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Home , Deshastha Brahmin, Deshpande, Kunbi, Patil (title)

APPENDIX

Table I: Literacy rates of selected of Bombay Province

Caste District sampled from Per Cent Literate 1921 1931 (CKP) Thana, Bombay city and suburban 57.3 64.4 Chitpavan Poona, Satara, Kolaba and Ratnagiri 40.9 55.2

Deshastha Brahmins Deccan districts except West Khandesh 40.3 55.8

Sonar (goldsmith) East Khandesh, Ratnagiri 22.0 23.1 Shimpi (tailor) East Khandesh, Poona, Satara, Dharwar 21.2 29.6

Kosthi (weaver) Nasik, Poona, Satara, Solapur 11.0 17.5

Sali (weaver) Ahmednagar, Satara, Poona. 10.8 18.7 Nhavi (barber) Poona, Kaira, Ratnagiri 7.3 12.0 Sutar (carpenter) Poona, Ratnagiri 4.0 7.5 (oilpresser) East Khandesh, Ratnagiri 3.8 7.5

Dhobi (washerman) East Khandesh, Poona, Satara, Kanara 2.9 5.7

Mali (gardener) Poona 2.3 8.7

Mahar All Deccan districts 1.2 2.9 (shepherd) Poona, Satara 1.2 2.7

Chambhar All Deccan districts 1.1 2.0 Kumbhar (potter) Satara, Ratnagiri 1.1 2.9

Mang Deccan districts 0.5 1.6

Maratha Bombay city N.A 11.3

Maratha Satara, Ratnagiri 2.9 N.A

Marathi- Satara, Ratnagiri N.A 0.6 Kunbi Satara, Ratnagiri 0.6 N.A

353 Source: This Table is taken from Census of , 1931, Volume VII, Part I: Bombay Report (Bombay: Government Central Press, 1932).

Table II: Mamlatdars and Deputy Collectors, 1920-21

Mamlatdars, Deccan Deputy Collectors, Presidency

Brahmans 58 Brahmans 33 1 Parsis 5

Kshatriya 1 1 Christians 5 Christians 7 Muslims 3 Prabhus 5 Vidur 1 Banias 1

Marathas 2 Muslims 8 Salis 1 Lingayats 4 Unidentified 20

Source: Legislative Council Debates, March 1921; 1266.

354 Table III: Clerks in the Revenue Department by and District 1930

Commissioner's Brahmins Other Advanced Maratha Muslims Others Total Office and Castes S Allied 0 Castes u r 11 6 1 4 0 0 c Nasii: 114 4 17 26 12 173 West Khandesh 74 12 26 23 5 140 105 4 0 197 East'KJiandese h 65 23 Ahrffidnagar 127 5 18 19 0 173 0 Pooffla 168 6 21 9 20 225 a Shoi^pur 81 0 19 8 9 117 Sa4 128 16 53 19 2 219 TotJP 808 53 220 131 48 1,266

Source: Depressed India Association, in Indian Statutory Commission, Volume XVI: Selections from Memoranda and other unofficial evidence (Bombay: Government Central Press, 1930); 50

355 Table IV: The Growth of Co-operatives in from 1947-1975

Year No. of co­ Membership Working Capital operative of the Co­ in Rupees operatives 1947-48 8,990 14,21,000 60,45,00,000 1948-49 10,140 15,69,000 60,36,00,000 1951 16,120 23,44,000 82,97,00,000 1955 18,850 29,67,000 1,21,33,00,000 1956 19,440 31,61,000 2,64,10,00,000 1956-67 30,250 39,42,000 3,26,27,00,000 1958 31960 42,31,000 4,06,85,00,000 1960-61 31,570 44,00,000 5,30,00,00,000 1965-66 37,420 68,15,000 7,11,77,00,000 1966-67 38,310 75,04,000 8,10,52,00,000 1967-68 39,360 78,44,000 9,14,05,00,000 1968-69 40,060 80,10,000 10,99,92,00,000 1969-70 41,260 84,35,000 12,80,78,00,000 1970-71 42,000 84,35,000 14,90,31,00,000 1972 42,900 86,00,000 22,80,00,00,000 1975 45,000 90,98,769 28,90,43,78,000

Source: Co-operative reports of the Bombay Government and GOM, 1947 to 1973)

356 Table V (a): Recruitment of the Co-operative Leaders to the State during the period of 1967 to 1972

Offices held prior to entry into State Legislature Number Chairman, DCC Banks 17 Directors, DCC Banks 15 Chairman, Co-operative Sugar Factories 9 Chairman, State-level Co-operative Institutions 6 Chairman / Secretaries of other Co-operatives 56 Directors / Members of different types of Co­ 56 operatives Total No. of Legislators coming from Co-operative 159(60.7%) sector No. of Legislators whose infonnation is available 263(100%) i.e. out of 348 Source: Khekale (1999): 92

Table V (b): Group wise ('caste') composition of the Legislative Leaders from Co-operatives (1960- 1971) 'Caste' of the leaders No. of Percentage Leaders Maratha and Kunbi Caste-group 39 81.3 Lingayat and Wani 3 6.2 (including a Marwadi 2 4.1 Brahmin) Others (Jain, Marwadi, Wanjara, 4 8.4 Koli and Bari) Total 48 100

Source: Khekale (1999): 97

357 Table V (c): Sugar Cooperatives and 'Maratha' founders

Year of Name of the Name of the Political office establishment Co-operative Sugar founder of the founder Factory 1954 Shriram S.S.K. Malojorao Minister Ahmednagar Naik- Nimbalkar 1954 Ashok S.S.K. Bhaskar M.L.A. Ahmednagar Golande 1954 Gangapur S.S.K Balasaheb . M.L.A. Aurangabad Pawar 1955 Gima S.S.K, Nasik Bhausaheb Minister Hirey 1955 Krishna S.S.K, Satara Yashwantrao Minister Mohite 1955 Panchaganga, Ratnappa M.P. Kumbhar 1955 Kopargaon S.S.K, Baburao M.L.A. Ahmednagar Tanpure 1955 S.S.K Tatyasaheb —, Kolhapur Kore 1955 Bhagwati S.S.K, Dadasaheb — Kolhapur Patil

Source: Khekale (1999): 117

358 Table V (d): List of the Prominent Leaders Inducted from Sugar co-operatives Name of the Leaders Place Political office Vasant Dada Patil Sangli Minister Yashwantrao Mohite Karhad (Satara) Minister Dhondiram S.Jagtap Satara Minister Rajaram Bapu Patil Valve (Sangli) Minister Ratnappa Kumbhar Kolhapur Minister Vyankatrao B. Hirey Dabhadi (Nasik) Minister Shankarrao Kale Pamer Minister (Ahmednagar) Shankarrao Kolhe Shirdi M.L.A. (Ahmednagar) Shankarrao Mohite-Patil Akluj (Solapur) M.L.A. Shivajirao Patil Nilanga Minister (Osmadabad) Bakvantrao R. Pawar Aurangabad Minister Shamrao Kadam Nanded. Minister Sangram Maknikar Usmanabad Minister Bhikaji J; Khata Ahmednagar Minister Sunderrao Solenke Kej (Bid) Minister

Source: Khekale (1999): 127

359 Table V (e): Legislative Leaders who were also the Chairman and Directors of me Co-operative Sugar Factories Holding Chief Positions in the Allied Institutions, 1952-1911

Particulars Number

Chairman of All India Federation of Co­ 1 operative Factories, New Chairman of Maharashtra Rajya Sahakari 2 Sakhar Karkhana Sangha, Bombay Chairman of Maharashtra State Co-operative 2 Bank. Bombay Chairman of District Central Co-operative 14 Banks. Director's of District Central Co-operative 8 Banks Chairman of Dirstrict Land Co-operative Banks 3 Presidents of Zilla Parishads 12 Members of Zilla Parishads 21 Presidents/Secretaries of Private Educational Institutions Total No. of Chairman/Directors of C.S.Fs 65 Source: Khekale (1999): 129

360 Table No: VI Recruitment of Pranchayati Raj Insitution leaders to the State Legislature (1967-72)

Previous political career of the legislators No % Total no.of legislators 30J 100 Ex-Sarpanch of Gram Panchayats 26

Ex-Panchas 03 Ex-Sabhapatis of Panchyat Samitis and Janpad Sabhas 34

Ex-Members of Panchayat Samitis and Janpad Sabhas 17 Ex-Presidents of Zillah Parishad, District 64 Councils and District Boards

Total Number of office bearers from Zillah 1?: 56.i: Parishad, Panchyat Samitis and Gram Panchayats Ex Presidents of Municipalties 26 Ex-Mayors of Municipal Corporations 04 Ex-Members of Municipal Committees and Corporation 40

Total Number of office bearers from urban local bodies 70 22.7;

Source: Khekale (1999): 171

361 ' He derives this figure through an arithmetic calculation based on the 1931 caste census.

" In Maharashtra the Brahmins, the priestly caste group which includes many endogamous jatis constitute only 3% of the total population of Maharashtra. The major middle castes include all the cultivator and allied castes of Maharashtra ie. 'Maratha'-kunbi, Mali, Lingayat and Dhangar. Artisian castes like Nais (barbers), Shimpis (Tailors), Lohar (Iron Smith), Sutars (Carpenters), Kumbhars (Potters), Parit or Dhobi (Washerman). Apart from the Martha-kunbi caste cluster the rest of the middle castes comprise less than 28-30 percent of the total population of Maharashtra. (Lele, 1990)

The major scheduled castes include , Matangs, Chambhars and Dhors. The jati is the largest amongst this caste category (approximately 8% of the total population of Maharashtra). Together the scheduled castes constitute about 16% of the total population of the State. Aboriginals or tribals which are not enumerated in the caste structure like Gonds, Bhils, Kolis, , Maadeos constitute approximately 9% of the total population of the State. (1981, 1991 and 2001 Census)

'" Ghanshyam Shah has argued that caste cannot be treated as solely an objective category that is measurable like occupation, age, sex, education among others. It is relational and subjective that deals with identity, perceptions and imaginings and is always contested and therefore undergoes change from time to time. (Shah, G, 1998, 'Caste-based census will compound past blunders' Times of India, May 22). For a more detailed analysis of the debate refer to - and Sundar (2008) , A.M Shah, (1998), Yadav (2010), Teltumbde (2010), Deshpande S and John M (2010)

"' The subaltern and post colonial scholars such as Guha (1983), Chatterjee (2004), O'Hanlon (1988), Prakash (1990), O'Hanlon and Washbrook (1992) and Prakash (1992) are basically arguing from the 'politics of knowledge/power' lens. Also see recent writings by historians such as , Dirks (1987), Quigley, D (2000), Travers T (2007).

' One also finds innovative elaborations of constructionism, such as Anderson's (1983) work on imagined community. Anderson approaches national identity as a socio-cognitive construct-one both spatially and temporally inclusive, both enabled and shaped by broader social forces. He documents key moments of identity construction, times during which cultural (language) and social factors (capitalism, print technology) convene in a particular historical moment; effectively remaking collective images of the national self Also see Inden (1986), Raheja (1996), Aloysius G (1997), Guha (1998), Mathur, S (2000), Brass, P (2002), Reddy (2005) and Samarendra (2008)

"' As Raheja, G (1996: 494-495) contends that in India, as elsewhere the "...colonial domination comprised both coercive force and attempts to control the flow of discourse about the colonized and about its relation to the colonizing power.... that between 1870 and 1918 such attempts at discursive control-evidenced especially in land revenue documents, census reports, official glossaries, manuals for the Indian Army, and reference works on caste compiled for the use of colonial officers-included the systematic appropriation of the speech of the colonized in the form of oral folklore, especially proverbial speech, to construct a discourse about the supposedly consensual nature of caste ideology, and to create the illusion that the disciplinary control of specific castes and of the Indian population as a whole was carried out with the consent of the colonized...particular varieties of oral folklore began to appear in land settlement reports, official glossaries and grammars, census reports, and reference works on caste compiled for the use of colonial officers. The heterogeneity of 'tradition' and Indian speech, as well as their situated

362 pragmatic character, was erased in these documents. Such entextualizations of the speech of the colonized, especially proverbial speech figured in the construction of a monologic discourse about caste and caste identities, in the naturalization of revolt and other forms of noncompliance, and in the creation of the illusion that disciplinary control was carried out with the consent of the colonized."

"' Also see Shah, A M (1982 and 1988) in which he argues about the interdependence of rural and urban networks thus dismissing the myth of an isolated village society and economy.

'"' Srinivas (1962, 1966) argued that the Castes were traditionally linked to the Jajmani system, after the term Jajman, which means patron. Members of various service castes perform tasks for their patrons, usually members of the landowning caste of the village. Households of service castes were linked through hereditary bonds to a household of patrons, with the lower-caste members providing services according to traditional occupational specializations. Ideally, from generation to generation, clients owed their patrons political allegiance in addition to their labours, while patrons owed their clients protection and security. Members of different castes customarily perform a number of functions for one another in rural India that emphasizes cooperation rather than competition. Members of the land owning castes such as Kammas and Reddys of , Vokkaliggas of , Jats of and 'Maratha's of Maharashtra represented the patrons or jajmans. With the onset of colonialism and the subsequent onset of the process of modernization, this traditional patronage system changed. Modem democratic political and economic institutions such as the judiciary, administrative structures and unified market system, the age-old Jajmani patronage system weakened. Caste interdependence and kinship patterns that revolved around the land as the means of production diluted. However, the patronage system adapted itself in the new context and continued to influence politics in the post- independence period. Newer and modern political structures of patronage have emerged.

'" For instance, in Karnataka, the Vokkaliga 'Caste' came into being by the fusion of various peasant Jatis such as Morasui, Hallikar, Halu, Nonabad, and so on (Srinivas, 1962:5).

" A dominant caste (jati) is one which is regionally the most powerful jati. According to Srinivas the dominant castes' potency is determined by its numerical strength, its extent of economic and political control, and its superior status in the caste hierarchy. Srinivas defines the dominant caste as the one which "... preponderates numerically 'over the other castes, and., wields preponderant economic and political power. A large and powerful caste group can more easily be dominant if its position in the local caste hierarchy is not too low". (Srinivas 1960:18) Mandelbaum (1972:359) adds one more attribute- that of a 'self-image as rulers'. In Indian villages, land is an economic asset and a principal source of creating a dependency relation- the landless and the marginal landholding families depend on the landed for their livelihood. is a term which is closely related to concept of dominant caste and it refers to a process whereby people of lower castes collectively try to adopt upper caste practices and beliefs to acquire higher status. This way they can claim higher positions in the local (regional) caste hierarchy. An example of locally dominant caste would be Vokkaligas which is a large caste cluster numerically preponderant in Mysore city. But regionally the Lingayats predominate. (Srinivas, 1962: 32-33)

^' Singh's (1973) research traces the major changes in the Indian cultural past/tradition as well as in social structure and institutions such as caste and religion from the Vedic and epic cultures. He argued that renaissance and sanskritisation were the two orthogenetic processes through which Indian tradition was already moving in the direction of modernisation. According Singh, the impact of Islam was visible in the Indian tradition in the form of readiness to be liberal and pragmatic and in this sense it further accelerated the modernisation process. Heterogenetic changes, effected by the impact of western civilisation during the colonial period, were evident in the macro structures of urban settlements, industry and new institutions of law and justice, in the 363 great variety of social reform movements (from Rammohan Roy to M.K. Gandhi), and in microstructures of jatis (castes), family, village, its economy and polity (such as panchayati raj) and the like. Basically, Singh's argument was historically constructed and his major conclusion was that the nature of modernisation in Indian society, despite the prolonged spell of colonialism, is irrevocably influenced by the initial conditions. (Singh, Y 1973: 28-59)

'^" For instance, Kothari and Maru (1970) have argued that despite internal tensions, of have been organizing themselves as one group. , who are in the forefront of the mobilization, are regionally differentiated. Gujarat Rajputs being mostly tenants or landless, sought to align with Kolis and Bariyas (also landless) as Kshatriyas. Saurashtra Rajputs being landowners resisted the claims of non-Rajputs to Kshatriya status. However, over the years, the Kshatriya group of castes in Gujarat as a whole has provided a counterpoint to politics. The Kshatriya Sabha took an initiative in bringing together Rajputs and Kolis and shaping their politics. Similar studies on the Jats also demonstrate how caste associations perform electoral functions. The Jats are probably the most regionally structured caste. Various Khaps of Jats span specified villages and a meeting of all Khaps, the Sarvakhap meets to discuss common matters. But alongside Khaps, Jats of western UP as well as adjoining Haryana are also organized through the all India Jat Mahasabha, which always extended support to Charan Singh the Jat leader. (Pradhan, 1966; Gupta, 1997: 49-58; Hasan. 1998: 131)

^"' Another view of politicization reflected in these studies stems from a more dynamic notion of tradition. Tradition is viewed neither as an immutable element of old society, nor as an element antithetical to the functioning of modern political institutions. These scholars view castes as more flexible and adaptive structures of Indian society. (Singh, Y, 1973, Weiner, 1962, 1965, 1968)

"'^ Similarly, Kohli (1989) has attempted to map the state-society relationship through the lens of dialectic between political party regimes, their ideologies and the society at large. He opines that in an electoral democracy any political party has to rely on the will of the voting populace and this can lead to parties espousing populist ideologies. He argues that political ideology can and has played an important role in the mobilization of masses.

"' Reddy (1989) argues that the dominant castes in Andhra Pradesh have created patronage structures through which they co-opt and accommodate leaders of the backwards caste such as the Gollas, Chaklais. Malas and the Madigas. In this way the Reddys and the Kammas ensure that they remain in power. Similarly (Leie, 1989) also argues that the 'Maratha' caste dominates the state and through strategies of accommodation, their power has not been questioned. Manor (1989), who researched on the interface of caste and politics in Karnataka contends that two jati- clusters, the Vokkaligas and the Lingayats are the dominant caste groups. These groups are the landed caste groups and members of these caste groups are peasant proprietors. These caste groups are really an amalgamation of various jatis. For instance he argues that the Lingayats He further adds that the Lingayats are includes not only many jatis but also different occupational groups. The disparate groups are able to organise themselves into a jati-cluster for political power. Just like in some other States, the leadership from these caste clusters have developed elaborate patronage structures- the logic being loyalty in exchange for resources of the state. (Manor, 1989; 350)

"" Fernandes (2007) has provided a detailed study as to how the middle class is constructed through the bourgeoisie imaginations.

364 "" It was therefore felt that the concept of 'dominant caste' was not adequate in explaining the changes that have occurred in the village power structure. With large-scale economic and political changes, several castes have been brought nearer to the nucleus of local power. Attributes of dominance are possessed by more than one caste in a village, and no one caste can be said to enjoy exclusive dominance. Thus dominance is no longer the property of a single caste but is diffused among individuals and families of different castes, high and low. Instances may be found in which politically and economically powerful individuals exercise dominance on the members of their own caste, as well as on others. The social categories involved in conflict situations are, therefore, essentially class categories based on economic interest and political affiliation. The inter-class relationship of conflict, however, is superimposed on the traditional social hierarchy, so that castes with high social status may also be found in control of economic resources, and those with low social status in a state of economic deprivation.

""' For instance, Mukherjee (1957; 14-27) in his 'The Dynamics of Rural Society' has argued that dynamics of any society cannot possibly be grasped fully without a careful historical analysis of the development of its basic economic structure. He has further emphasized that function of economic structure in shaping or moulding its dynamics is no less vital for studying agrarian societies than it is in studying industrial societies. By carefully using aggregate and time-series data on land ownership, land transfers (by sale, gift or mortgage), changing crop patterns and crop yields, and also data on use of sharecropping as a dominant pattern of land cultivation. Mukherjee has traced historically the emergence of three rural classes and production relations in 's agrarian society right from the pre-colonial period.

"'" Comaroff, (1991: 23-24) suggests the overlapping of the concepts of hegemony and doxa. Hegemony refers to that order of signs and practices, relations and distinctions, images and epistemologies - drawn from an historically situated cultural field - that comes to be taken for granted as the natural and received shape of the world and everything that inhabits it. Bourdieu's 'doxa' is similar as it suggests an order of things that go without saying because, being axiomatic, they come without saying; things that, being presumptively shared, are not normally the subject of explication or argument. In Bourdieu's words (1977:167) '...this is why its power has so often been seen to lie in what it silences, what it prevents people from thinking and saying, what it puts beyond the limits of the rational and the credible.' Quite literally, hegemony is habit forming. For once its internal contradictions are revealed, when what seems natural comes to be negotiable, when the ineffable is put into words - then hegemony becomes something other than itself. It turns into the 'orthodoxy' and 'heterodoxy' of Bourdieu's (1977) formulation.

"" With the exception of Gidwani who employs Bourdiu's conceptualization of symbolic power. According to Gidwani (2002: 88), Bourdieu's symbolic capital unlike Putnam's theoretical model which always deems social capital as individual agency based and as productive, posits it as having both the potential for returns as well as costs. Unlike other social capital theories, his notion of social capital emphasizes the seemingly irrational (and therefore debunking the myth of rational choice theorists) amassing and displaying symbolic capital. Thus it is double edged. Further this social capital is the product of member interactions within communities, clubs, networks etc. and therefore is appropriated by and through membership. He demonstrates how the dominant Patel caste of Gujarat State in western India in the pursuit of symbolic capital to maintain 'distinction' with lower castes has actually led to an erosion of their wealth and therefore their power.

"' Deccan (called Dekhan during colonial rule) was thought to consist of four regions - Bombay provinces that included present day Gujarat, Western Maharashtra and North Kamataka, region (Marathwada of Maharashtra), Central Provinces () and the coastal area i.e. . 365 "" The ryotwari settlement was introduced in Maratliwada districts by Salar Jung tlie then Chief Minister of the Nizam in 1853. (Charlesworth, 1972, Wink 1983)

""'" This refers to an event when the local Brahmins (Marathi speaking Brahmins within the 'Maratha' Kingdom) refused coronation rites for . In this situation Shivaji invoked the services of a priest from called Gaga Bhatt and thenceforth was called as Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj. This event had led to a sharp criticism of the Brahmins in the 'Maratha' kingdom.

'"^" In the absence of other avenues, local discontent culminated in a number of revolts - Ramoshi Rebellions of 1826 and 1844 and the Koli revolts of 1830 and 1836. (Charlesworth, 1972, Wink, 1983)

"" In Maharashtra the Brahmins, the priestly caste group which includes many endogamous jatis constitute only 3% of the total population of Maharashtra. The major Middle castes include all the cultivator castes of Maharashtra ie. 'Maratha'-kunbi, Mali, Lingayat and Dhangar. Artisian castes like Nais (barbers), Shimpis (Tailors), Lohar (Iron Smith), Sutars (Carpenters), Kumbhars (Potters). Apart from the Martha-kunbi caste cluster the rest of the middle castes comprise less than 27 percent of the total population of Maharashtra (including smaller castes). The major lower jatis include Mahars, Matangs, Chambhars and Dhors. The Mahar jati is the largest amongst the lower caste group (9% of the total population of Maharashtra). Together the lower caste constitutes about 16% of the total population of the State. Aborriginals or tribals which are not enumerated in the caste structure like Gonds, Bhils, Kolis, Wariis, Maadeos constitute less than 8% of the total population of the State.

""" The Castes were traditionally linked to the Jajmani system, after the word Jajman, which means patron. Members of various service castes perform tasks for their patrons, usually members of the landowning caste of the village. Households of service castes were linked through hereditary bonds to a household of patrons, with the lower-caste members providing services according to traditional occupational specializations. Ideally, from generation to generation, clients owed their patrons political allegiance in addition to their labours, while patrons owed their clients protection and security. Members of different castes customarily perform a number of functions for one another in rural India that emphasizes cooperation rather than competition. Members of the land owning castes such as Kammas and Reddys of Andhra Pradesh, Vokkaliggas of Kamataka, Jats of North India and 'Maratha's of Maharashtra represented the jajmans or patrons in the jamani system. (Srinivas, 1975)

^•"" The political economy of the village in the Deccan rested on the logic of reciprocity that functioned through interdependence of occupation based jatis. These interdependent jatis were called the Bara (twelve) balutedars namely I) Chougula 2) Mahar (Watchman ) 3) Sutar ( Carpenter) 4) Lohar ( Blacksmith ) 5) Kumbhar ( Potter) 6) Chambhar ( Shoe maker) 7) Nhawi ( Barber ) 8) Sonar ( Goldsmith ) 9) ( village astrologer ) 10)Parit (Washerman) 11) (Idol-Dresser) 12) Koli ( Water Carrier ). Under the balutedari system, the balutedars possessed certain rights and privileges at religious ceremonies, village functions including marriages and death, and rituals related to land such as during sowing and reaping. Their services were remunerated by the cultivators in the form of an annual payment in sheaves of com and a few seers of other grain grown in the field, such as wheat, gram, tur, and groundnut, among others. For special services rendered on ceremonial occasions payments were also sometimes made in cash or clothes.

366 '""'" In the 16-17* century Mughal rule in the Deccan employed members of the Kunbi caste who were peasants in their occupation in civil, military and diplomatic services. Overtime these privileged Kunbi members and their kin who served in military services claimed a superior social status compared to other Kunbi families/lineages. They claimed Kshatriya (warrior) status within the social hierarchy and henceforth called themselves "Maratha's\ distinct from their erstwhile kin grouping i.e. Kunbi.

^"^ The prime innovators along the new canals were cultivators from the Mali caste, who migrated into the canal areas from their native town of Saswad, near Poona city.

"" from 1892 these Mahar soldiers (as well as Mang soldiers, who were also considered to be "untouchable") were no longer recruited into the Bombay Army, prohibited from further enlistment, and reclassified as a non-martial race. (Constable, P, 2001; 440)

"'"" Shivaji was invested with the sacred thread as a Kshatriya, and documents were procured from Udaipur connecting the Bhosles with the Sisodia Rajputs. (Enthoven, 1921, Vol.3;9)

•""' Early social anthropologists were more concerned about decoding and finding a universal set of laws that controlled social group behaviour and especially viewed kinship as a timeless social institution that always followed certain sacrosanct laws. Brown (1950:4) was foremost among those who saw kinship primarily in terms of descent. Along with other descent theorists, he drew a clear distinction between kin, relatives by descent, and affmes, relatives through marriage; hence his frequent use of the phrase 'kinship and marriage', implying that the latter was somehow external to the former. He further distinguished agnates (persons descended from a common ancestor through males only), from cognates, descendants of a common ancestor or ancestress counting descent through both father and mother. Fortes (1970;34) for instance portrayed Tallensi society in Northern Ghana as entirely built around the patrilineage system in which its functions are economic and political. For this reason Fortes drew a distinction between filiation and descent. Filiation stemmed from being the legitimate child of one's parents and was normally bilateral, i.e. children were filiated to both parents. He observed that filiation was relevant only in domestic contexts, whereas descent was a politico-jural matter, though the fact that it was expressed in the vocabulary of kinship provided an ideological bridge between the two domains. Pritchard (1951:28) researched on the Nuer of Sudan, with a similar framework of decent and filiation. Leach (1961) researched on the marital system among the Kachin of Burma and posited a theory of that understood rules of hypogamy. Strauss (1969) examined kinship through the prism of structuralism i.e. marriage through the binary of incest prohibitions and preferential choices. He argued that this helped prevent local groups from becoming sexually self-sufficient, and so encouraged wider social cohesion. These 'elementary structures of kinship' therefore involved both positive and negative marriage rules.

^'''"" Although the term 'habitus' is most often associated with Bourdieu, it in fact comes from the earlier writings of Marcel Mauss.

""''" This notion of acdng, performing and doing kinship was examined by him amongst the kybale of Algeria when the country was under colonial rule. In 'The Logic of Practice' Bourdieu (1990) attacks the earlier anthropologists axiomatic taken for granted stance on the fixation on rules and models which are an empirical reality. He argues that this denies human agency and implies that history develops mechanically according to "dead laws of nature". (Bourdieu, 1990; 39) To him social norms perpetuate them due to a predominant ideology and dominant elite.

367 Karve (1953) observes that as in other Dravidian systems of , relatives in an individuals own generation and in the first ascending and descending generations are grouped into two categories that various observers have labelled 'cross' and 'parallel' or 'consanguineal' and 'affinal' (Karve, 1953, Dumont 1950; 1953 and Leach 1961). That is marriage between an individual and his maternal sister or paternal aunt's sister. Kinship and marriage are closely enmeshed in caste organisation and also with Jati status. xxxvi Q^[^g^ non-Brahmin communities that follow the 'Maratha' pattern to a limited degree are the Malis, Nhavis, , Ramoshis, Chambhars, Mangs, and Mahars, all have patronymics (surname from patrilineages) and bar marriages between persons with the same patronymic. (Carter, 1975)

"'""'" King George V (1865-1936) was the king of Great Britain and Emperor of India from 1910 to 1936. It was during his visit in 1922 that King George V was so impressed with the courage and fighting abilities of the Indian Troops that at the conclusion of the war, he decided to set up some institutions for education of children of Indian Jawans. The purpose of this institution was to provide Indian boys with suitable education and training to ensure a high pass-rate for the Indians being sent to the Royal Military College, Sandhurst, as part of the Indianisation program of the officer cadre of the Indian Army. (Omissi, 1994) xxxviii -pi^gi-g'g 3 20-minute film called Ithe Janmati Veer Bahadar (Here Are Born Men of Valour) made by the famous literary figure G.D Madgulkar and Kashinath Ghanekar in the 1960s. This documentary highlights the 'glorious' past of this village which includes names of a few 'notable' soldiers and officers. The village also has a memorial built in the middle ground of the village as a mark of remembrance to those who served the nation. Every year on the eve of Dushera festival villagers gather here to pay respect to the 'martyrs'.

'^*^'"'' I noticed pictures of Shivaji, Sambhaji and Rana Pratap in most of the houses that I visited. Moreover the drawing room of these houses also displayed, spears, shields, swords, daggers and other such 'martial' artefacts. They also displayed medals, trophies, service badges, victory commemorations among others.

"' The Brahman dominance in the in the Poona Sarvajanik Sabha can be gauged from the figures- Chittpavan represented two-thirds of the 125 people who served on the managing committee between 1879 and 1897, and they were 42.0 per cent of the delegates to the Indian National Congress sessions in 1889 and 34.3 per cent in 1915, the Brahman total was 70.5 per cent and 71.8 per cent, respectively. (Omvedt, 1973; 1421)

'''' On the 13th August 1885 the Society was registered under Societies Registration Act XXI of 1860.

"'" Some of the famous Brahmins who graduated from this institution include - R.G. Bhandarkar, Lokmanya Tilak, R.D. Ranade, G.G. Agarkar, V.K. Rajawade, and Dr. Dwarkanath Kotnis. '*'"' Marathi newspaper editors in the province in 1902, 38.3 per cent were Chittpavan and 43.4 per cent other Brahmans; in 1921 the corresponding figures were 29.7 per cent and 34.4 per cent. Similarly, of 128 Marathi authors listed in a study of nineteenth century literature, 114 were Brahmans. For a community that constituted 4 per cent of the population (according to the colonial statistics) this was clear domination. (Gordon, 1970)

368 '''"' The Institute was registered under the Societies Registration Act, 1860, and the Bombay Public Trusts Act, 1950.

"'' The Rayat Shikshan Sanstha an educational project was inaugurated by Bhaurao Patil in 1919. Its objectives were to provide education to members of the Bahujan Samaj, especially those in rural areas and moffusil towns. The organization has its headquarters in Satara. The first school, which was of "Earn and Learn" concept, was started at a village named Kale from Karad taluka of .

'''"' The Maratha Education Conference was organized in 1907; the Mali Education Conference in 1910; the Bhandari Education Conference (of a major caste in the Konkan) in 1910; and nearly all held yearly meetings after that. Later in the decade the Ramoshi Education Conference began about 1917; the Arya Kshatriya (Jingar) Dnyanwardhak Samaj inl915; there were varied attempts to organize a Dhangar (Shepherds) conference, and many smaller artisan castes had continual meetings and conferences. Shimpis (tailor caste), for instance, had organized themselves in a Namdev Samajonnati (social upliftment) Conference about 1905 and were holding their 18th session by 1923. Agris (caste of cultivators mainly important in the Konkan) had begun to organize in the middle of the second decade; Nhavis (Barbers) were holding meetings by the early twenties and a full caste conferences by about 1928." Parits (Washermen) began their conferences about 19208 and the Svakul Salts (the upper subcaste of weavers) had achieved nearly an all- Maharashtra meeting by 1916. Nor were Untouchable castes left out of this organizing effort. Mahars had held various meetings and organized various local groups from at least 1930 onwards. Mangs held early meetings and had organized the first session of the Akhil Bharatiya Matang Parishadby 1923.

"'*" Its general committee included the Maratha chief of Phaltan, Bapu Saheb Nimbalkar; The wealthy 'Maratha' reformer, Hariraoji Chiplunkar, four brahmins- Mahadev Ranade, Gopal Krishna , Bhau sahib Natu and Shivram Hari Sathe. Two members of the satyashodhak samaj- the prominent Pune doctor, Vishram Ramji Gholay and the well known Pune lawyer, Rajanna Lingu.

'''"" There was another organization instituted by Dr. Dadaji Nathaji Shelke called the 'Maratha Vidya Prasarak Mandal' i.e. 'Fund for spreading education among Marathas' to promote education amongst the 'Maratha' community. This was later transformed into the All India Maratha Education Conference in 1908.Lokhande challenged other such attempts to restrict the imaginings of 'Maratha'. The Din Bandhu of June 1894 carried a report on the efforts of Dr. Dadaji Nathaji Shelke in setting up the organisation. Shelke's appeal which the paper reproduced made it clear that he proposed to take as his social base only those within the 'Maratha - Kunbi' complex and that he regarded these efforts as quite separate from the reforming and educational projects of other castes such as the Malis. (O'Hanlon, 1986; 293)

Despite generous financial support to the Satyashodhak Samaj, he refused to become a member, choosing the less radical and -friendly Arya Samaj instead.

369 Shahu's position on caste was ambiguous: lie championed an array of non-Brahman causes, which had their defiance of Brahman authority as the common denominator. His campaign against untouchabiiity and support for Ambedkar, for instance, was matched with a strident insistence on Vedic Kshatriya rights for the elite Marathas, including the establishment of a Kshatriya priesthood for Marathas to do away with Brahmans altogether in ritual life. (P.Deshpande, 2004;

'' In the Dyarchy system meant that there were now two executives- executive councilors (who were British administrators and 'popular ministers' (indigenous actors). Subjects were divided into two lists 'reserved' which included subjects such as law and order, finance, land revenue, irrigation etc. And 'transferred' that included education, health, local government, industry, agriculture, excise etc. The transferred subjects were to be administered by ministers nominated from among the elected members of the legislative council. The provincial legislative councils were further expanded and now 70% of the members were to be elected. The system of communal and class electorates was further consolidated and this time around, the Marathas and allied castes got a reservation of seven seats in the provincial legislative councils. (Omvedt, 1976 and Sarkar, 2000)

'" The kustigir parishad is an organisation that arranges kusti matches across Maharashtra and coordinates outside Maharashtra with other kusti organisations. It was established in the year 1960. It awards the 'Maharashtra Kesari' to the best wrestler every year.

'" The talims were very common amongst the jobbers of Bombay who would come here to exercise and also discuss the happenings of the day. Some actors also used this site to organize 'musclemen' who would extort money and provide physical support to individuals. As Chadavarkar 1998 observes, " Every gymnasium used to have, say, two dozen or three dozen or sometimes even a much bigger number of students and those students were under the control of the gymnasium - that is the dada who taught at the gymnasium. And that dada could utilise his students in any way he liked.... every party tried to get the support of one dada or the other. " (Chandavarkar, I998:lli) '" The NBP in the Central Provinces faced the same problem, since again it had no base in the large -speaking districts. Here again it became simply one contender in a complex pattern of alliances; further the party itself was weaker: non-Brahmans were even more under- represented in the C. P.-Berar in comparison to Bombay, and there was a greater tendency for the Vidarbha non-Brahman landed elite ( with a stronger class of and landlords among them) to act as independents or form separate patron-based parties. (Omvedt, 1976; 190)

'' The real cause of the party's dissolution was the growing strength of nationalist sentiment among young non-Brahmans from about 1925 onwards, and the fact that alliance with Gandhians and socialists within Congress offered an opportunity to offset Maharashtrian Brahman strength. The NBP, with its lack of political organization, failed to offer any effective alternative. (Omvedt, 1976)

'" District Satyashodhak and non-Brahman conferences were held, and there was a particularly crucial one at Kale in 1920 at which all the major leaders appeared and the Rayat Shikshan Sanstha was founded by Bhaurao Patil. And with this came the rise of the tamasha movement, and with the tamashas came peasant rebellion. (Omvedt, 1976)

370 '^" One of the most important patron of Bombay non-Brahmans was Govindrao ' Bhausaheb' Shinde. Bom in 1879 in Nasik, he came to Bombay with his widowed mother in 1890, opened a small shop and eventually established an Aryurvedic medicine shop on Delisle Road which became one of the most important purveyors of medicine to workers in that area. He took part in caste activities (he founded in 1916 a Maratha Vidyarthi Sahakari Mandal to provide scholarship help to-students) and in organizations such as the Social Service League of N. M. Joshi. Shinde maintained a connection with lower class non-Brahmans through such welfare activities and through sponsorship of gymnasiums and wrestling societies which were important in working class social life. More significantly, perhaps, they evidently had close relationships with a number of the ' jobbers' who were so crucial in the organization of the Bombay labor force. (Omvedt, 1976; 240)

'"" Dr. Dhananjay Gadgil, one of the leading economist and a Congress leader and the motivator behind the formation of the first sugar co-operative at Ahmednagar, was of the opinion that the Co-operative movement had the potential to become a vehicle of democratic socialism.

''•'' Camp Education Society, was established in 1885 by a few social workers who were influenced by the philosophy of the Satyashodhak Samaj movement of Phule. Among them prominently Rajanna Lingoo Polas and Balkrishna Sayanna Motado who were residents of Kamatipura (an area in the British Cantontment known for its immigrant worker residence patter. Most of the residents belonged to the Kamati community, who are known as expert cane workers and it is believed that they hail originally from Andhra Pradesh).

'"^ The construction of the building began in the Lord Reay market was completed in 1886. A total of Rs 2.30 lakhs was spent on the construction. It was inaugurated at the hands of the then governor of Bombay, Lord Reay, after whom the mandai was named. (Sarang Dastane, Times of India, Oct 7, 2010,)

"' Other than these two markets the indigenous actors also had bazaars that dotted the city and were organised on specific days of the week in which a large number of indigenous actors from rural areas gathered to sell their wares that spanned the spectrum from fruits, vegetables, spices, bangles, garments, forest produce such as honey among others.

™ It was the enactment of Cooperative Credit Societies Act, 1904, however, gave the real impetus to setting up cooperative credit societies in the Urban areas. The first urban cooperative credit society was registered in Canjeevaram (Kanjivaram) in the erstwhile Madras province in October, 1904. Amongst the prominent credit societies were the Pioneer Urban in Bombay (November 11, 1905), the No.l Military Accounts Mutual Help Co-operative Credit Society in Poona (January 9, 1906). and Belgaum Pioneer (February 23, 1906) in the Belgaum district, the Kanakavli-Math Co­ operative Credit Society and the Varavade Weavers' Urban Credit Society (March 13, 1906) in the South Ratnagiri (now Sindhudurg) district. The most prominent amongst the early credit societies was the Bombay Urban Co-operative Credit Society, sponsored by Vithaldas Thackersey and Lallubhai Samaldas established on January 23, 1906. The Cooperative Credit Societies Act, 1904 was amended in 1912, with a view to broad basing it to enable organisation of non-credit societies. The Maclagan Committee of 1915 was appointed to review their performance and suggest measures for strengthening them. The committee observed that such institutions were eminently suited to cater to the needs of the lower and middle income strata of society and would inculcate the principles of banking amongst the middle classes. The committee also felt that the urban cooperative credit movement was more viable than agricultural credit societies. The 371 recommendations of the Committee went a long way in establishing the urban cooperative credit movement in its own right.

^"" Rosenthal (1982) observes that, though presided over by the district collector, these bodies often included leading Congressmen. In this way, Chavan was able to assure himself that men loyal to the Congress party would participate in making decisions and distributing resources made available for developmental projects.

'^" This provision evoked criticism from the State's opposition parties when the bill was being passed in 1961 and even later. Two committees were set up (Naik Committee in 1962 and Bongiwar committee, 1971) to look into the pitfalls due to this provision. These committees suggested an end to this practice. However the ruling Congress legislators supported the provisions as it benefits the legislators who are now no more part of the local level institutions. (Khekale, 1999; 180)

'"^ The "Zilla Palak Mantri" (District Guardian Minister) could extend his Patronage through the PRI. Some of the prominent leaders who emerged from the PRIs were. R.A.Patil, S.B.Patil (Nilangekar), Shankarrao Chavan, S.N.Mohite, and Y.V. Hirey, Y.B.Chavan, P.B. Patil among others.

'"" The Rashtriya Seva is an organisation that was inaugurated by Sane Guruji and by the freedom fighters of Maharashtra in 1941 with an objective of organising volunteers for the freedom struggle; by the late 1950s it became increasingly a socialist organisation and its members included some famous personalities such as Sane Guruji, G.P Pradhan, N.M Joshi, N.D Patil and among others.

'""' Rayat Shikshan Sanstha is an Indian educational organisation founded by Karmaveer Bhaurao Patil in 1919. Its aim was to provide education to students who, due to caste, religion of economic status, had not previously had the opportunity to take up education. The organization has its headquarters in Satara. The first school, which was of "Earn and Learn" concept, was started at a village named Kale from Karad taluka of Satara district by Karmaveer Bhaurao in 1919.

''"'"' Tupe had switched political parties. He had won the three assembly polls on a Janata Dal ticket while the Lok Sabha polls on a Congress ticket and had then shifted to NCP owing to his friendship with Sharad Pawar.

'""' Providing relief for certain agricultural debtors (MSLA Act 1st April 1969, Bill No: XX of 1969:561-567) Relief for small and marginal farmers (MSLA Act 14th August 1969: Vol 27 pt.2 : 1679-1684)Construction of Community wells(MSLA Act 25 March 1969:402,), Providing relief for farmers and agricultural debtors ( Bill No XX of 1969 1st April: 561-567).

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