DOCSLIB.ORG

The Arab Peace Initiative: Why Now? One Year on from Annapolis – the Need for a Regional Frame for Negotiations

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Arab Peace Initiative: Why Now? One Year on from Annapolis – the Need for a Regional Frame for Negotiations OxfordResearchGroup building bridges for global security The Arab Peace Initiative: Why Now? One year on from Annapolis – the need for a regional frame for negotiations Gabrielle Rifkind Foreword by HRH Prince Turki Al Faisal Executive Summary by Professor Oliver Ramsbotham November 2008 Report following an Oxford Research Group meeting on ‘The Arab Peace Initiative as a Possible Exit from the Current Impasse: What needs to happen’ 15-17 October 2008, Oxfordshire, UK Published by Oxford Research Group, November 2008 Oxford Research Group Development House 56-64 Leonard Street London EC2A 4LT United Kingdom Copyright © Oxford Research Group, 2008 Some rights reserved. This paper is licensed under a Creative Commons licence that allows copy and distribution for non-profit use, provided the author and ORG are attributed properly and the work is not altered in any way. See http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/ for full details. Please contact Oxford Research Group if you would like to translate this report. About the report This report is based on an expert roundtable, which was organised by Oxford Research Group (ORG) on 15-17 October 2008 at Charney Manor, Oxfordshire, UK, to give the Arab Peace Initiative (API) a higher profile. Present at the roundtable were senior serving and former diplomats and officials who have influence in and access to their own governments in the Arab world, Israel, US and UK. The Executive Summary aims to reflect the broad mood of the meeting. The rest of the report also draws on interviews and discussions that took place on the fringes of the meeting and during its preparation. There is no claim that all participants are in agreement on every point. About the author Gabrielle Rifkind is Human Security Consultant to Oxford Research Group, where she directs the Middle East Programme. She is a group analyst and specialist in conflict resolution, and co-directs the EU Partnership for Peace project at ORG. Executive Summary Oliver Ramsbotham is Emeritus Professor of Peace Studies at the University of Bradford (UK), Chair of the Oxford Research Group, and President of the Conflict Research Society. Acknowledgements Oxford Research Group gratefully acknowledges the support of the European Union’s Partnership for Peace programme in funding the roundtable on the Arab Peace Initiative in October 2008. ORG also acknowledges the ongoing support of the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust (JRCT), the Polden- Puckham Charitable Foundation (PPCF), the RH Southern Trust and the 1970 Trust. The author would like to thank Ahmed Badawi, Dr. Orit Gal, Dr. Tony Klug, Dr. John Sloboda and Chris Langdon for their support in the organisation of the meeting in Oxford and in the writing of the report. She would also like to thank Monika Barthwal-Datta for her diligent, quiet administration of the meeting, Refqa Abu-Remaileh for her thorough rapporteuring, Chris Abbott for managing the production of the report and Andy Roberts for his financial administration of the meeting. www.oxfordresearchgroup.org.uk The Arab Peace Initiative: Why Now? One year on from Annapolis – the need for a regional frame for negotiations Gabrielle Rifkind November 2008 The consensus of the meeting was that the API offers the outline of an agreement that is very much in the strategic interest of Israel. It was seen as a deal that the founders of the State of Israel would surely have embraced with characteristic boldness, and negotiated with vigour. Participants agreed that there is no alternative framework that does or can effectively guarantee the future of a Jewish democratic state on 78% of mandate Palestine within a context of regional recognition and cooperation. In the words of one participant, the API offers to “provide future generations with security, stability and prosperity” after 60 years of conflict and bloodshed. OxfordResearchGroup OxfordResearchGroup | The Arab Peace Initiative: Why Now? Contents Foreword by HRH Prince Turki Al Faisal 3 Executive Summary by Oliver Ramsbotham 4 Recommendations 7 Figure 1: Required strategies to harness the potential for the 8 Arab Peace Initiative and establish a stable negotiating process Setting the scene 9 The current situation 9 Context of current conflict environment 10 Figure 2: Current conflict environment 11 Tragic timing for the launch of the API in 2002 11 What does the API offer? 12 Saudi opening remarks 13 Israeli responses 13 Arab responses 15 Responses from the international community 16 British perspective 16 The role of the European Union 17 The role of the US administration 17 Hamas and the API 17 New political architecture post-Annapolis 19 Conclusions 20 Endnotes 20 Appendix 1: The Arab Peace Initiative 21 Appendix 2: Interview with Amr Moussa 23 Appendix 3: Media activity immediately after the meeting 23 2 OxfordResearchGroup | The Arab Peace Initiative: Why Now? Foreword by HRH Prince Turki Al Faisal Chairman of the King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies and former Saudi Ambassador to London and Washington When Gabrielle Rifkind asked me to join a small roundtable discussion group on the Abdullah Peace Initiative I immediately accepted her invitation and said: “I will do as you wish”. I had worked with Gabrielle on another meeting which took place in Riyadh, and appreciated her seriousness and dedication. She informed me that there were going to be Israelis involved and I asked if they were officials or not. It would not have been appropriate with officials there.. The Abdullah Peace Initiative is the vision for a future peace between the Arab world and Israel that is based on a quid pro quo: Israel will withdraw totally from all occupied Arab land, including East Jerusalem as the capital of a sovereign Palestinian state, in return for total Arab recognition, end of hostilities, and normalisation between all the Arab states. A settlement for the Palestine refugees would be mutually agreed to by both parties. This proposal became the Arab Peace Initiative in March 2002 at the Arab summit meeting held in Beirut. All the Arab states signed up to the Initiative then and remain committed to it until today. The Hamas attack on Natanya and Ariel Sharon’s invasion of the West Bank eclipsed the Initiative when it was approved in 2002. Ariel Sharon’s dismissal of the Initiative as the “most dangerous” proposition facing Israel, in the words of Sharon’s advisor, Dov Weisglass, equally dampened any enthusiasm in Israel for the Initiative. All the Arab summits held since Beirut have reiterated Arab commitment to the Initiative. Last year, Ehud Olmert expressed guarded and qualified understanding of “elements” of the Initiative, as he said, and, last September, at the United Nations General Assembly meeting in New York, Shimon Peres saw positive elements in the “spirit” of the Initiative. These are encouraging signs from Israeli officials, but they show misunderstanding of the Initiative. Henry Seigman has expressed the view that the Initiative is not a plan that can be negotiated. Rather it is a view of the end result of negotiation. He is right. What has allowed the Initiative to withstand Israeli rejection, and American and European lack of interest is the soundness and viability of the Initiative. It is the clarity of the Initiative’s vision, that is now bringing it to Israeli and worldwide appreciation and interest. The positive response of the Israelis who joined the discussion group is an encouraging sign that, as Israelis become more aware of the quid pro quo offered by the Initiative, they will see the great opportunity that this vision of a final and definitive peace between Israel and the Arab world offers. Turki Al Faisal 3 OxfordResearchGroup | The Arab Peace Initiative: Why Now? Executive Summary President The Arab Peace Initiative (API), proposed in March 2002 by all 22 members of the Arab League, offered a definitive end to the Arab-Israeli conflict, full recognition for the State of Israel, and the Shimon Peres establishment of normal relations and mutual guarantees of future security. In exchange, the API has appealed for asked for full Israeli withdrawal from lands occupied in June 1967, including Syrian and Lebanese Israel to “stop territories, a just settlement to the Palestinian refugee problem ‘to be agreed upon’ in accordance holding separate with UN General Assembly Resolution 194, and the establishment of a sovereign independent Palestinian state with its capital in East Jerusalem. negotiations and go for a regional The meeting recognised the API as a remarkable and historic document, effectively reversing the peace agreement three ‘noes’ of the 1967 Khartoum Arab Summit (no peace, no recognition, no negotiation with with the Arab Israel). It is the only regional peace proposal on offer and is widely regarded as the ‘only show in town’ that encompasses the three sets of bilateral negotiations (with Palestinians, Syria, Lebanon) states and the within a comprehensive multilateral framework. It has been reaffirmed most recently at the Arab League”. Damascus summit in 2008. The consensus was that the API offers the outline of an agreement that is very much in the strategic interest of Israel. It was seen as a deal that the founders of the State of Israel would surely have embraced with characteristic boldness, and negotiated with vigour. Participants agreed that there is no alternative framework that does or can effectively guarantee the future of a Jewish democratic state on 78% of mandate Palestine within a context of regional recognition and cooperation. In the words of one participant, the API offers to “provide future generations with security, stability and prosperity” after 60 years of conflict and bloodshed. Yet from March 2002 onwards the API “has been greeted with a yawn by the Israeli government” and has aroused remarkably little public interest in the country.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace
    Istituto Affari Internazionali IAI WORKING PAPERS 12 | 16 – May 2012 Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace Andrea Dessì Abstract While spared from internal turmoil, Israel and the Palestinian Territories have nonetheless been affected by the region’s political transformation brought about by the Arab Spring. Reflecting what can be described as Israel’s “bunker” mentality, the Israeli government has characterized the Arab revolutionary wave as a security challenge, notably given its concern about the rise of Islamist forces. Prime Minister Netanyahu has capitalized on this sense of insecurity to justify his government’s lack of significant action when it comes to the peace process. On the Palestinian side, both Hamas and Fatah have lost long-standing regional backers in Egypt and Syria and have had to contend with their increasingly shaky popular legitimacy. This has spurred renewed efforts for reconciliation, which however have so far produced no significant results. Against this backdrop, the chances for a resumption of serious Israeli-Palestinian peace talks appear increasingly dim. An effort by the international community is needed to break the current deadlock and establish an atmosphere more conducive for talks. In this context, the EU carries special responsibility as the only external actor that still enjoys some credibility as a balanced mediator between the sides. Keywords : Israel / Israeli foreign policy / Arab revolts / Egypt / Muslim Brotherhood / Palestine / Gaza / Hamas / Fatah / Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations / European Union © 2012 IAI IAI Working Papers 1216 Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace by Andrea Dessì ∗ Introduction The outbreak of popular protests throughout the Middle East and North Africa in early 2011 came as a shock to the world.
    [Show full text]
  • Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking January 2019 Middle East and North the Role of the Arab States Africa Programme
    Briefing Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking January 2019 Middle East and North The Role of the Arab States Africa Programme Yossi Mekelberg Summary and Greg Shapland • The positions of several Arab states towards Israel have evolved greatly in the past 50 years. Four of these states in particular – Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and (to a lesser extent) Jordan – could be influential in shaping the course of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. • In addition to Egypt and Jordan (which have signed peace treaties with Israel), Saudi Arabia and the UAE, among other Gulf states, now have extensive – albeit discreet – dealings with Israel. • This evolution has created a new situation in the region, with these Arab states now having considerable potential influence over the Israelis and Palestinians. It also has implications for US positions and policy. So far, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and Jordan have chosen not to test what this influence could achieve. • One reason for the inactivity to date may be disenchantment with the Palestinians and their cause, including the inability of Palestinian leaders to unite to promote it. However, ignoring Palestinian concerns will not bring about a resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, which will continue to add to instability in the region. If Arab leaders see regional stability as being in their countries’ interests, they should be trying to shape any eventual peace plan advanced by the administration of US President Donald Trump in such a way that it forms a framework for negotiations that both Israeli and Palestinian leaderships can accept. Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking: The Role of the Arab States Introduction This briefing forms part of the Chatham House project, ‘Israel–Palestine: Beyond the Stalemate’.
    [Show full text]
  • Statement of H.E. President Mahmoud Abbas President of the State of Palestine UN General Assembly General Debate of the 75Th Session 25 September 2020
    Statement of H.E. President Mahmoud Abbas President of the State of Palestine UN General Assembly General Debate of the 75th Session 25 September 2020 In the name of God, the Merciful H.E. Mr. Volkan Bozkir, President of the General Assembly H.E. Mr. António Guterres, Secretary General Ladies and Gentlemen, Heads and Members of delegations, I wondered while preparing this statement what more could I tell you, after all that I have said in previous statements, about the perpetual tragedy and suffering being endured by my people – which the world is witness to daily – and about their legitimate aspirations – which are yet to be fulfilled – to freedom, independence and human dignity, as enjoyed by the peoples of the world. Until when, ladies and gentlemen, will the question of Palestine remain without a just solution as enshrined in United Nations resolutions? Until when will the Palestinian people remain under Israeli occupation and will the question of millions of Palestine refugees remain without a just solution in accordance with what the United Nations has determined over 70 years ago? Ladies and Gentlemen, The Palestinian people have been present in their homeland, Palestine, the land of their ancestors, for over 6000 years, and they will continue living on this land, steadfast in the face of occupation, aggression and the disappointments and betrayals, until the fulfilment of their rights. Despite all they have endured and continue to endure, despite the unjust blockade that targets our national decision, we will not kneel or surrender and we will not deviate from our fundamental positions, and we shall overcome, God willing.
    [Show full text]
  • Briefing Notes 23 September 2013
    Information Centre Asylum and Migration Briefing Notes 23 September 2013 Afghanistan Attack on state representative On 15.09.13, a senior female criminal police officer was shot at by unknown gunmen in southern Helmand province. One day later, she died from her wounds. Her female predecessor had been assassinated in the same way. Women comprise no more than one percent of all Afghan police officers. They and their families are regularly threatened by Islamists. On 18.09.13. the head of the independent electoral commission for northern Kunduz province was shot dead by Taliban insurgents. After the beginning of the preparations for the presidential elections, the Taliban had announced attacks on election officials and organisers. Increase of attacks on aid organisation staff The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reports a sharp increase in attacks on staff members of humanitarian and medical aid organisations. A total of 25 incidents have been reported, with eight people losing their lives. Most of the attacks on medical organisations and their workers have occurred in the eastern parts of the country, namely in Nangarhar, Laghman, Logar and Kunar provinces as well as in northern Balkh province. Other aspects of the security situation According to information provided by the German Federal Armed Forces, operations led by Afghan security forces have been carried out since 04.09.13 in the northern provinces of Badakhshan and Kunduz, aiming at pushing the rebels out of the area and securing their own mobility. On 18.09.13, a police unit ran into an ambush of the Taliban in northeastern Badakhshan province (Wardooj district), with approx.
    [Show full text]
  • Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas: Overview of Internal and External Challenges
    Order Code RS22047 Updated March 1, 2005 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas: Overview of Internal and External Challenges Aaron D. Pina Analyst in Middle East Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary On January 15, 2005, Mahmoud Abbas (a.k.a. Abu Mazen) was sworn in as President of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Many believe that the Abbas victory marks the end of an autocratic era dominated by the late Yasir Arafat and the increased possibility of improved prospects for Israeli-Palestinian peace. This report details Abbas’s policy platform and potential challenges he may face from within and without the Palestinian political landscape as power-sharing becomes a reality. Domestically, Abbas must address violent anti-occupation elements, calls for economic, judicial, and security reform, as well as a paralyzed economy. Externally, Abbas faces multiple obstacles in creating a viable Palestinian state based on a secure peace with Israel. To accomplish this, Abbas must address the requirements of the ‘Road Map,’ Palestinian violence toward Israel, and final status issues, such as Jerusalem, refugees, and political borders. For a more detailed analysis see CRS Report RS21965, Arafat’s Succession, by Clyde Mark and CRS Report RS21235, The PLO and its Factions, by Kenneth Katzman. This report will be updated as necessary. Palestinian Centers of Power Fatah. Under Arafat, Fatah became the most prominent political party in the Palestinian territories. The leading political body within Fatah is the Central Committee (CC), elected by the general membership. Fatah’s Revolutionary Council (RC) parallels the CC as a decision-making body and does not exclude armed resistance as an option.
    [Show full text]
  • Normalization Can Inject New Life Into the Arab Peace Initiative by Ghaith Al-Omari
    MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3373 Normalization Can Inject New Life into the Arab Peace Initiative by Ghaith al-Omari Aug 31, 2020 Also available in Arabic / Farsi ABOUT THE AUTHORS Ghaith al-Omari Ghaith al-Omari is a senior fellow in The Washington Institute's Irwin Levy Family Program on the U.S.-Israel Strategic Relationship. Brief Analysis With careful diplomacy, blunt discussion of national interests, and reciprocal steps on the ground, a group of like-minded Arab states could advance Palestinian-Israeli peacemaking while still preserving the API’s core. ne of the criticisms leveled against the normalization deal between Israel and the United Arab Emirates is O that it contravenes the Saudi-drafted Arab Peace Initiative (API) adopted in 2002. In some respects this is true—the new deal departs from the all-or-nothing approach of pursuing full normalization between Israel and Arab states only after the resolution of all outstanding Palestinian (and Syrian and Lebanese) issues with Israel. Yet by tying the deal to the suspension of Israel’s West Bank annexation plans, the UAE still reaffirmed the API’s premise of linking normalization to Palestinian issues. And given the steady convergence of interests between Israel and some Arab states, the agreement offers an opportunity to update the API—namely, by abandoning the all-or-nothing approach in favor of a gradual, reciprocal one that accounts for Arab states’ legitimate national interests while at the same time advancing Palestinian-Israeli relations. TECTONIC SHIFTS SINCE 2002 P roposed by Crown Prince (later King) Abdullah of Saudi Arabia and adopted at the 2002 Arab League summit in Beirut, the API promises Israel the “the establishment of normal relations” with all Arab states in exchange for “full withdrawal from all the Arab territories occupied since June 1967,” and a “just” and “agreed upon” solution to the Palestinian refugee problem.
    [Show full text]
  • Is Israel Facing War with Hizbullah and Syria? by David Schenker Published April 2010 Vol
    Is Israel Facing War with Hizbullah and Syria? by David Schenker Published April 2010 Vol. 9, No. 22 6 April 2010 • Concerns about Israeli hostilities with Hizbullah are nothing new, but based on recent pronouncements from Syria, if the situation degenerates, fighting could take on a regional dimension not seen since 1973. • On February 26, Syrian President Bashar Assad hosted Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Hizbullah leader Hassan Nasrallah in Damascus. Afterward, Hizbullah's online magazine Al Intiqad suggested that war with Israel was on the horizon. • Raising tensions further are reports that Syria has provided Hizbullah with the advanced, Russian-made, shoulder-fired, Igla-S anti-aircraft missile, which could inhibit Israeli air operations over Lebanon in a future conflict. The transfer of this equipment had previously been defined by Israeli officials as a "red line." • In the summer of 2006, Syria sat on the sidelines as Hizbullah fought Israel to a standstill. After the war, Assad, who during the fighting received public assurances from then-Prime Minister Olmert that Syria would not be targeted, took credit for the "divine victory." • Damascus' support for "resistance" was on full display at the Arab Summit in Libya in late March 2010, where Assad urged Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas to abandon U.S.-supported negotiations and "take up arms against Israel." • After years of diplomatic isolation, Damascus has finally broken the code to Europe, and appears to be on the verge of doing so with the Obama administration as well. Currently, Syria appears to be in a position where it can cultivate its ties with the West without sacrificing its support for terrorism.
    [Show full text]
  • An Israeli-Palestinian Confederation: a Viable Alternative for the “Two States Solution”?
    An Israeli-Palestinian Confederation: A viable alternative for the “two states solution”? Friedrich Naumann STIFTUNG FÜR DIE FREIHEIT HKS 92 (grau) CMYK 10, 0, 5, 65 HKS 44 (blau) CMYK 100, 50, 0, 0 An Israeli-Palestinian Confederation: A viable alternative for the “two states solution”? Table of Contents Introductory Note Yair Hirschfeld .............................................................................................................................................................. 2 An Israeli-Palestinian Confederation: A viable alternative for the “two states solution”? Eran Etzion ........................................................................................................................................................................ 4 Israel and Palestine: For and Against the Idea of a Confederation Yair Hirschfeld .............................................................................................................................................................. 20 About the writers ................................................................................................................................................. 31 The repeated failure of Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations during the last decades, regional unrest and destabilization throughout the Middle East have contributed to a diminished public belief and confidence in the viability of a peaceful Israel-Palestine two state solution. Through the encouragement and support of the Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Liberty, the S.
    [Show full text]
  • The Gulf States and the Middle East Peace Process: Considerations, Stakes, and Options
    ISSUE BRIEF 08.25.20 The Gulf States and the Middle East Peace Process: Considerations, Stakes, and Options Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, Ph.D, Fellow for the Middle East conflict, the Gulf states complied with and INTRODUCTION enforced the Arab League boycott of Israel This issue brief examines where the six until at least 1994 and participated in the nations of the Gulf Cooperation Council— oil embargo of countries that supported 1 Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Israel in the Yom Kippur War of 1973. In Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates 1973, for example, the president of the (UAE)—currently stand in their outlook and UAE, Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, approaches toward the Israeli-Palestinian claimed that “No Arab country is safe from issue. The first section of this brief begins by the perils of the battle with Zionism unless outlining how positions among the six Gulf it plays its role and bears its responsibilities, 2 states have evolved over the three decades in confronting the Israeli enemy.” In since the Madrid Conference of 1991. Section Kuwait, Sheikh Fahd al-Ahmad Al Sabah, a two analyzes the degree to which the six brother of two future Emirs, was wounded Gulf states’ relations with Israel are based while fighting with Fatah in Jordan in 3 on interests, values, or a combination of 1968, while in 1981 the Saudi government both, and how these differ from state to offered to finance the reconstruction of state. Section three details the Gulf states’ Iraq’s Osirak nuclear reactor after it was 4 responses to the peace plan unveiled by destroyed by an Israeli airstrike.
    [Show full text]
  • S/PV.8717 the Situation in the Middle East, Including the Palestinian Question 11/02/2020
    United Nations S/ PV.8717 Security Council Provisional Seventy-fifth year 8717th meeting Tuesday, 11 February 2020, 10 a.m. New York President: Mr. Goffin ..................................... (Belgium) Members: China ......................................... Mr. Zhang Jun Dominican Republic ............................. Mr. Singer Weisinger Estonia ........................................ Mr. Jürgenson France ........................................ Mr. De Rivière Germany ...................................... Mr. Schulz Indonesia. Mr. Djani Niger ......................................... Mr. Aougi Russian Federation ............................... Mr. Nebenzia Saint Vincent and the Grenadines ................... Ms. King South Africa ................................... Mr. Mabhongo Tunisia ........................................ Mr. Ladeb United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland .. Ms. Pierce United States of America .......................... Mrs. Craft Viet Nam ...................................... Mr. Dang Agenda The situation in the Middle East, including the Palestinian question This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room
    [Show full text]
  • Isratin: the One-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian
    Isratin: The One-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Ken-Ben Chao War in the 20th Century Mr. John Bickel January 6, 2011 An anxious crowd of two hundred and fifty people gathered and waited outside the Tel Aviv Museum on May 14, 1948. Within the next thirty-two minutes, the State of Israel was formally established. After nearly two millennia in exile, the Jewish homeland was reborn. The next day, Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq attacked Israel, prompting the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. Within the next sixty years, several other wars would be fought over the Israeli-Palestinian question. Today, the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, or Arab-Israeli Conflict, remains a critical obstacle to world peace and stability in the Middle East. Though peace talks have been in progress for decades, numerous issues continue to obstruct success in the negotiations. If a viable solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict is not created and implemented, the conflict will continue to plague the region with terrorism and war. Despite many proposed solutions, obstacles such as Jerusalem, the Israeli settlements, and Palestinian terrorism impede significant progress in the peace talks. With the numerous issues regarding the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, the best solution is a gradual reintegration of Palestinians into the Holy Land, a relaxation of tensions between the various factions, and the beginning of serious negotiations towards an eventual one-state solution. History In order to fully comprehend the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, an understanding of the region’s bloody history must first be attained. The origin of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict goes as far back as the Biblical era.
    [Show full text]
  • The Arab Peace Initiative: a Primer and Future Prospects
    Joshua Teitelbaum The Arab Peace Initiative: A Primer and Future Prospects המרכז הירושלמי לענייני ציבור ומדינה Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs Joshua Teitelbaum The Arab Peace Initiative: A Primer and Future Prospects המרכז הירושלמי לענייני ציבור ומדינה Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs © 2009 Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs 13 Tel-Hai St., Jerusalem, Israel Tel. 972-2-561-9281 | Fax. 972-2-561-9112 Email: [email protected] | www.jcpa.org ISBN 978-965-218-071-1 Producon Coordinator: Odelia Zaguri Graphic Design: Gama Design Pictures Credits: AP Photo Cover photo: Arab leaders pose at the Arab League Summit in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, March 28, 2007. All photos are from AP and used with permission. The Arab Peace Initiative: A Primer and Future Prospects Joshua Teitelbaum • In the wake of the terrorist aacks on September 11, 2001, Saudi Arabia was under intense scruny since fi een of the nineteen 9/11 hijackers had proved to be Saudis. In February 2002, Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia gave an interview to New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman in which he proposed to Israel “full withdrawal from all the occupied territories, in accord with UN resoluons, including in Jerusalem, for full normalizaon of relaons.” • In a flash, Abdullah had transformed the discourse: Instead of focusing on Saudi involvement in terrorism, the Western press was now talking about Saudi peacemaking. However, by the me the Abdullah trial balloon reached the Arab summit in Beirut in March 2002, the iniave had been modified and its terms hardened. • “Full normalizaon” became “normal relaons” (which sll marks significant progress over the Arab League formulaon in Khartoum of 1967: “no peace, no recognion, no negoaons”).
    [Show full text]