension in NA TO 17 America and Europe's Future 19 2.
    [Show full text]