E-Racing Together How Starbucks Reshaped and Deflected Racial

Public Relations Review 45 (2019) 101773 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Public Relations Review journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/pubrev E-Racing together: How starbucks reshaped and deflected racial conversations on social media T ⁎ Alison N. Novaka, , Julia C. Richmondb a Rowan University, 301 High Street, 325, Glassboro, NJ, United States b Drexel University, 3141 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia, PA, United States ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT Keywords: In March 2015, Starbucks introduced its #RaceTogether campaign to encourage patrons to Starbucks discuss race and ethnicity in global culture. Public reaction to #RaceTogether was largely critical Twitter and resulted in Starbucks' abandoning the campaign within a year. Through an analysis of 5000 Reputation management #RaceTogether tweets, this study examines how users engaged the campaign and each other. Race This study draws three conclusions. First, most #RaceTogether posts featured extremist and Brand racist positions. Second, #RaceTogether posts deflected race conversations and critiqued the Social media organizations role in national racial discourses. Finally, posts in the digital space critiqued Starbucks as a location for inter-racial dialogue because of brand perception. This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, com- mercial, or not-for-profit sectors. 1. Introduction In March 2015, Starbucks introduced its #RaceTogether campaign designed to encourage patrons to openly discuss and debate the contemporary treatment and place of race and ethnicity in global culture. In the aftermath of police violence targeted towards American minorities (and specifically Black Americans), the corporation intended to provide a physical and digital space forcus- tomers to reflect on recent events (Hernandez, 2015). While conceivably coming from a good place, the public’s reaction to #Ra- ceTogether was far from favorable and resulted in Starbucks’ abandoning the campaign within a year. Media criticized Starbucks’ efforts and questioned if the campaign produced more tensions between racial groups instead of helping heal national divisions (LaMonica, 2015). Ultimately, Starbucks experienced a crisis just before the 2015 winter holiday season due to digital protests and public backlash (Peterson, 2015b). This study looks at how the public digitally engaged with the #RaceTogether campaign and critiqued its ability to enable discourse on race. While previous research examines the campaign from a critical race perspective, this study uses Twitter data to investigate public response and adoption of the campaign (Logan, 2016). Its findings hold implications for those studying interracial communication, digital public relations campaigns, and new media. An immediate challenge to the #RaceTogether campaign was the public perception of the motivations behind the corporatization of the facilitation of a national dialogue on race. In large part, the public backlash was a result of the perception of a disingenuous strategy from a racially uniform, wealthy, and affluent retailer. As a result, the failure of the #RaceTogether campaign is critically important to scholars who examine digital discourses about race. Despite the public dislike for corporate messaging, previous work suggests that the campaign did bring a diverse group of people together and into agreement (if only for their criticism of Starbucks) ⁎ Corresponding author. E-mail address: [email protected] (A.N. Novak). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pubrev.2019.04.006 Received 6 August 2018; Received in revised form 7 February 2019; Accepted 16 April 2019 Available online 28 April 2019 0363-8111/ © 2019 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. A.N. Novak and J.C. Richmond Public Relations Review 45 (2019) 101773 (Peterson, 2015b). Thus, looking at public engagement with the campaign can reveal the mechanisms for this inter-racial con- versation oriented towards the corporatization, or the integration of for-profit organizations into previously public-domain cultural goods and concepts, of a race-based dialogue (Hayhurst & Szto, 2016). This article uses a discursive analysis approach to study public engagement on social media. Through an analysis of a collection of 5000 public tweets including #RaceTogether, this study examines how users engaged with the Starbucks campaign and each other. Posts were collected from March 15, 2015 to November 1, 2015 (the dates of the active campaign, before its end). These tweets reveal how the public used the campaign to adopt and shape race-based discourses, as well as the corporatization of racialized issues. This study draws three conclusions. First, most #RaceTogether posts featured extremist and racist positions on race. Second, #RaceTogether deflected conversations on race and instead produced a national dialogue on who (or what) should encouragena- tional racial discourses. Finally, although coffee shops historically serve as a meeting place for civic conversations for centuries, posts in the digital space critiqued Starbucks as a location for inter-racial dialogue because of brand perception. These three findings reinforce the #RaceTogether campaign's ability to both build community and facilitate national conversations on race. 1.1. Public engagement and digital communication on race Scholars note that digital media provides a space for users to engage each other on difficult topics such as race, gender, and age- based divisions in society (Novak & El-Burki, 2016). Although there are many reasons cited for the digital shift in the public sphere, users cite their own dissatisfaction with traditional or physical routes to civic engagement (Novak, Johnson, & Pontes, 2016). The digital space offers an alternative structure for citizens to engage each other in difficult topics that center on identity,policy,or justice. This digital shift produces digital dialogic communication, or a typology that allows organizations to engage members of the public directly and solicit feedback for mutual adjustment (Taylor & Kent, 2014). Dhanesh (2017) outlines the various approaches of this scholarship, particularly emphasizing the need for practitioners to recognize and utilize engagement as a tool for relationship management and improvement. This emphasis is drawn from engagement’s definition, which articulates “an understanding of dialogue with users” (Dhanesh, 2017, p. 926). This includes how top management communicates on social media with members of the public to explain corporate decisions and solicit feedback (Men, Tsai, Chen, & Ji, 2018). However, online communication extends beyond organizational feedback, it is also used by organizations to cultivate digital communities and form collective action on social issues (Watkins, 2017). Despite the plethora of studies examining race in a digital context, Daniels (2013) confirms that scholarship has no conclusions regarding if social media succeeds in equalizing races (even when that is a discursive expressed intent). Graetz, Gordon, Fung, Hamity, and Reed (2016) argue that digital spaces further entrench racial differences and divide races from each other: digital conversations on race statistically focus on division, rather than proactive ways to repair or work towards racial equality. Campos- Castillo (2015) argues that as early as 2007, social media spaces encouraged users to see themselves different than others, particularly based on race. Early social media sites encouraged profiles where users identified themselves by gender, age, and race/ethnicity. These sites segmented identity into these few categories, thus confirming that those were the most important factors that divided society (Campos-Castillo, 2015). Tynes and Mitchell (2014) argue that Twitter serves as a space for African American youth to discuss their treatment by mainstream culture (such as pop culture representations). Although conversations like these may help individuals feel connected to larger communities, they do little to challenge or address the issues being discussed (Jackson, von Eye, Fitzgerald, Zhao, & Witt, 2010; Tynes & Mitchell, 2014). Other scholarship argues that movements proliferating from digital spaces, such as “Black Lives Matter” and the “99%,” de- monstrate the ability of digital conversations to organize and make meaningful contributions to culture and society (Carney, 2016; Hooker, 2016; Larson, 2016; Rickford, 2016). In this vein of scholarship, digital conversations on social media platforms like Twitter, result in the physical organization and mobilization of like-minded communities who seek policy and social change (Larson, 2016). The digital space is a type of jumping-off platform for membership to negotiate goals, identity, and actions of a movement across physical boundaries (Carney, 2016). Novak et al. (2016) found that Twitter functions as a space for users who feel left out or rejected by traditional routes to political and civic engagement. The network provides a space for individuals who were previously silenced or rejected by the traditional political parties, candidates, or organizations. The relative newness of social media platforms serves as a challenge for scholars who seek to examine the impact or effect of digital race-based conversations. Sharma’s (2013) landmark study on Black Twitter argues that it could be decades before we can truly test the impact of race-based conversations because of the slow-moving pace of social change. Porter, Anderson, and Nhotsavang (2015) note that studies of Twitter

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