CHAPTER FOUR

A time of trouble and rapid transformation

The Mfecane

For most African societies in South Africa the hallmarks of the nineteenth century were difficulty, conflict, dislocation, reorganisation, and finally subjugation. The ap- pearance of the Griqua north of the Orange River heralded the imminent arrival of European styles of life, war and government. Before the full impact of this was experienced, however, most communities were subjected to the vagaries and hard- ships of the Mfecane, Literal translations of this term show up assumptions about the Mfecane 'con- cept', In older historical works it was a time of 'convulsions', of 'crushing' and of 'wandering hordes', initiated almost solely by Shaka and the Zulu, But new inter- pretations have identified new suspects: Europeans at the Cape and Oelagoa Bay; European surrogates like the Griqua on the hiqhveld, Historians are divided as to the causes, but the events constituting the term Mfecane reshaped the political ABOVE: Before the 1970s historians thought landscape of southern Africa, that the Mfecane, or upheaval, occurred at the end of the eighteenth century and During the last half of the eighteenth century and the first quarter of the nineteenth, dra- derived from the growth of the Zulu kingdom matic developments transformed the nature of African societies, and altered the demo- under Shaka. The Zulu impact has now been graphic shape of South Africa. These have been referred to as the Mfecane (for Nguni questioned, the beginning extended back speakers) and Difaqane (for Sotho-Tswana speakers) on the highveld. Before the 1970s, to the 1750s, the geographic focus widened scholars generally thought that these changes derived from the growth of the Zulu king- to include the interior of the country, and dom under Shaka in southeast Africa, and that the changes had begun to occur at the European trade seen as one of the possible end of the eighteenth century. Since the early 1990s such views have been modified. It causes. This painting by C.D. Bell depicts is now accepted that the Zulu were by no means the only ones responsible for the war- Ndebele warriors during the time of the fare that spread throughout the southeast African coastal areas and the inland regions. Mfecane. Bell accompanied Rev. Andrew Now it is generally recognised that other African chiefdoms responded just as vigor- Smith on his joumey through South Africa ously and innovatively to the changing conditions of the late eighteenth century The geo- during 1834-1835. graphic focus of the process has been expanded to include the interior of South Africa, and the beginning of the Mfecane has been extended backwards from about the 1790s to the mid-eighteenth century Geographically, the sphere of the Mfecane has now been broadened to include communities of the entire western highveld. Nor was the c;nflict exclusively one between Africans. It has been argued that increasing European penetration into South Africa from the Cape and Mozambique destabilised the African communities along the coast and into the interior. Historians are more divided, however, over the degree to which whites are responsible for the corn- motions of the Mfecane.

How did the Mfecane begin? To understand this transformation it is necessary to pose three straightforward questions,' which to some extent belie their complexity. How did the Mfecane begin? Why did it occur? And what were its consequences? The discussion begins by tracing developments in the present area of KwaZulu- atal on the southeastern seaboard. From 1780, in the tenitory from Delagoa Bay to the Thukela

124 A TDtE OF THOUBLE AND HAPID TRANSFOHMATION NGWATO

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(Tugela) River, a number of African chiefdoms began to expand in size and grow in MAP: African groupings at the time power. These included the Mabhudu and Tembe, under Makhasane, near the coast. of the Mfecane. Weaker communities were dominated or expelled from the region. Even the nascent Pedi kingdom some 300 kilometres away in the interior felt the effects of this. Further south, a similar pattern emerged, with the Ndwandwe and Mthethwa chief- doms increasing their numbers and competing for allies. This led groups some distance away from these expanding chiefdoms to strengthen their military capabilities - includ- ing the Hlubi in the Drakensberg foothills, and the Qwabe below the Thukela River. Some chiefdoms caught up in the conflict between these competing power blocs chose to flee. The Ngwane under Matiwane's leadership moved westwards, attacking the Hlubi and killing their chief, Mthimkhulu. The Hlubi split apart; some abandoned their homeland and others merged with the N gwane. Chief Matiwane settled in the region of

THE MFECANE 125 modem Bergville, incorporating smaller groups such as the Zizi and Bhele. He was now the dominant figure in the upper Thukela. After 1810 Dingiswayo of the Mthethwa surrounded himself with allies and forced those who refused to join him into tributary status. One of these confederates was the Zulu. When their chief Senzangakhona died, Dingiswayo intervened and appointed Shaka as leader. By 1818 the rivalry for power in the region between the Mthethwa and the Ndwandwe under Zwide was reach.ing a climax. The dwandwe resided in present-day northern Zulu- land and, like Dingiswayo, Zwide commanded the loyalty of a number of smaller chief- doms. A difference between them was that the Mthethwa built loyalties around common trade interests in cattle and ivory, while the Ndwandwe seemed to rely on tile support of related communities. In 1818 Dingiswayo was captured by Zwide and killed. This allowed Shaka to step into the power vacuum and take control of the Mthethwa. Zwide then turned his attention to the Zulu, seeing them as the only ones capable of thwarting his control over the former Thought to be Shaka's nephew, Mthethwa confederacy. But Shaka had managed to weld his neighbours into an alliance as depicted by G.F Angas. against tile dwandwe. These included the powerful Qwabe chiefdom, which previously had rivalled tile Zulu for dominance between tile White Mfolozi and Thukela rivers. Zwide's first attack against the Zulu was inconclusive, but in another raid his troops overstretched themselves, driving far into the Thukela River region. Shakas army forced the Ndwandwe into headlong flight. The Ndwandwe, in all likelihood already experiencing internal stress, disintegrated. Soshangane and Zwangendaba of the Jele and Gaza chief- doms, who were principal allies of Zwide, moved first to tile Delagoa Bay region and then later trekked north. Zwide himself attempted to regroup north of tile Phongolo River. The Zulu then took steps to secure their position in the region across the White Mfo- lozi and southwards along the lower Thukela and Mzinyathi livers. This represented a consolidation of existing territorial gains. Contrary to popular historical conceptions, the Zulu kingdom did not have the capacity to extend its sway to the Delagoa Bay (near present-day Maputo) region. Nor was it immediately secure to its south. Shaka had to manoeuvre client chiefs into positions of power to ensure security along his southern border. These included Magaye of the Cele chiefdom - which had been long dominant along the lower Mvoti - and Zihandlo of the Mkhize chiefdom.

The turmoil spreads Mzilikazi, chief of the Khumalo (later known as the Ndebele). To the north, Soshangane eventually established himself along the Nkomati River. He gathered his followers and migrated into southern Mozambique to form the Gaza king- dom. Zwangendaba and Nxaba, leaders of other factions of the Ndwandwe, moved across the Zambezi into what is today eastern Zimbabwe, and from here to present-day eastern and western Zambia, central Malawi and southern Tanzania. Zwide, seeking greater se- curity, moved into what is today central Swaziland, where he managed to attract more followers from weaker chiefdoms. He died in about 1824 and two years later Shaka launched a massive attack on Zwide's son. At a battle north of the Phongolo River the Ndwandwe were heavily defeated. They splintered; some joined Soshangane, others were absorbed into the Zulu kingdom and others joined the other rising power in the region - the debele. The Ndebele, led by Mzilikazi, were from the Khumalo clan, situated between the Zulu and Ndwandwe. To avoid involvement in this growing competition between his neighbours, Mzilikazi chose to move away. The date of this migration is uncertain: by 1825 he was settled along the Vaal River and then moved north to the Apies River. Some accounts suggest he attacked the Pedi, a very powerful polity. A few years later the Nde- bele were to destabilise - and then control- a huge region on tile western highveld. To the southwest, tile conflict spread south and across tile Drakensberg onto the south- I ~~. ern highveld. Mpangazithas Hlubi crossed the Drakensberg and attacked tile Tlokwa .-1:-', A sketch by A. G. Bain of the son of Chief Faku under Manthatisi, causing her and other communities to raid in the vicinity of the Vaal of the Mpondo. Faku strengthened his kingdom and Sand rivers. Both groups settled in the Caledon valley, where the Ngwane under Mati- during the Mfecane by absorbing rifugees. He wane joined them. Tensions between these three chiefdoms simmered on until in 1825 survived Zulu.invasions in 1824 and 1828, losing the Hlubi were soundly defeated by tile Tlokwa and were either incorporated into their many cattle, but emerging politically stronger: ranks or fled into Xhosaland to join Matiwane's army or to become part of the so-called

126 A TIME OF TROUBLE AND RAPID TRANSFORMATION Mfengu (the hungry ones) - refugees who later were called the Fingo and settled in the "l'IfEM,(TH QFTHEi' Butterworth district of the Eastern Cape. From 1822 refugees from the Caledon valley - the Phuting, the Taung, the Fokeng and An early writer, w.e. the Hlakwana, who had been caught up in this conflict - moved west, severely disrupting ,the myth of the '~Pl~y the southern Tswana. The Rolong and Tlhaping were subjected to constant raids between end Future of the: ~arfi 1823 and 1826. The Fokeng under Sebetwane were to survive the turmoil and establish GIrderto legjtimise.whj1asettleffleffi~" the Kololo kingdom in what is today western Zambia. gested th~t whites anti Afri 'm Directly south of the Zulu, beyond the Mzimkhulu River, a similar pattern emerged. southern Afrjca~rougnlytne A number of chiefdoms displaced by the upheavals from about 1815 chose to cross the .l991 tn~ idei-Kas taken 'U,f3 Mzimkhulu to avoid being caught up in the turmoil. The Chunu and Thembu were the by GeorgeMcCall. Theal when!fle Glai first to arrive in the early 1820s, followed by smaller groups. This brought them into the that Africans migratinghlO!Jthw?.f'

THE MFECANE 127 RIGHT: Historians are examining the possible impact on African societies of new trade . goods in southern Africa and the growing trade in gold, ivory and slaves at Delagoa Bay. This illustration isfrom Thomas Baines' journal in 1848, where he wrote: 'Two or three of the women bmught a hartebeest skin f01' sale at the moderate price of two basins full of powder, a quantity of balls and any old or new handkerchiefs or articles of wearing apparel.'

BELOW: African societies were quick to appreciate the possibilities for trade during the nineteenth century. This sketch shows trading in ivory on the coast.

BOTTOM: Portrait of a Kora, as illustrated in Burchell's Travels in the Interior of South- ern Africa. The settlement of the Criqua and Kora communities along the lower and middle Orange River increased the demand of their economies. Historians examined the possible impact on African societies of the for trade items. growing trade in gold, iVOlYand slaves at Delagoa Bay from the mid-eighteenth century, and attempted to quantify the scale of the trade in slaves. As far as the highveld is concemed, slightly different reasons have been advanced to explain the upheavals. The focus here is on cattle accumulation and tile impact of trade. Chiefs who had large herds and sufficient pastureland could attract followers and dis- tribute cattle to supporters or destitute individuals. The bogadi, or bridewealth system, placed an even greater premium on cattle, which in tum allowed men access to wives and independent homesteads. As archaeologists particularly have noted, the Sotho-Tswana were 'cattle-centred' soci- eties. Environmental decline placed a strain on grazing, leading to competition. Storage of wealth in tile form of cattle made such societies vulnerable to diseases and cattle raids. In addition, evidence suggests that the Tswana particularly were on the convergence of trade routes into the interior. Emanating from the west (present-day Angola), the east (Mozambique) and the Cape, these mercantile contacts had a long history, The trade was steady but not spectacular. The usual trade items were beads, copper, iron and cloth in return for iVOlY,skins (karosses) and cattle. Towards the end of the eighteenth century, however, there was a sudden increased demand for trade items from the Tswana. This came from two quarters - from tile advance of the Cape frontier and settlement of Griqua and Kora communities along the lower and middle Orange River, and from Delagoa Bay, where the demand for ivory intensified. As ivory became a more and more desired item, it led to competition for hunting grounds and control over trade routes, and tile necessity for well-organised hunting parties. Among Africans, this created rivalry on tile one hand, and on the other tile need for larger and more centralised communities. All of these explanations imply some sort of rational internal response by Africans to these developments, which might account for the Mfecane. However, these explanations for tile Mfecane were strongly challenged by Julian Cobbing in tile late 1980s (see box).

From small lineages to proto-states How did societies that previously had lived in fairly small family-based communities, trans- form themselves into larger, more militarised, more centralised 'states'? Historians have tried to explain this by reference to the amabutho. These were origin- ally work parties organised according to age, which rendered service to the chief. But by the late eighteenth century the need for Nguni-speaking communities to obtain more iVOlYfor trade, and more land for cultivation, led to a reorganisation of the amabutho,

128 A TIME OF TROUBLE AND RAPID TRANSFORMATION THE 'COBBING THESIS'

Historian Julian Gobbing's argument against tion of vast tracts of land. The Zulu un- that the term Mfecane should be relin- conventional versions of the Mfecane rests der Shaka were portrayed as a oefensive, quished. on one central point: that the 'time of trou- rather than offensive state, and not very dif- Several historians found Gobbing's ar- bles' was caused by expeditions and raiding ferent from a host of other 'states' that gument, though thought-provoking, to be fac- parties whose object was to seize labour and emerged in southern Africa shortly before, tually flawed. It inserted one argument in slaves from African communities. The individ- They did not initiate the amabutho, or age- sharp contrast to-previous ones, and placed uals responsible for this were whites living set regiments, but expanded them and whites as the ce~lral players, underplaying in the Gape Colony or in Portuguese Mozam- used them for non-military purposes as the role and interests of African communi- bique. The Griqua and Kora, who were al- well. It was argued that the number of ties. Some argued that it was just as specu- leged to have indulged in similar activities, deaths due to military conflict was over- lative as the arguments he had rejected. But were seen as surrogates of the colonists. stated, and incidents of cannibalism so fre- few would now suggest there was no influ- European colonists, representative of capit- quently associated with these years were ence deriving from the Gape or overseas alist interests both in South Africa and abroad, exaggerated. markets in the time of troubles that struck were now to blame for the upheavals, and the Both white commentators who ventured southern African during these decades. i;;fis- Zulu relegated to a lesser role. into what became the Colony of Natal around torians generally still remain divided over the In order to prove his hypothesis Gobbing this time, and local African traditions, for importance that should be accorded to the argued that: different reasons, distorted the picture by Zulu in this period of important transforma- • the seizure of slaves close to Delagoa Bay presenting Shaka as the 'Grim Reaper' of tion. Chiefdoms other than the Zulu were instigated conflict and violence among South Africa. Some historians, following equally, if not more responsible, for the on- people in the vicinity Gobbing, have gone so far as to suggest set of the Mfecane. • missionaries such as Robert Moffat and John Melvill were slave raiders and traders in disguise, and were deliberately press- ing the African people of the northern frontier into labour at the Gape (the battles at Dithakong in 1823 and Mbho- lompo in 1828, Gobbing argued, were examples of such slave raids) • the Griqua and Kora were allies of the colonists and were furthering their aims by conducting an illicit slave trade among the communities along the northeast frontier.

Gobbing and other scholars who espoused his argument refuted the view that the Zulu were warmongers, intent on military domina-

Their size and range of duties were increased. The young men found themselves under- ABOVE: According to historian Julian taking jobs such as hunting and herding on behalf of the chief and senior men. Cobbing, the upheaval caused by European- Later, towards the beginning of the nineteenth century, the amabutho seem to have led expeditions and raiding parties seizing taken on increased military duties. They were also brought much more closely under the labour and slaves [rom. Aji-ican communities control of their respective leaders. In the case of the Zulu the amabutho became a per- largely precipitated the Mfecane.(Painting by manent feature of the kingdom centred at the royal household, and were recruited in age- C.D. Bell.) sets, rather than in regional communities, to offset local loyalties. Young women were similarly brought under chiefly control. The female age-sets, or izigodlo, could be made to perform duties for the chief or could be given in marriage to powerful men in the chiefdom, thus ensuring their con- tinued loyalty. These expanded powers allowed the ruling families to cement their con- trol, and to offer economic security and protection which in tum attracted smaller or more threatened communities of individuals. In this way there was a centralisation of power and a growth in their size and administrative complexity.

THE ~1FECANE 129 THE ROLE OF THE GRIQUA

The Difaqane impacted on the Griqua, who lowed up this raid witn a counter-offensive, were drawn into the battle of Dithakong in surprising Barends' camp at night and killing June 1823. Interpretations on the reasons for possibly as many as 400 Griqua, this event and its consequences differ among The balance of power over the next few historians, but Rot>ert Moffat of the London years lay with Mzilikazi, who established Missionary $ociety asked the Griqua to assist military outposts to the south. When the in. repelling an attack on the town of Ditha- Voortrekkers arrived in the region in 1836, kong - the residence of the l1naping under however, the Griqua quickly saw their po- Methibi - by a militant group of Fokeng, Phu- tential as allies and in 1836 they participat- ting and Hlakw.ana. Adam KOK, Barend Ba- ed in a combined Voortrekkermolong/Gri- rends and Andries Watert>oer responded to qua attack on the Ndebele at Mosega. Thus Meffat's appeal and 100 armed and mounted Mzilikazi's decision to trek away from the Griqua successfully routed the attackers. Marico district in 1837 was in part due to These asseiiionsarelargely without fGtlfl- From 11326 the Ndebele under Mzilikazi pressure exerted by Griqua communities. dation. The Griqua kaptyns often responded established themselves on the western high- Cobbing and some others have portrayed differently to the various problems they faced, veld, forcing most Tswana chiefdcrns into the role ef the Griqua in the history of Trans- according to particular circwmstance and the tributary status. These developments disrupt- orangia {the Free State of today) as being strategy of particular leaders. This included ed trading relations between the Griqua and disruptive, painting them as marauders ruth- dynastic marriages with African groups, such their northern partners, and posed a threat lessly seizing men and cattle, which were of- as the Tll:taping, and trading alliances with to hunting operations north of the Molopo ten sent southwards to the Cape. Dithakong other communities in Transorangia. No doubt, River, In 1829 the Griqua under Jan Bloem has been cited as just such an example. A as conditions in Transorangia later became entered into a military alliance with some similar assertion has been made regarding more competitive, the level of raids and repri- Tswana grGUps and sent a commando their role at the battle of Mbholompo against sals became intensified and all communities against Mzilikazi. Matiwane's Ngwane in 182g. reacted accordingly. The raid was initially successful, but tAe Ndebele launched a counter-offensive and more than 50 of Bloem's men were killed. Barends then took up cudgels to try to force the Ndebele out of the region. Seeing it as a visionary mission, in 1830 he gathered around him groups united in enmity to Mzilikazi. In June 1831 a combined Griqua/Rolongmha- ping commando marched on Mzilikazi. Nearly half of the 1 OOO-strong force was Griqua. This commando seized as many as 6 000 Ndebele cattle but the Ndebele again fol-

TOP: Griquas riding oxen,from Andrew The aftermath of the Mfecane Smith's journal. What were the Mfecane's consequences? Ironically, perhaps, the conflict and adver- ABOVE: A parade of warriors before sity also gave rise to the emergence of a new crop of leaders that gathered together, Mzilikazi. In 1829 the Criquas entered into reorganised and rebuilt their shattered communities. Notable among such leaders a military alliance with Tswana groups and and their societies on the highveld were Moletsane of the Taung, Moshoeshoe of sent a commando against Mzilikazi. the Sotho, Mzilikazi of the Ndebele, Sekwati of the Pedi, Manthatisi and her son Sekonyela of the Tlokwa, and Montshiwa of the Rolong.

Manthatisi and Sekonyela of the Tlokwa Manthatisi became a regent queen of the Tlokwa when her husband died soon after 1815, acting on behalf of her son Sekonyela, then still a minor. Although portrayed as an evil woman by some contemporary Europeans, such as Dr Andrew Smith, she was a strong, capable and popular leader, both in war and peace. Her followers called her 'Mosayane'

130 A TIME OF THOUBLE AND HAPID 'fHANSFOHMATION THE MFE€ANE GAVE RISE TO NEW LEADERS AND STATES SOTHO • Moshoshoe NDEBELE • Mzilikazi PEDI ~ Sekwati

TAUNG ~ Moletsane

TLOKWA ~ Manthatisi and Sekonyela

SOUTHERN TSWANA -----+ Mankurwane

(the little one) because of her small stature. Her popularity is clearly indicated by the fact that instead of her people being known as Tlokwa, they became known as 'Manthatisi'. Unlike other chiefs who fell victim to the Difaqane wars, she successfully kept her people together in the midst of' frequent raids by Nguni groups to the south. With no fixed abode after having been routed by the Hlubi, Manthatisi and her bands wandered from place to place in search of security. They moved in complete family units with the few cattle and possessions they could protect from other marauders. Under these circumstances of fear and insecurity, the vely young, the sick and tile velY old were often simply abandoned and left to die or they became victims of other marauders. Fear and insecurity also resulted in the abandoning of agriculture and the slaughter- ing of livestock throughout tile southern Sotho region. If they attempted to farm or rear livestock and they were successful, they became the targets of other plundering bands. Thus hunting and gathering wild foods became the major means of sustenance. Smith also reported cases of cannibalism, which subsequent writers exaggerated to give the im- pression that tile practice was widespread. The Tlokwa did not flee from their country but chose to retreat to more defensible positions. Like many other communities affected by tile violence of the Difaqane, the

Tlokwa adopted new tactics of fighting and defence, some of' which they had learnt from TOP: Manthatisi became regent queen of the tile Nguni. As the conflict was subsiding, tile Tlokwa settled at Khoro-e-Betlwa on tile Tlokwa in about 1815, acting on behalf of her north bank of tile Caledon River. Their new home, near modern Fickburg, was a flat- son Sekonyela. With nofixed abode after having topped mountain retreat, or qhobosheane in Sesotho, and thus a natural fortress. been routed by Hlubi, her bands roamed from Numbering some 24000 by 1833, Sekonyela's cosmopolitan community consisted of place to place andfinally settled on a hilltop on a mixture of the Tlokwa themselves, some Sotho, as well as Hlubi and Ngwane refugees. the north bank of the Caledon River: English Seeking refuge on hilltops was not necessarily the practice of only weak communities. missionaries knew her people as the 'Maniatees', Mokuoane, chief of the Phuting, and Moshoeshoe are other examples. People were at- but all warring bands that wandered across the tracted to Sekonyela's community for two reasons. The first was the safety they offered plains of the interior were 'Mantatees'to the due to their position and the military skills of Sekonyela, for which he was famous. The white settlers. This watercolour by T w' is titled second was tile possibility of gaining a share of plundered cattle. 'Bechuana warrior Mantatees'. From Khoro-e- Betlwa, Sekonyelas lands extended roughly 50 kilometres to the north and eastwards to the source of the Caledon River. Headmen ruling over villages reported MIDDLE: Sekonyela, chief of the Tlokwa, in to Sekonyela. On the edges of his lands, Sekonyela placed satellite communities specif- 1834. ically to report to him about the approach of his enemies. Although Sekonyela was a successful and strong military leader, he had certain weak- nesses. During times of peace, for example, he would simply usurp his own followers' cattle. As a way of making peace with the Tlokwas neighbours, Manthatisi arranged mar- riage alliances for her son with some of Moshoeshoes daughters. In May 1852, through his raids on Moshoeshoes kingdom, Sekonyela finally provoked conflict with Moshoeshoe, who retaliated so decisively that tile Tlokwa eventually lost their independence.

Moletsane of the Taung

Another leader of a plundering band of followers in the southern Sotho area was Mole- BOTTOM: Moletsane, chief of the Taung who tsane, whose people were tile Taung. He succeeded in rallying together his people and obtained refuge under the Criqua leader bringing about a degree of order and normality among them. Probably tired of the Adam Kok at Philippolis during the Mfecane.

THE AFTEHMATH OF THE MFECANE 131