Notes for the Next Constitution (Or Maybe the One After That)

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Notes for the Next Constitution (Or Maybe the One After That) Notes for the Next Constitution (or maybe the one after that) by Bradford Hatcher © 2016 Bradford Hatcher ISBN: 978-0-9824191-7-5 Download at: https://www.hermetica.info/Constitution.html or: https://www.hermetica.info/Constitution.pdf Cover Paintings: Scene at the Signing of the Constitution Howard Chandler Christy, 1940 Crow Pipe Ceremony Howard Terpning Table of Contents Introduction 5 What is a Constitution? Reform vs Reconstitution General Considerations Errors and Omissions in the US Charter Article 0 - Preamble and Objectives 20 Article 1 - Limits on Corporations 24 Article 2 - Bill of Rights 27 2a - Personal Rights 2b - Familial Rights 2c - Community Rights 2d - Property Rights 2e - Rights of Citizenship 2f - Rights Against Others 2g - Rights against the Police Power 2h - Socioeconomic Rights Article 3 - Bills of Responsibilities 86 3a - Bill of Duties 3b - Proxy Rights Article 4 - Powers Delegated and Denied 105 Article 5 - The Legislative Branch 108 Article 6 - The Executive Branch 115 6a - Department of Commons 6b - Department of Culture 6c - Department of Defense 6d - Department of Economics 6e - Department of Internal Relations 6f - Department of Justice 6g - Department of Services 6h - Department of State Article 7 - The Judicial Branch 152 Article 8 - The Censorial Branch 156 Article 9 - State and Local Governments 164 Links to Reference Texts 167 Introduction A Wall Street Journal article, dated 9-12-92, reported on a call for a multitude of lawyers from the United States to help the states of the former Soviet Union restructure and draft new constitutions and legal systems. US attorneys were no doubt the logical choice for this effort: the United States was home to 70% of the world's attorneys, more than three per thousand capita. The author of the article expressed no horror whatsoever over this thought, as though the American legal system somehow set a good example of how law should be made, understood, and enforced. Meanwhile, in American opinion polls, attorneys consistently rank among the least respected and trustworthy of all professionals, just above the lawmakers who finish dead last, and the American legal and justice systems share a similar position among institutions. Most people don't know this, especially Americans, but the US Constitution is not even close to being the best in the world today. It's hopelessly out of date, court precedent has turned much of it into weasel words in service to a corporate oligarchy, and what's left is as unenforceable as ever. In the history of a people or nation, that all-too-brief period between governments which follows the disintegration of the old, wherein new governments are constituted or chartered, marks the optimum point in time where some of the major mistakes of the past can be corrected, where the lessons of history can be most practically applied. It is a good thing that the wounds are still fresh and bleeding and the lessons about corruption, and regrets about lack of vigilance, are still close at hand. It is at this point in time where we understand most vividly some of the things that can go wrong with our human self-government. It is truly a wonder, then, why new constitutions are so often written with so much hope, trust, and confidence in the new order about to come. Designing a government should never be an expression of optimism. We should instead imagine we are designing an exhibit to house the venomous reptiles at a zoo. We love and respect these creatures. We want this exhibit to serve our better ideas, and attract a good deal of business, but we also have good reasons to keep them contained, at whatever necessary cost to their reptilian and creaturely desires. Thomas Jefferson had much to say about this sensitive point in time, even unto recommending its regular re-creation with a revolution every twenty years, and he said this about the American founding: “It can never be too often repeated, that the time for fixing every essential right on a legal basis is while our rulers are honest, and ourselves united. From the conclusion of this war we shall be going down hill. It will not then be necessary to resort every moment to the people for support. They will be forgotten, therefore, and their rights disregarded. They will forget themselves, but in the sole faculty of making money, and will never think of uniting to effect a due respect for their rights. The shackles, therefore, which shall not be knocked off at the conclusion of this war, will remain on us long, will be made heavier and heavier, till our rights shall revive or expire in a convulsion.” (Notes on the State of Virginia, Query XVII, 1782). Caution: Not all of the ideas presented here will be compatible with your own. But that's OK: at least we're thinking about stuff. It should be noted, however, that this isn't really written for the United States, which has some very difficult lessons to learn first. This is for any country, anywhere, to be altered and adapted to fit its place in a politically diverse world. What is a Constitution? A constitution is the document which provides the original and most fundamental legal foundation for the existence of a republic, or other form of government not founded on unwritten divine right. The word means simply to “stand up with” or “set up with.” In establishing the foundation, it locates the sources and apportionment of sovereignty and authority, sets forth the rights and duties of its citizens, and defines the structure of the government in terms of both powers delegated and powers denied. It also specifies the skeletal structure of the government that it authorizes, defining the major branches that will also form its system of checks and balances. In most countries, a majority of voters might believe something like the following: a) a constitution is a sacred contract between the government and the people; b) federal, state and local governments share their sovereignty with the people, and the constitution delineates the boundaries between these sovereignties; c) the rights of a government and its representatives are set forth in its constitution or charter; and d) the government is the primary guardian of its charter, which is also the source and wellspring of the rights of the people. But all of this is merely what a lot of people have been fooled into believing. In fact, the government should not be a sovereign at all with respect to its people, even though some would-be republican constitutions mistakenly vest the sovereignty there. In a republic, the people are the sovereign: this is what the word republic means. Political sovereignty is granted only in relation to other governments and corporations, but even here the use of the word ought to be abandoned as a bad habit of thinking. The government is not a signatory to the constitution, and so the constitution is not a contract between the people and their government. The "second party” here, the government being constituted, does not even exist until the constitution is ratified by the people. The government has no rights whatsoever against the constitution, or against the people. No rights whatsoever come from the constitution, or from the government. The constitution is supposed to be the document by which the people secure the rights that they are born with, against the encroachment and excesses of government. Rights are rights against the government and against the actions of others. Governments merely have specific and limited delegated powers. The people are born with the full complement of their natural rights, including the right to create civil and economic rights for themselves. The constitution does not bring these into existence. Rather, it secures them against their usurpation by the constituted government, under the ultimate threat of the dissolution of that government and the repudiation of its charter by an aggrieved people. The constitution is the set of terms under which the people create their government and permit it to exist. The republican constitutional idea has been evolving since the second one was ratified by the US colonies in 1788 (solid arguments can be made for the Gayanashagowa of the Iroquois Confederacy being the first). This was the first to embody the crucial ideas mentioned above. It is no longer the strongest or the best example, but it planted five major seeds. The whole theory of American government can be encapsulated in five of the founders’ clauses or statements, one from the Declaration of Independence, two from its Constitution, and two from the Bill of Rights. It is not by any stretch a coincidence that these five have never been addressed by the US Supreme Court with anything remotely resembling courage, or anything more than an irrational fear of some infinite slippery slope down into lesser levels of government power. The five are: 1) We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.--That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, --That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. 2) We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.
Recommended publications
  • Unpopular Policies and the Theory of Representative Democracy Pierre Salmon
    Unpopular policies and the theory of representative democracy Pierre Salmon To cite this version: Pierre Salmon. Unpopular policies and the theory of representative democracy. [Research Report] Laboratoire d’analyse et de techniques économiques(LATEC). 1991, 25 p., ref. bib. : 2 p. hal- 01526994 HAL Id: hal-01526994 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01526994 Submitted on 23 May 2017 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. LABORATOIRE D'ANALYSE ET DE TECHNIQUES ÉCONOMIQUES UMR 5601 CNRS DOCUMENT DE TRAVAIL �I CENTRE NATIONAL DE LA RECHERCHE I SCIENTIFIQUE '1 UNIVERSITE DE BOURGOGNE Pôle d'Economie et de Gestion 2, boulevard Gabriel - 21000 DIJON - Tél. 03 80 3954 30 - Fax 03 80 39 54 43 ISSN : 1260-8556 9102 UNPOPULAR POLICIES AND THE THEORY OF REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY Pierre SALMON* May 1991 Université de Bourgogne * I am grateful to the participants of the Fourth Villa Colombella Seminar, especially Ron Wintrobe, to Alain Wolfelsperger and to an anonymous referee for their helpful comments. The errors and shortcomings that remain are solely my responsability. INTRODUCTION: IS MOB RULE OUR IDEAL OF REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY? Their platforms reflect concern with enhancing the probability of being elected, but some candidates often, or all candidates occasionally, voluntarily adept stances that reduce that probability.
    [Show full text]
  • Preventing Mob Rule
    In a democracy, the people rule. This means that if a majority of HANDOUT: the public demands a law or public policy, elected leaders have an obligation to seriously consider that demand. However, sometimes the majority demands a law or public policy Preventing that could trample the rights of minorities. The phenomena of the majority wanting to trample the rights of a minority is also known as Mob Rule: ochlocracy, or mob rule. Passing a Law To keep ochlocracy at bay, liberal democracies spread power amongst several institutions. The separate powers of the Senate, the House of Commons, and even the Queen illustrate how the power to create and enact laws is spread amongst different institutions in Canada. Each institution can act as a check on the power of the others. By having power spread across institutions, the law-creation process can be more reasoned and less mob-like. There are more opportunities to consider positions, consult experts, and ask questions. This helps temper emotions, protect minority rights, and promote reason when creating laws. The Path to Creating a Law In Canada, the federal government cannot simply declare a law, without a debate and without that law being subjected to reviews and consideration. The rule of law requires that there are open and established processes to guide the creation of laws. The process below outlines the steps to creating most federal laws in Canada. The process for creating laws at the provincial level is similar, except that there is no Senate review of provincial laws. Three Readings When a proposed law—also known as a bill—is first introduced in the House of Commons, it must pass a series of three votes.
    [Show full text]
  • Spooked by the Demos: Aristotle's Conception of the Good Citizenry
    Problematique Issue 11 (Spring) 2007 Bell: Spooked by the Demos Spooked by the Demos: Aristotle’s Conception of the Good Citizenry Against the Mob Colleen Bell This article addresses two aspects of Aristotle’s The Politics.1 The first concerns his conception of the good citizenry and the second concerns the character that he attributes to a politically active demos. At times, Aristotle refers to this latter category as the ‘mob’ which serves as the citizenry’s disruptive counterpart.2 I explore how the ideas of rationality, virtue and excellence are used to characterize the good citizenry, while the mob, driven by passion, moral depravity and irrationality, is represented as its alterity. The relationship between the good citizenry and the mob, I argue, is critical to the image that Aristotle casts of the best possible constitution; one designed to be largely invulnerable to revolution and to the formation of an active, democratic polity. His awareness of the potential for the demos to transform into a form of ‘mob rule’ leads him to compromise the ideal constitution, composed of a wholly ‘rational’ and ‘virtuous’ citizenry, by extending citizenship rights to a limited and select portion of the demos in order to minimize the likelihood of mob driven revolution. Aristotle provides the classical account of the citizen as one who has both the knowledge, and the ability to rule and be ruled. 3 Key is the idea that while ‘man’ is distinguished by reason, not all ‘men’ posses sufficient reason to warrant citizenship. 4 In holding that not all of humanity has the capacity to rule, essential to his conception of the good citizen is the willful exclusion of women, slaves, immigrants, and children from both political subjectivity and participation.
    [Show full text]
  • A Measure of Detachment: Richard Hofstadter and the Progressive Historians
    A MEASURE OF DETACHMENT: RICHARD HOFSTADTER AND THE PROGRESSIVE HISTORIANS A Thesis Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS By Wiliiam McGeehan May 2018 Thesis Approvals: Harvey Neptune, Department of History Andrew Isenberg, Department of History ABSTRACT This thesis argues that Richard Hofstadter's innovations in historical method arose as a critical response to the Progressive historians, particularly to Charles Beard. Hofstadter's first two books were demonstrations of the inadequacy of Progressive methodology, while his third book (the Age of Reform) showed the potential of his new way of writing history. i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT.......................................................................................................................i CHAPTER 1. A MEASURE OF DETACHMENT..........................................................................1 2. SOCIAL DARWINISM IN AMERICAN THOUGHT………………………………………………26 3. THE AMERICAN POLITICAL TRADITION…………………………………………………………..52 4. THE AGE OF REFORM…………………………………………………………………………………….100 5. CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………………………………………………139 BIBLIOGRAPHY…………………………………………………………………………………………………………..144 CHAPTER ONE A MEASURE OF DETACHMENT Great thinkers often spend their early years in rebellion against the teachers from whom they have learned the most. Freud would say they live out a form of the Oedipal archetype, that son must murder his father at least a little bit if he is ever to become his own man.
    [Show full text]
  • Preventing Mob Rule
    There are many ways that ochlocracy, or the rule of the mob, is HANDOUT: curtailed in Canada. Requiring that legislation be approved by the House of Commons, the Senate, and even the Queen is one of the protections we have against mob rule. The review of proposed legislation by specialised committees of both the House of Commons Preventing and the Senate is another way that we try to ensure that our laws Mob Rule: The respect reason and uphold minority rights. Yet another way that Canada’s liberal democracy is designed to Courts and uphold the values of reason and protect minority rights is our constitution. The Constitution Act and the Charter of Rights and the Charter Freedoms are the highest laws in the country. They spell out what the government has the authority to do, and codify the rights and of Rights and freedoms of all Canadians. When questions arise as to whether or not the government is Freedoms respecting the constitution or the Charter, the courts may be asked to decide. Courts are independent of government. They have the power to rule on whether or not legislation respects the constitution and the Charter. If a court determines that some aspect of a law is contrary to the constitution or the Charter, the non-conforming parts of the law will be of no force or effect. Tyranny of the Judiciary? The power of the courts to rule on whether or not laws are constitutionally valid has led some people to suggest that there is a “tyranny” of the judiciary.
    [Show full text]
  • Voting Squared: Quadratic Voting in Democratic Politics Eric A
    University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Coase-Sandor Working Paper Series in Law and Coase-Sandor Institute for Law and Economics Economics 2014 Voting Squared: Quadratic Voting in Democratic Politics Eric A. Posner E. Glen Weyl Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/law_and_economics Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Eric Posner & E. Glen Weyl, "Voting Squared: Quadratic Voting in Democratic Politics" (Coase-Sandor Institute for Law & Economics Working Paper No. 657, 2014). This Working Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Coase-Sandor Institute for Law and Economics at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Coase-Sandor Working Paper Series in Law and Economics by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CHICAGO COASE-SANDOR INSTITUTE FOR LAW AND ECONOMICS WORKING PAPER NO. 657 (2D SERIES) Voting Squared: Quadratic Voting in Democratic Politics Eric A. Posner and E. Glen Weyl THE LAW SCHOOL THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO February 2014 This paper can be downloaded without charge at: The University of Chicago, Institute for Law and Economics Working Paper Series Index: http://www.law.uchicago.edu/Lawecon/index.html and at the Social Science Research Network Electronic Paper Collection. Voting Squared: Quadratic Voting in Democratic Politics Eric A. Posner & E. Glen Weyl1 February 14, 2014 Abstract. Conventional democratic institutions aggregate preferences poorly. The norm of one-person-one-vote with majority rule treats people fairly by giving everyone an equal chance to influence outcomes, but fails to give proportional weight to people whose interests in a social outcome are stronger than those of other people—a problem that leads to the familiar phenomenon of tyranny of the majority.
    [Show full text]
  • We Have a Representative Constitutional Republic and NOT a Democracy for a Reason
    To whom it may concern- We have a representative constitutional republic and NOT a democracy for a reason. A democracy is a popularity contest, it's mob rule, it's 51% of the population bossing around the other 49%. The founding fathers gave us a representative constitutional republic because they believed some rights were intrinsic to the person and could not be removed, no matter how many people agreed to take them away. The right to keep and bear arms as valued second only to the right to free speech and freedom of religion. Senate Bill 978 and it's amendment will largely destroy our right to keep and bear arms in this state. In addition, and much more seriously, the way SB978 is being forced upon the people of Oregon is a circus, an absolute farce. An embarrassment. A perversion of the power given to elected officials. Spitting upon the Constitution, both of the USA as a whole and of Oregon. Every government employee or political office holder who swore an oath to uphold the Constitution of both the USA and of Oregon should be ashamed to be a part of this process. The way SB978 and it's amendment were introduced and modified was done specifically to avoid public knowledge and interference. A law that requires secrecy and subversion to pass doesn't deserve to see the light of day. This is not the way a government by the people, of the people, and for the people works, this is how a totalitarian dictatorship works. The elected representatives of Oregon have lost their way, and I am looking forward to the voting box showing them the door.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy's Untold Story: What World History Textbooks Neglect. INSTITUTION American Federation of Teachers, Washington, D.C.; Columbia Univ., New York, N.Y
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 313 268 SO 018 637 AUTHOR Gagnon, Paul TITLE Democracy's Untold Story: What World History Textbooks Neglect. INSTITUTION American Federation of Teachers, Washington, D.C.; Columbia Univ., New York, N.Y. Teachers College.; Freedom House, Inc., New York, N.Y. SPONS AGENCY California State Dept. of Education, Sacramento. Bureau of Adult Education.; Department of Education, Washington, DC. PUB DATE 87 NOTE 133p.; For related documents, see SO 019 821, SO 020 352, and EJ 357 591. Prepared in conjunction with the Education for Democracy Project. AVAILABLE FROMEducation for Democracy Project, American Federation of Teachers, 555 New Jersey Ave., NW, Washington, DC 20001 ($4.98). PUB TYPE Books (010) Viewpoints (120) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC06 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Content Analysis; *Democracy; *Democratic Values; High Schools; Instructional Materials; Social Studies; *Textbook Content; Textbook Evaluation; *World History ABSTRACT Content weakness in textbooks is a major obstacle to effective social studies teaching. Chapters 1-3 of this book provide the Education for Democracy Project's Statement of Principles, a consideration of history's role as the core of social studies education, and the role of textbooks in teaching world history. Chapters 4-14 examine five selected world history textbooks in terms of included information about and treatment of:(1) the purpose of history instruction;(2) the Greek legacy; (3) Rome's fall and legacy;(4) Judaism's and Christianity's basic ideas; (5) the Middle Ages as a source of representative government; (6) the 17th century English Parliament;(7) ideas from the Enlightenment; (8) the American and French Revolutions; (9) major ideas of the 19th century; (10) nation-states, nationalism, and imperialism; (11) World War I; (12) totalitarianism; (13) U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Who Wins When the Majority Rules?
    University of New Hampshire University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository The University Dialogue Discovery Program 2007 Who wins when the majority rules? Marla Brettschneider University of New Hampshire, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholars.unh.edu/discovery_ud Part of the American Politics Commons Recommended Citation Brettschneider, Marla, "Who wins when the majority rules?" (2007). The University Dialogue. 20. https://scholars.unh.edu/discovery_ud/20 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Discovery Program at University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in The University Dialogue by an authorized administrator of University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Who Wins When the Majority Rules? Marla Brettschneider Departments of Political Science & Women’s Studies Coordinator, Queer Studies Introduction States notwithstanding, democratic theorists have long It is often difficult to engage in critical discussions of questioned majority rule, myriad institutions, and gov- fundamental democratic principles. Basic questions of erning bodies, and organizations in democracies have democratic praxis are assumed to be easily answered or employed methods that run counter to the majoritar- are thought to have been answered declaratively by the ian principle, specifically in the interest of promoting “founding fathers.” Thus, the question ofhow we ought democratic egalitarianism. to go about enacting systems of governance by, for, and of the people seems to have a simple answer: majoritari- Madison’s Majoritarianism anism. Decision making, according to the will of the Many consider majoritarianism to be a founding U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy and Dictatorship: Conceptualization and Measurement 145
    Democracy and Dictatorship: 5 Conceptualization and Measurement If you can think about something, you can conceptualize it; if you can conceptualize it, you can operationalize it; and if you can operationalize it, you can measure it. J. David Singer If you can not measure it, you can not improve it. Lord Kelvin Not everything that counts can be counted, and not everything that can be counted counts. From a sign in Einstein’s office at Princeton • Although a strong consensus exists that democracy is the most desirable form of political regime, this has not always been the case. In fact, his- torically, democracy was commonly viewed as an obsolete system that was both dangerous and unstable. • Given the current widespread agreement concerning the importance OVERVIEW and desirability of democracy, one might wonder how a country becomes a democracy and about the sorts of things that influence democratic survival. Answering these types of questions presupposes that we can conceptualize and measure democracy and dictatorship. • In this chapter, we look at the types of issues that arise when social sci- entists try to conceptualize and measure abstract political phenomena. We do so in the context of democracy and dictatorship. What exactly is it that makes a democracy a democracy? Should we conceptualize and 144 Principles of Comparative Politics measure democracy in substantive or minimalist terms? Should we conceptualize and measure democracy and dictatorship as two separate categories or two ends of a single democratic-dictatorial continuum? • We also discuss different criteria—validity, reliability, and replicability—that political scientists employ to evaluate empirical measures of their theoretical concepts.
    [Show full text]
  • Rational Irrationality Across Institutional Contexts
    Journal des Économistes et des Études Humaines 2015; aop Ryan H. Murphy* Rational Irrationality Across Institutional Contexts DOI 10.1515/jeeh-2015-0005 Abstract: This paper considers how Bryan Caplan’s concept of rational irra- tionality may manifest in various political institutional arrangements, building off the demand curve for irrationality. Mob democracy, anarchy, autocracy, and constitutionally constrained democracy are the governance structures addressed. While anarchy is strictly better than mob democracy, under certain conditions, democracy, anarchy, or constitutionally constrained democracy may yield the best outcomes depending on the circumstances. Keywords: rational irrationality, comparative institutional analysis, anarchy, autocracy JEL Codes: D03, D72 1 Introduction Rational irrationality supplements rational ignorance in the standard public choice perspective on government failure (Caplan 2001a). Rather than empha- sizing the potential for self-interested actors to reach suboptimal outcomes in political markets, rationally irrational voters are systematically biased in sev- eral distinct ways. According to Caplan (2007a), these biases include Anti- Market Bias, Antiforeign Bias, Make Work Bias, and Pessimism Bias. These biases cause governments to make inappropriate interventions in the economy and society. Rational irrationality may thereby explain inefficiencies observed in policy today.1 1 The purpose of this paper is not to re-examine the relative importance of rational irrationality versus rational ignorance. The issue of the “miracle of aggregation” is a difficult one for scholars arguing that rational ignorance is an important cause of bad public policy. However, many still argue that it has a detrimental effect, e.g. Somin (2013). *Corresponding author: Ryan H. Murphy, SMU Cox School of Business, O’Neil Center for Global Markets and Freedom, Southern Methodist University, P.O.
    [Show full text]
  • The RISE of DEMOCRACY REVOLUTION, WAR and TRANSFORMATIONS in INTERNATIONAL POLITICS SINCE 1776
    Macintosh HD:Users:Graham:Public:GRAHAM'S IMAC JOBS:15554 - EUP - HOBSON:HOBSON NEW 9780748692811 PRINT The RISE of DEMOCRACY REVOLUTION, WAR AND TRANSFORMATIONS IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS SINCE 1776 CHRISTOPHER HOBSON Macintosh HD:Users:Graham:Public:GRAHAM'S IMAC JOBS:15554 - EUP - HOBSON:HOBSON NEW 9780748692811 PRINT THE RISE OF DEMOCRACY Macintosh HD:Users:Graham:Public:GRAHAM'S IMAC JOBS:15554 - EUP - HOBSON:HOBSON NEW 9780748692811 PRINT Macintosh HD:Users:Graham:Public:GRAHAM'S IMAC JOBS:15554 - EUP - HOBSON:HOBSON NEW 9780748692811 PRINT THE RISE OF DEMOCRACY Revolution, War and Transformations in International Politics since 1776 Christopher Hobson Macintosh HD:Users:Graham:Public:GRAHAM'S IMAC JOBS:15554 - EUP - HOBSON:HOBSON NEW 9780748692811 PRINT © Christopher Hobson, 2015 Edinburgh University Press Ltd The Tun – Holyrood Road 12 (2f) Jackson’s Entry Edinburgh EH8 8PJ www.euppublishing.com Typeset in 11 /13pt Monotype Baskerville by Servis Filmsetting Ltd, Stockport, Cheshire, and printed and bound in Great Britain by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon CR0 4YY A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978 0 7486 9281 1 (hardback) ISBN 978 0 7486 9282 8 (webready PDF) ISBN 978 0 7486 9283 5 (epub) The right of Christopher Hobson to be identified as author of this work has been asserted in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 and the Copyright and Related Rights Regulations 2003 (SI No. 2498). Macintosh HD:Users:Graham:Public:GRAHAM'S IMAC JOBS:15554 - EUP - HOBSON:HOBSON NEW 9780748692811
    [Show full text]