In the Metro

In the Metro University of Minnesota Press c: 0 ""'c: .3 0"' 0. ra cu c: c: ~ In the Metro MarcAuge Translated and with an Introduction and Afterword by Tom Conley The University of Minnesota Press gratefully acknowledges financial assistance for the translation of this book provided by the French Ministry of Culture-Centre national du livre. The University of Minnesota Press appreciates the expert work of David Thorstad on the translation of this book. The map of the Paris metro has been reproduced here courtesy of the R.A.T.P. Copyright 2002 by the Regents of the University of Minnesota Photographs copyright 2002 Mark Neumann Originally published as Un ethnologue dans le metro, copyright Hachette, 1986. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or other wise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. Published by the University of Minnesota Press 111 Third Avenue South, Suite 290 Minneapolis, MN 55401-2520 http://www.upress. umn.edu Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Auge,Marc. [Ethnologue dans le metro. English] In the metro I Marc Auge ; translated and with an introduction and afterword by Tom Conley. p. em. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-0-8166-3436-1 (he.)- ISBN 978-0-8166-3437-8 (pbk.) 1. Ethnology-Philosophy. I. Title. GN345 .A9213 2002 2002002330 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper The University of Minnesota is an equal-opportunity educator and employer. 15 14 13 12 11 10 09 08 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 Contents Introduction: Marc Auge, "A Little History" Tom Conley vii In the Metro Memories 3 Solitudes 27 Correspondences 53 Conclusions 69 Afterword: Riding the Subway with Marc Auge Tom Conley 73 Notes 115 Introduction: Marc Auge, "A Little History" Tom Conley for years the tall and slender Michelin Green Guide, a treasure trove of information and savvy for every tourist, has offered words about the background of notable monuments and places under a rubric titled "Un peu d'histoire." A little history might be useful in helping us to situate and to discern how Marc Auge, a veteran anthropologist of cultures in the southern regions of the Ivory Coast, came to write In the Metro, a book that defies classification as a work either of ethnography or of literature. The Proustian tenor of an account of an anthropologist's de scent into the tunnels of rapid transit has few models for com parison.1 The contours of the reflective travelogue stand to gain sharper lines when they are set in contrast to Auge's professional work. ''A little history" can also serve as an emblem of a shift in vii viii :: Introduction the mode of inquiry that Auge heralded when he wrote his stud ies of Mrican culture with the aim of bringing together the virtues of structural method and the colonial history of Africa. His departure from the anthropological canon may also be a re turn to and a revision of some of its guiding principles. In the context of the paragraphs that follow, "a little history" cannot risk being so dangerous as "a little knowledge:' The lines of the writer's background tie the recent studies of the ethnog rapher as tourist to the khaki-clad ethnologist living in the midst of traditional cultures, but also, as we shall discover, to the ethnologist as an engaged theorist of political science.2 It might also-and such is the aim of this Introduction-serve to locate some parallels between the early and later writings of an ethnographer who has emerged over the past decade less as an accomplished student of traditional societies than as a French writer of the first order. That Auge inspires his public through a style of inquiry is an attested fact; that his work invites us to broaden the field of his investigations and to follow similar lines of reflection on our own shall be the topic taken up in the Afterword appended to this translation. Marc Auge belongs, he avows, to a generation of ethnologists trained in the 1960s. The moment was felicitous. The impact of a tradition of indelibly French signature, known through the kin ship of Emile Durkheim and Marcel Mauss, had been recently confirmed in the model work and inspired teaching of Claude Levi-Strauss. The successive publication of his Structures ele mentaires de la parente (1949), Tristes Tropiques (1955), Anthro pologie structurale (1958), and La Pensee sauvage (1962), prior to Le Cru et le cuit (1964), the first volume of his Homeric Mytholo giques (final volume appearing in 1971), bore witness to the as cendancy of structuralism. By virtue of its principles, notes Auge in one of the many elusive autobiographical flickers in his own copious oeuvre, the new mode of thought was summoning a functionalist vision of culture. 3 Questioned at the time was the belief, first, in final causes adhering to the view that cultures have discernible and cohering traits that might be called ''philoso- Introduction :: ix phies" or "beliefs.'' Interrogated second was the mechanistic aspect of Marxian claims to the effect that the sum of values defining a given culture can be attributed to an economic infra structure. 4 In place of these views and heralded in the work of Levi-Strauss, Cornelius Castoriadis, and Louis Althusser was a new relation with the other. After seeing how these ethnogra phers were equating the latter w!th the unknown, the bedrock of life itself, Auge noted that the same pioneers were running the risk of reducing the social "actualization of the self's relations to others" to a religion of mystery and unfounded exoticism. Without going so far as Jacques Derrida, who had recently called Levi-Strauss the proponent of an inverted ethnocentrism, Auge claimed that the relation with the unknown was liable to being reified or idolized at a time when globalization was extinguish ing the allure of remote peoples and places. 5 Evidence was clear. Shortly after 1968, oceanic passage by boat was curtailed: two luxury liners, the France and the United States, were packed in mothballs; transoceanic air travel became a mean; use of satel lites for electronic communication caused the world to shrink at a logarithmic progression; in the population explosion all over the world, the other was all of a sudden not only accessible and omnipresent but also pullulating. In this context that marked the mid-196os, at the age of twenty-five, Auge put his splendid scholarly training to work by making the first of many trips to and from the Alladian cultures situated along a lagoon stretching to the west of Abidjan on the southern shore of the Ivory Coast. Traveling by air, then by dugout canoe, and at times with a Land Rover, he reached his destinations. There resulted from a sojourn between November 1965 and May 1967 a brilliant monograph, Le Rivage alladian: Organisation et evolution des villages alladian. 6 The introduc tion begins with what he calls "the impressions of a tourist" before giving way to more delicate issues concerning method and style of observation. Contrary to classical studies that had sought to typify the defining traits of a culture without history or writing, he built the research on three bases. The first was in x :: Introduction fact the history of the Alladian country before and in the midst of its colonization under white rule, especially since 1840; the second entailed study of familial and matrimonial structures in terms of physical space, along with economic factors (influx of captives bought and sold, trade of ivory, gold, rubber, wood, and ultimately palm oil); the third, which becomes an enduring theme in Auge's work in general, was devoted to spiritual power, to awa, an ambiguous force belonging to witches and sorcerers. The latter, he argued, is crucial to the culture and its vicissi tudes. The awabo, those who embody the malefic power, seemed to him to "constitute a society that seems at once to be the in verse and the double of the 'normal' society" (14). Awa and its users were involved in negotiations of the lagoon society with Christian and colonial influences. In examining how the Alladi ans were mediating the impact of white societies, Auge was fol lowing the lead of one of his teachers, Georges Balandier, an Africanist who had been among the first generation of political anthropologists to study the effect of colonization (and that of ethnologists) on the myriad cultures of black Africa. As a result, the texture of the picture he paints of the Al ladian cultures is moving and almost cinematographic. It takes up geography and its relation to economy, but also economy in both material and spiritual manifestations. Auge is impelled to call social formation a series of moving variables that includes kinship, economy, politics, and religion. In these "different rhythms of evolution" that run through "the permanence of a language that outlives changes in structure and the diverse so licitations of history" (245) are found "correspondences" (a word to which we shall return) that define Alladian identity through ties of family, locale, and a sense of enterprise. Power, related to prestige, is also defined by the fears it carries for both its bearers and those on whom it is exerted. The reader of Le Rivage alladian senses that Auge appeals to the codes of the anthropological monograph (a theme he will take up in In the Metro) when pondering whether an urban ethnography can still be written in the style that students of the Introduction :: xi discipline learned to master early in their careers in the postwar years.

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