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Religion and Political Crisis in Ukraine

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Religion and Political Crisis in Ukraine 17 / 2015 Religion and Political Crisis in Ukraine Guest Editor Catherine Wanner, Pennsylvania State University A clergyman on Maidan Nezalezhnosti, Kiev, August 2014 © Carmen Scheide Open Access Online Journal of the Center for Governance and Culture in Europe University of St. Gallen URL: www.gce.unisg.ch, www.euxeinos.ch ISSN 2296-0708 Center for Governance and Last Update 18 April 2015 LanDis & GYR Culture in Europe STIFTung University of St.Gallen Table of Contents A Note From the Editorial Team 3 Religion and Political Crisis in Ukraine Editorial by Catherine Wanner 4 Analysis Orthodoxy and the Future of Secularism After the Maidan by Catherine Wanner 8 Was There an Alternative? Metropolitan Bishop Onuphrius and his First Steps by Nikolay Mitrokhin 13 The Jews of Ukraine: Past and Present by Yuliana Smilianskaya 20 Islam and Muslims in Ukraine After the “Revolution of Dignity”: Current Challenges and Perspectives by Oleg Yarosh 35 Protestant Churches After the Maidan by Mikhailo Cherenkov 42 Between ‘Mother Homeland’ and Saint Mary: The Independence Monu- ment on the Maidan in Kiev by Wilfried Jilge 49 Opinions “Being Church” during Times of crisis by Myroslav Marynovych 55 The Responsibility of the Churches During the Ukrainian Crisis by Yuriy Chornomorets 60 Church-State-Relations After the Maidan by Oleksandr Sagan 67 Bibliography 72 Publishing Information/Contact 73 Euxeinos 17/2015 2 A Note From the Editorial Team Euxeinos Dear reader, the following collection of articles is the result of the ‘Religion in Ukraine’ Conference that took place in Kiev, Ukraine, at the end of September 2014. Catherine Wanner – Professor of History, An- thropology, Religious Studies, and Barry Director of the Paterno Fellows Program at Pennsylvania State University – organized the Conference to illuminate how events on Maidan Square shaped perceptions of state-faith relations in Ukraine. The collection of articles thus includes a range of opinions and attitudes on how religion shaped events on the Maidan, and vice versa – published in the second section of this edition. A second set of articles – published in the first section – examines these events from a theoretical perspective. The following articles also appeared in collaboration with, and are available in print in Religion & Gesellschaft in Ost und West (RGOW2/2015 43. Jahrgang). Religion & Gesellschaft is published by G2W, the Ecumenical Forum for Faith, Religion, and Society. We would like to take this opportunity to express our gratitude to Catherine Wanner, the authors, and the G2W Institute for their collaboration, and hope the articles are as instructive to you, the reader, as they were for us. ------------- The views, beliefs, and opinions expressed in the following articles are those of the authors, and do not necessarily reflect those of the Euxeinos editorial team. Euxeinos makes no truth-claims as regards the relationship between one’s religious practice, change, and/or affiliation to a particular faith, and subsequent political orientation. Sandra King-Savic, Carmen Scheide and Maria Tagangaeva Euxeinos 17/2015 3 Religion and Political Crisis in Ukraine ince the first internationally-recognized ating effects of clerical meddling in politics. Sstate boundaries were created in 1991 from The import of religion on politics and popular the territories of the former Soviet Union, pop- perceptions of political legitimacy were only ular unrest and vociferous demands for re- heightened in both countries after the Maidan form have spiked during pivotal moments. In protests were sparked. This development pro- Ukraine these protests have taken the form of vided the motivation to dedicate an issue of mass street protests, which coalesced into the Euxeinos to changes in the religious landscape Editorial 2004 Orange Revolution and, more recently, in Ukraine. into the 2013-14 Maidan protests. Although there have been isolated forms of high vis- Maidan as Turning Point ibility, high impact protest in Russia as well, When Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych such as the Pussy Riot punk performance in and his governing circle of oligarchic partners Moscow’s Cathedral of Christ the Savior in decided to privilege maintaining good rela- 2012, the same level of broad mass initiatives tions with Russia by entering into the Eur- to force reform have not occurred in Russia. asian Customs Union over taking the initial Although these two countries share a common steps toward a trade agreement with the Eu- cultural tradition of Orthodoxy, an Eastern ropean Union, popular protests set in motion Christian faith, in Russia Orthodox clergy, re- consequences that continue to test geopolitical ligious institutions and believers by and large alliances. After several hundred years of po- help maintain the status quo by discouraging litical union with Russia and a mere 23 years open unrest even though the popular griev- of independence, as far as the most vocal seg- ances against judicial corruption, income in- ment of the population was concerned, the fu- equality and negligible investment in infra- ture of the country was decidedly European. structure are comparable in both countries. In Protest over Yanukovych’s decision combined contrast, Ukrainian clergy, religious institu- with popular disgust over corrupt and self- tions and, above all, average believers have ac- serving governance that found expression in tively played a key role in fomenting demands massive street protests in Kyiv, the capital of for change justified by religiously inspired Ukraine, beginning on November 21, 2013. rhetoric and symbolism. This coalesced into a broad social movement The instrumental use of religious sentiment in for reform that has come to be known as the both contexts reflects the emergence of condi- “Maidan,” after the main city square in Kyiv, tions in which religion is capable of playing an Maidan Nezalezhnosti, or Independence expedient role in forging a new governing and Square. The Maidan protests, which at their moral order. It is doing so, however, quite dif- height involved over one million people in a ferently in both countries. Paradoxically, it is city with three million residents, were even- the common faith tradition that Ukraine and tually disbanded on February 20, 2014 when Russia share that has come to separate these President Yanukovych gave the order to clear two countries. Each one is becoming more re- the square of its protesters, resulting in the ligiously committed, thanks to a recognition of death of over one hundred people. the galvanizing potential of shared religious The audibility of the religiously-inspired sentiment, and yet simultaneously more sec- rhetoric and the visibility of religious symbol- ular in orientation as a reaction to the alien- ism and clergy on the Maidan was ubiquitous Euxeinos 17/2015 4 Editorial through each of the phases -- hopeful protests, in the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, violent struggle and now mass mourning and but in general as these two countries contin- collective commemoration. This pronounced ue to rapidly evolve and forge new forms of religiosity on the public square does not, how- governance. Religious institutions in Ukraine ever, reflect a “postsecular” rediscovery of have altered the dynamics of their subservient religion after Soviet anti-religious campaigns state-allied role in governance, which in many to promote an atheist worldview. Rather, the respects constitutes a departure from tradi- instrumental use of clergy, religious sentiment tional church-state relations within an Eastern and transcendent symbolism on the Maidan Orthodox tradition. The implications in a vari- reflects the emergence of conditions in which ety of faith traditions of a recalibrated balance religion is capable of playing an expedient role of powers among the state, the populace and in the process of forging a new governing and religious leaders is a central theme explored in moral order. During the protests, assertions of the articles that follow. transcendence fed convictions that the mas- Not only did the Maidan protests ultimately sive efforts required of a humiliated and tired lead to a string of unforeseen actions and re- population to radically redirect governing actions with global implications, they also practices were indeed possible (Fylypovych mark a turning point in church-state relations and Horkushi 2014). Religion was effectively in Ukraine that do not find their counterpart used to bolster a sense of Ukrainian nation- in Russia at this time. The implications of hood and has been instrumental in articulat- this pivotal moment are fundamental and far ing and making manifest an embraced sense reaching. Religious organizations have be- of Ukrainian nationality. Indeed, the meaning- gun to reconfigure understandings of cultural ful role played by clergy and religious insti- space, religious boundaries and their relation tutions during this pivotal moment of protest to state borders and issues of sovereignty. and struggle has irreversibly altered the bal- This, in turn, informs assessments of political ance of church-state relations in Ukraine. The legitimacy, moral authority and allegiance. In power of the Ukrainian people to launch and short, religious communities in Ukraine and sustain mass street protests is now undeni- Russia have been invested with new roles, al- able. This power stems from a shared rejection beit different ones. These new roles are ren- of forms of governance predicated on a social dering these societies more secular
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