Introduction: What Is Democracy?
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The Enlightenment and Democratic Revolutions MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW TERMS & NAMES
4 The Enlightenment and Democratic Revolutions MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW TERMS & NAMES REVOLUTION Enlightenment These revolutions and the • Enlightenment • representative ideas helped bring about the documents they produced have • social contract government American and French inspired other democratic • natural rights • federal system revolutions. movements. • separation of • United Nations powers SETTING THE STAGE The Renaissance continued to affect European thinking throughout the 17th century. The Renaissance emphasis on the individual and on expanding human potential were especially influential. At the same time, Europeans began to explore their physical world. They extended the boundaries of the known world in what came to be called the Age of Exploration. New ideas and discoveries had a great impact on Europeans’ understanding of themselves and the world. TAKING NOTES Enlightenment Thinkers and Ideas Outlining Use an outline During the 17th and 18th centuries, an intellectual movement called the to organize the main ideas and details. Enlightenment developed. Enlightenment thinkers tried to apply the principles of reason and the methods of science to all aspects of society. They built upon I. Enlightenmentg the long history of Western thought. Thinkers and Ideas The philosophers of ancient Greece had established the idea of natural laws A. that could be discovered by careful observation and reasoned inquiry. B. Christianity contributed the belief in the equality of all human beings. (This belief II. The Beggginnings of Democracy in America would later lead to the principle of equal rights in society.) During the Renaissance, thinkers had focused on worldly concerns. They criticized medieval philosophy A. for concentrating on questions that seemed unrelated to human conditions. -
Unpopular Policies and the Theory of Representative Democracy Pierre Salmon
Unpopular policies and the theory of representative democracy Pierre Salmon To cite this version: Pierre Salmon. Unpopular policies and the theory of representative democracy. [Research Report] Laboratoire d’analyse et de techniques économiques(LATEC). 1991, 25 p., ref. bib. : 2 p. hal- 01526994 HAL Id: hal-01526994 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01526994 Submitted on 23 May 2017 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. LABORATOIRE D'ANALYSE ET DE TECHNIQUES ÉCONOMIQUES UMR 5601 CNRS DOCUMENT DE TRAVAIL �I CENTRE NATIONAL DE LA RECHERCHE I SCIENTIFIQUE '1 UNIVERSITE DE BOURGOGNE Pôle d'Economie et de Gestion 2, boulevard Gabriel - 21000 DIJON - Tél. 03 80 3954 30 - Fax 03 80 39 54 43 ISSN : 1260-8556 9102 UNPOPULAR POLICIES AND THE THEORY OF REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY Pierre SALMON* May 1991 Université de Bourgogne * I am grateful to the participants of the Fourth Villa Colombella Seminar, especially Ron Wintrobe, to Alain Wolfelsperger and to an anonymous referee for their helpful comments. The errors and shortcomings that remain are solely my responsability. INTRODUCTION: IS MOB RULE OUR IDEAL OF REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY? Their platforms reflect concern with enhancing the probability of being elected, but some candidates often, or all candidates occasionally, voluntarily adept stances that reduce that probability. -
BEYOND PUBLIC CHOICE and PUBLIC INTEREST: a STUDY of the LEGISLATIVE PROCESS AS ILLUSTRATED by TAX LEGISLATION in the 1980S
University of Pennsylvania Law Review FOUNDED 1852 Formerly American Law Register VOL. 139 NOVEMBER 1990 No. 1 ARTICLES BEYOND PUBLIC CHOICE AND PUBLIC INTEREST: A STUDY OF THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS AS ILLUSTRATED BY TAX LEGISLATION IN THE 1980s DANIEL SHAVIRO" TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ................................. 3 II. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF CYCLICAL TAX LEGISLATION ... 11 A. Legislation From the Beginning of the Income Tax Through the 1970s: The Evolution of Tax Instrumentalism and Tax Reform ..................................... 11 t Assistant Professor, University of Chicago Law School. The author was a Legislation Attorney with theJoint Committee of Taxation during the enactment of the 1986 tax bill discussed in this Article. He is grateful to Walter Blum, Richard Posner, Cass Sunstein, and the participants in a Harvard Law School seminar on Current Research in Taxation, held in Chatham, Massachusetts on August 23-26, 1990, for helpful comments on earlier drafts, to Joanne Fay and Michael Bonarti for research assistance, and to the WalterJ. Blum Faculty Research Fund and the Kirkland & Ellis Faculty Fund for financial support. 2 UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LAW REVIEW [Vol. 139: 1 B. The 1981 Act and Its Aftermath ................... 19 C. The 1986 Act ............................... 23 D. Aftermath of the 198.6 Act ......................... 29 E. Summary .................................. 30 III. THE PUBLIC INTEREST THEORY OF LEGISLATION ........ 31 A. The Various Strands of Public Interest Theory .......... 31 1. Public Interest Theory in Economics ............ 31 2. The Pluralist School in Political Science .......... 33 3. Ideological Views of the Public Interest .......... 35 B. Criticisms of PublicInterest Theory .................. 36 1. (Largely Theoretical) Criticisms by Economists ... 36 a. When Everyone "Wins," Everyone May Lose .. -
Democracy in the United States
Democracy in the United States The United States is a representative democracy. This means that our government is elected by citizens. Here, citizens vote for their government officials. These officials represent the citizens’ ideas and concerns in government. Voting is one way to participate in our democracy. Citizens can also contact their officials when they want to support or change a law. Voting in an election and contacting our elected officials are two ways that Americans can participate in their democracy. Voting booth in Atascadero, California, in 2008. Photo by Ace Armstrong. Courtesy of the Polling Place Photo Project. Your Government and You H www.uscis.gov/citizenship 1 Becoming a U.S. Citizen Taking the Oath of Allegiance at a naturalization ceremony in Washington, D.C. Courtesy of USCIS. The process required to become a citizen is called naturalization. To become a U.S. citizen, you must meet legal requirements. You must complete an interview with a USCIS officer. You must also pass an English and Civics test. Then, you take the Oath of Allegiance. This means that you promise loyalty to the United States. When you become a U.S. citizen, you also make these promises: ★ give up loyalty to other countries ★ defend the Constitution and laws of the United States ★ obey the laws of the United States ★ serve in the U.S. military (if needed) ★ do important work for the nation (if needed) After you take the Oath of Allegiance, you are a U.S. citizen. 2 Your Government and You H www.uscis.gov/citizenship Rights and Responsibilities of Citizens Voting is one important right and responsibility of U.S. -
The Illusory Distinction Between Equality of Opportunity and Equality of Result
University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 1992 The Illusory Distinction between Equality of Opportunity and Equality of Result David A. Strauss Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/journal_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation David A. Strauss, "The Illusory Distinction between Equality of Opportunity and Equality of Result," 34 William and Mary Law Review 171 (1992). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE ILLUSORY DISTINCTION BETWEEN EQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITY AND EQUALITY OF RESULT DAVID A. STRAUSS* I. INTRODUCTION "Our society should guarantee equality of opportunity, but not equality of result." One hears that refrain or its equivalent with increasing frequency. Usually it is part of a general attack on gov- ernment measures that redistribute wealth, or specifically on af- firmative action, that is, race- and gender-conscious efforts to im- prove the status of minorities and women. The idea appears to be that the government's role is to ensure that everyone starts off from the same point, not that everyone ends up in the same condi- tion. If people have equal opportunities, what they make of those opportunities is their responsibility. If they end up worse off, the government should not intervene to help them.1 In this Article, I challenge the usefulness of the distinction be- tween equality of opportunity and equality of result. -
CONCEPT of STATEHOOD in UNITED NATIONS PRACTICE * ROSALYN COHEN T
1961] THE CONCEPT OF STATEHOOD IN UNITED NATIONS PRACTICE * ROSALYN COHEN t The topic of "statehood under international law" has long been a favorite with jurists. The problem of what constitutes a "state" has been extensively examined and discussed, but all too often in absolutist terms confined to drawing up lists of criteria which must be met before an entity may be deemed a "state." The very rigidity of this approach implies that the term "state" has a fixed meaning which provides an unambiguous yardstick for measuring without serious fear of error, the existence of international personality. The framework of examination being thus constricted, traditional inquiry has endeavored to meet some of its inadequacies by ancillary discussions on the possi- bility of a "dependent state" in international law, of the desirability of universality in certain organizations set up by the international com- munity, and of the rights of peoples to national self-determination. It would appear, however, that these questions, far from being ancillary, are integral to any discussion of "statehood." Even the language of the law-or perhaps especially the language of the law-contains ambiguities which are inherent in any language system, and the diffi- culties presented by this fact can only be resolved by an analysis which takes full cognizance of the contextual background. Thus, when ex- amining what is meant by the word "state," an appraisal of the com- munity interests which will be affected by the decision to interpret it in one way rather than in another is necessary. Discussions, for example, of whether a "dependent state" can exist under international law become meaningless unless there is first an examination of whether the community of nations would find it appropriate, in the light of its long range objectives, to afford the rights which follow from "state- hood" to entities fettered by restrictions which impair their independ- ence. -
A World Beyond the Nation-State Luca Deangelis SIT Study Abroad
SIT Graduate Institute/SIT Study Abroad SIT Digital Collections Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection SIT Study Abroad Fall 2018 A World Beyond the Nation-State Luca DeAngelis SIT Study Abroad Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection Part of the Other Political Science Commons, and the Political Theory Commons Recommended Citation DeAngelis, Luca, "A World Beyond the Nation-State" (2018). Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection. 2965. https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/2965 This Unpublished Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the SIT Study Abroad at SIT Digital Collections. It has been accepted for inclusion in Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection by an authorized administrator of SIT Digital Collections. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 A World Beyond the Nation-State By Luca DeAngelis Fall 2018 SIT Geneva: International Studies & Multilateral Diplomacy Dr. Gyula Csurgai Bowdoin College Philosophy, Government & Legal Studies 2 Abstract The once monolithic nation-state is in danger. Forces of modernity like globalization are causing the nation-state to recede. While the nation-state is not likely to vanish, a decline in the nation-states power is mightily consequential to the world order that is built around this central political unit. A decline in the nation-state will lead to chaos and uncertainty in the near future. In theory, this decline could be good because the nation-state is a flawed political unit. Thorough research on a world beyond the nation-state is necessary in order to adequately prepare and sculpt our future world. Ultimately, an analysis of possible futures where the nation-state is less prominent reveals that the most likely future consists of the mass privatization and the rise of corporate governance that could be worse for freedom and democracy. -
CRIME and CRIMINAL JUSTICE in NEW YORK STATE: a Survey of Public Opinion
OFFICE OF JUSTICE SYSTEMS ANALYSIS CRIME AND CRIMINAL JUSTICE IN NEW YORK STATE: A Survey of Public Opinion Volume I: Crime, Neighborhood Safety and Responses to Crime DIVISION OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE SERVICES ••••••••r ....... ., . •••••••IP ..........--- .. ' ~~ NEWYORK STATE --c-~~~~-----..---.~- l;1g50S NEW YORK STAlE MARIO M. CUOMO, GOVERNOR CRIME AND CRIMINAL JUSTICE IN NEW YORK STATE: A Survey of Public Opinion Volume I: Crime, Neighborhood Safety and Responses to Crime DIVISION OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE SERVICES John J. Poklemba Director of Criminal Justice and Commissoner OFFICE OF JUSTICE SYSTEMS ANALYSIS Barry C. Sample, Executive Deputy Commissioner BUREAU OF STATISTICAL SERVICES Richard A. Rosen, Chief 128505 U.S. Department of Justice National Institute of Justice by: Prepared This document has been reproduced exactly .as recei~e? from the Sharon E. Lansing person or organization originating it. Points of view or OPIniOnS stat7d in this document are those of the authors and do. not nec~ssafilY represent the official position or policies of the National Institute of Justice. Permission to reproduce this copyrighted material in mi crofiche only has been granted by December 1988 New York State/Division of Criminal Justice Services to the National Criminal Justice Reference Service (NCJRS). Further reproduction outside of the NCJRS system requires permis· sion of the copyright owner. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This is the first time a public opinion survey has been undertaken by a State criminal justice agency. While the Division of Criminal Justice Services was responsible for the preparation of the survey instrument and the data analysis, Fact Finders, Inc. adapted the instrument for use in a telephone survey and conducted the actual survey. -
Speaking “Truth” to Biopower
4.BLOOM.MACRO.12.29.11 (DO NOT DELETE) 1/20/2012 11:46 AM SPEAKING “TRUTH” TO BIOPOWER Anne Bloom* INTRODUCTION Left-leaning plaintiffs‟ lawyers sometimes describe their work as “Speaking Truth to Power.”1 The “Truth” they speak usually involves tales of government or corporate wrongdoing, while the power they confront is usually institutional.2 I am a long-time supporter of the plaintiffs‟ bar and believe that the work that they are doing is important. At the same time, I would like to propose an alternative way of “Speaking Truth to Power” that involves somewhat different understandings of both truth and power. I call this strategy “Speaking „Truth‟ to Biopower.” “Speaking „Truth‟ to Biopower” is a pragmatic strategy for legal activism that incorporates postmodern insights regarding the nature of both “truth” and “power.” “Truth” is in quotes to emphasize its contingency – the impossibility of understanding what truth means outside of a particular political and social context. “Biopower” replaces “Power” to highlight the ways in which the body is a key site of contestation in contemporary political struggles.3 While these insights are postmodern,4 the strategy I propose is not. Instead of rejecting legal arguments that rely upon foundational beliefs or “truths” (as would be characteristic of a postmodern approach),5 I argue it is more useful to strategically deploy legal “truths” in * Professor of Law, the University of the Pacific/McGeorge School of Law. Thanks to Danielle Hart for her efforts in putting together this symposium and for her comments on earlier versions of this essay. -
Democratic Republic of Congo Constitution
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO, 2005 [1] Table of Contents PREAMBLE TITLE I GENERAL PROVISIONS Chapter 1 The State and Sovereignty Chapter 2 Nationality TITLE II HUMAN RIGHTS, FUNDAMENTAL LIBERTIES AND THE DUTIES OF THE CITIZEN AND THE STATE Chapter 1 Civil and Political Rights Chapter 2 Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Chapter 3 Collective Rights Chapter 4 The Duties of the Citizen TITLE III THE ORGANIZATION AND THE EXERCISE OF POWER Chapter 1 The Institutions of the Republic TITLE IV THE PROVINCES Chapter 1 The Provincial Institutions Chapter 2 The Distribution of Competences Between the Central Authority and the Provinces Chapter 3 Customary Authority TITLE V THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COUNCIL TITLE VI DEMOCRACY-SUPPORTING INSTITUTIONS Chapter 1 The Independent National Electoral Commission Chapter 2 The High Council for Audiovisual Media and Communication TITLE VII INTERNATIONAL TREATIES AND AGREEMENTS TITLE VIII THE REVISION OF THE CONSTITUTION TITLE IX TRANSITORY AND FINAL PROVISIONS PREAMBLE We, the Congolese People, United by destiny and history around the noble ideas of liberty, fraternity, solidarity, justice, peace and work; Driven by our common will to build in the heart of Africa a State under the rule of law and a powerful and prosperous Nation based on a real political, economic, social and cultural democracy; Considering that injustice and its corollaries, impunity, nepotism, regionalism, tribalism, clan rule and patronage are, due to their manifold vices, at the origin of the general decline -
Nigeria's Constitution of 1999
PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:42 constituteproject.org Nigeria's Constitution of 1999 This complete constitution has been generated from excerpts of texts from the repository of the Comparative Constitutions Project, and distributed on constituteproject.org. constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:42 Table of contents Preamble . 5 Chapter I: General Provisions . 5 Part I: Federal Republic of Nigeria . 5 Part II: Powers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria . 6 Chapter II: Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy . 13 Chapter III: Citizenship . 17 Chapter IV: Fundamental Rights . 20 Chapter V: The Legislature . 28 Part I: National Assembly . 28 A. Composition and Staff of National Assembly . 28 B. Procedure for Summoning and Dissolution of National Assembly . 29 C. Qualifications for Membership of National Assembly and Right of Attendance . 32 D. Elections to National Assembly . 35 E. Powers and Control over Public Funds . 36 Part II: House of Assembly of a State . 40 A. Composition and Staff of House of Assembly . 40 B. Procedure for Summoning and Dissolution of House of Assembly . 41 C. Qualification for Membership of House of Assembly and Right of Attendance . 43 D. Elections to a House of Assembly . 45 E. Powers and Control over Public Funds . 47 Chapter VI: The Executive . 50 Part I: Federal Executive . 50 A. The President of the Federation . 50 B. Establishment of Certain Federal Executive Bodies . 58 C. Public Revenue . 61 D. The Public Service of the Federation . 63 Part II: State Executive . 65 A. Governor of a State . 65 B. Establishment of Certain State Executive Bodies . -
Thomas Jefferson and the Ideology of Democratic Schooling
Thomas Jefferson and the Ideology of Democratic Schooling James Carpenter (Binghamton University) Abstract I challenge the traditional argument that Jefferson’s educational plans for Virginia were built on mod- ern democratic understandings. While containing some democratic features, especially for the founding decades, Jefferson’s concern was narrowly political, designed to ensure the survival of the new republic. The significance of this piece is to add to the more accurate portrayal of Jefferson’s impact on American institutions. Submit your own response to this article Submit online at democracyeducationjournal.org/home Read responses to this article online http://democracyeducationjournal.org/home/vol21/iss2/5 ew historical figures have undergone as much advocate of public education in the early United States” (p. 280). scrutiny in the last two decades as has Thomas Heslep (1969) has suggested that Jefferson provided “a general Jefferson. His relationship with Sally Hemings, his statement on education in republican, or democratic society” views on Native Americans, his expansionist ideology and his (p. 113), without distinguishing between the two. Others have opted suppressionF of individual liberties are just some of the areas of specifically to connect his ideas to being democratic. Williams Jefferson’s life and thinking that historians and others have reexam- (1967) argued that Jefferson’s impact on our schools is pronounced ined (Finkelman, 1995; Gordon- Reed, 1997; Kaplan, 1998). because “democracy and education are interdependent” and But his views on education have been unchallenged. While his therefore with “education being necessary to its [democracy’s] reputation as a founding father of the American republic has been success, a successful democracy must provide it” (p.