Questions of Gender in Byzantine Society
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The Crisis of the Fourth Crusade in Byzantium (1203-1204) and the Emergence of Networks for Anti-Latin Reaction and Political Action
The Crisis of the Fourth Crusade in Byzantium (1203-1204) and the Emergence of Networks for Anti-Latin Reaction and Political Action Ilias GIARENIS In spite of a great number of important publications on the relevant issues,1 the Fourth Crusade and its impact in the Eastern Mediterranean are often – even nowadays – neither fully apprehended nor sufficiently explained. Important aspects of the rich scientific debate still are the collapse of the Byzantine state, the formation of smaller political entities, and the processes through which such immense changes took place. As is well known, the two most prominent among those successor polities were the States of Nicaea and of Epirus, which were both established mainly by members of the high Byzantine Constantinopolitan aristocracy;2 neverheless, the empire of Trebizond, where the imperial legacy of the Komnenoi had been considered as a solid ground for the Grand Komnenoi rulership, should also not be neglected in the study of the historical framework.3 The events of 1203/1204 led to the conquest of Constantinople by the Latin Crusaders, the milites Christi of the Fourth Crusade who had reached the Byzantine capital in a “diversion” from the declared original destination of the Crusade, i.e. Jerusalem. The latter, a Sacred *This paper is dedicated to Nikolaos G. Moschonas. 1 See D. E. Queller and Th. F. Madden, The Fourth Crusade. The Conquest of Constantinople, second edition, Philadelphia 1997; M Angold, The Fourth Crusade. Event and Context, [The Medieval World] Harlow 2003; J. Phillips, The Fourth Crusade and the Sack of Constantinople, London 2004; Urbs Capta. -
Visualizing the Byzantine City the Art of Memory
Abstracts Visualizing the Byzantine City Charalambos Bakirtzis Depictions of cities: in the icon “Allegory of Jerusalem on High,” two cities are depicted, one in the foothills and the other at the edge of a rocky mountain. The lengthy inscription of the icon is of interest from a town-planning and architectural standpoint. The imperial Christian city: in the mosaics of the Rotunda in Thessalonike, the city is not shown with walls, but with palaces and other splendid public buildings, declaring the emperor’s authority as the sole ruler and guarantor of the unity of the state and the well-being of cities, which was replaced by the authority of Christ. The appearance of the walled city: all the events shown in the mosaics (seventh century) of the basilica of St. Demetrios are taking place outside the walls of the city, probably beside the roads that lead to it. The city’s chora not only protected the city; it was also protected by it. A description of the city/kastron: John Kameniates lived through the capture of Thessalonike by the Arabs in the summer of 904. At the beginning of the narrative, he prefixes a lengthy description/encomium of Thessalonike. The means of approaching the place indicate that the way the city is described by Kameniates suits a visual description. Visualizing the Late Byzantine city: A. In an icon St. Demetrios is shown astride a horse. In the background, Thessalonike is depicted from above. A fitting comment on this depiction of Thessalonike is offered by John Staurakios because he renders the admiration called forth by the large Late Byzantine capitals in connection with the abandoned countryside. -
La Sainte Face De Laon
Université de Montréal Faculté des études supérieures et post-doctorales Ce mémoire intitulé : LA SAINTE FACE DE LAON Présenté par : Nicole Sabourin Département d’Histoire de l’Art et d’Études Cinématographiques Faculté des Arts Et des Sciences A été évalué par un jury composé des personnes suivantes : Ersy Contogouris, présidente-rapporteuse Sarah Guérin, directrice de recherche Robert Marcoux, membre du jury Août 2017 © Nicole Sabourin i Résumé La cathédrale de Laon conserve dans son trésor une précieuse icône du 13e siècle appelée Sainte Face de Laon. Selon la tradition, en 1249 Jacques Pantaléon de Troyes, chapelain du pape à Rome et futur pape Urbain IV envoie à sa sœur Sybille alors abbesse du monastère cistercien de Montreuil-en-Thiérache (Picardie) cette image sainte, copie du Mandylion d’Édesse. Une lettre, maintenant disparue, accompagne cet envoi. Une double inscription sur l’icône, une première en caractères cyrilliques et en slavon ancien et une autre en langue grecque pose encore aujourd’hui des interrogations sur l’origine de l’icône, soit russe, bulgare ou serbe. Cette recherche a pour but d’explorer les possibilités d’une origine serbe de l’icône de Laon et de retracer son trajet entre la Serbie et la France, via Rome. Pour y arriver nous ferons un détour historique à travers l’histoire de la Serbie dirigée à cette époque par la dynastie des Nemanjić, fondateurs de monastères en Serbie, en Italie byzantine et grands donateurs d’icônes et d’objets liturgiques y compris à la basilique Saint-Nicolas-de-Bari. L’origine orthodoxe de l’icône pose la question des déplacements d’œuvres entre l’Orient et l’Occident et celle de la circulation des artistes entre Constantinople et les pays limitrophes après le sac de Constantinople de 1204. -
Byzantine Conquests in the East in the 10 Century
th Byzantine conquests in the East in the 10 century Campaigns of Nikephoros II Phocas and John Tzimiskes as were seen in the Byzantine sources Master thesis Filip Schneider s1006649 15. 6. 2018 Eternal Rome Supervisor: Prof. dr. Maaike van Berkel Master's programme in History Radboud Univerity Front page: Emperor Nikephoros II Phocas entering Constantinople in 963, an illustration from the Madrid Skylitzes. The illuminated manuscript of the work of John Skylitzes was created in the 12th century Sicily. Today it is located in the National Library of Spain in Madrid. Table of contents Introduction 5 Chapter 1 - Byzantine-Arab relations until 963 7 Byzantine-Arab relations in the pre-Islamic era 7 The advance of Islam 8 The Abbasid Caliphate 9 Byzantine Empire under the Macedonian dynasty 10 The development of Byzantine Empire under Macedonian dynasty 11 The land aristocracy 12 The Muslim world in the 9th and 10th century 14 The Hamdamids 15 The Fatimid Caliphate 16 Chapter 2 - Historiography 17 Leo the Deacon 18 Historiography in the Macedonian period 18 Leo the Deacon - biography 19 The History 21 John Skylitzes 24 11th century Byzantium 24 Historiography after Basil II 25 John Skylitzes - biography 26 Synopsis of Histories 27 Chapter 3 - Nikephoros II Phocas 29 Domestikos Nikephoros Phocas and the conquest of Crete 29 Conquest of Aleppo 31 Emperor Nikephoros II Phocas and conquest of Cilicia 33 Conquest of Cyprus 34 Bulgarian question 36 Campaign in Syria 37 Conquest of Antioch 39 Conclusion 40 Chapter 4 - John Tzimiskes 42 Bulgarian problem 42 Campaign in the East 43 A Crusade in the Holy Land? 45 The reasons behind Tzimiskes' eastern campaign 47 Conclusion 49 Conclusion 49 Bibliography 51 Introduction In the 10th century, the Byzantine Empire was ruled by emperors coming from the Macedonian dynasty. -
Byzantine History HIEU 104: B Professor Edward J. Watts
Professor Edward Watts HIEU 104: Byzantine History SYLLABUS HIEU 104: BYZANTINE HISTORY Professor Edward J. Watts ([email protected]) Office: Humanities and Social Sciences 4005 Office Hours: Tuesday 9-11 Office Phone: 534-2733 COURSE DESCRIPTION: This course examines the history of the Byzantine Empire from the early fifth until the mid-fifteenth century. Discussions will center on Byzantium, but it does so in a way that acknowledges both Byzantium’s political frontiers and its much broader cultural and religious influence. Although the Byzantine Empire’s territory contracts dramatically across its 1000-year history, its influence in other ways becomes ever greater. The course then balances the political narrative of the empire with a broader discussion of Byzantium’s legacy as a world civilization. EXPECTATIONS: Students will be expected to attend each class and complete readings in both ancient and modern historical sources. Larger assignments for the class include one short paper (~5 pages), a midterm exam, and a final paper of 8 pages. There will be no final examination. Evaluation will be based upon attendance and class participation (10%), the short paper (20%), the midterm exam (30%), and the final paper (40%). These percentages are not hard and fast, however. Demonstrable improvement throughout the semester will be rewarded. Class disruptions, such as audible talking or cellphones ringing, will lead to deductions from the participation grade. DUE DATES: Please note the following dates: October 15 (short paper due) October 31 (Midterm Exam) December 5 (Final Paper Due in class) (These dates have been listed in bold and italicized on the syllabus for easy reference.) Papers must be turned in through turnitin.com and in hardcopy by the end of class on the day they are due (the turnitin.com password for this class is “decline”). -
BYZANTINE CAMEOS and the AESTHETICS of the ICON By
BYZANTINE CAMEOS AND THE AESTHETICS OF THE ICON by James A. Magruder, III A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland March 2014 © 2014 James A. Magruder, III All rights reserved Abstract Byzantine icons have attracted artists and art historians to what they saw as the flat style of large painted panels. They tend to understand this flatness as a repudiation of the Classical priority to represent Nature and an affirmation of otherworldly spirituality. However, many extant sacred portraits from the Byzantine period were executed in relief in precious materials, such as gemstones, ivory or gold. Byzantine writers describe contemporary icons as lifelike, sometimes even coming to life with divine power. The question is what Byzantine Christians hoped to represent by crafting small icons in precious materials, specifically cameos. The dissertation catalogs and analyzes Byzantine cameos from the end of Iconoclasm (843) until the fall of Constantinople (1453). They have not received comprehensive treatment before, but since they represent saints in iconic poses, they provide a good corpus of icons comparable to icons in other media. Their durability and the difficulty of reworking them also makes them a particularly faithful record of Byzantine priorities regarding the icon as a genre. In addition, the dissertation surveys theological texts that comment on or illustrate stone to understand what role the materiality of Byzantine cameos played in choosing stone relief for icons. Finally, it examines Byzantine epigrams written about or for icons to define the terms that shaped icon production. -
Monuments.Pdf
© 2017 INTERPARLIAMENTARY ASSEMBLY ON ORTHODOXY ISBN 978-960-560 -139 -3 Front cover page photo Sacred Monastery of Mount Sinai, Egypt Back cover page photo Saint Sophia’s Cathedral, Kiev, Ukrania Cover design Aristotelis Patrikarakos Book artwork Panagiotis Zevgolis, Graphic Designer, HELLENIC PARLIAMENT | Publications & Printing Directorate Editing George Parissis, HELLENIC PARLIAMENT | International Affairs Directorate Maria Bakali, I.A.O. Secretariat Lily Vardanyan, I.A.O. Secretariat Printing - Bookbinding HELLENIC PARLIAMENT | Publications & Printing Directorate Οι πληροφορίες των κειμένων παρέχονται από τους ίδιους τους διαγωνιζόμενους και όχι από άλλες πηγές The information of texts is provided by contestants themselves and not from other sources ΠΡΟΛΟΓΟΣ Η προστασία της παγκόσμιας πολιτιστικής κληρονομιάς, υποδηλώνει την υψηλή ευθύνη της κάθε κρατικής οντότητας προς τον πολιτισμό αλλά και ενδυναμώνει τα χαρακτηριστικά της έννοιας “πολίτης του κόσμου” σε κάθε σύγχρονο άνθρωπο. Η προστασία των θρησκευτικών μνημείων, υποδηλώνει επί πλέον σεβασμό στον Θεό, μετοχή στον ανθρώ - πινο πόνο και ενθάρρυνση της ανθρώπινης χαράς και ελπίδας. Μέσα σε κάθε θρησκευτικό μνημείο, περι - τοιχίζεται η ανθρώπινη οδύνη αιώνων, ο φόβος, η προσευχή και η παράκληση των πονεμένων και αδικημένων της ιστορίας του κόσμου αλλά και ο ύμνος, η ευχαριστία και η δοξολογία προς τον Δημιουργό. Σεβασμός προς το θρησκευτικό μνημείο, υποδηλώνει σεβασμό προς τα συσσωρευμένα από αιώνες αν - θρώπινα συναισθήματα. Βασισμένη σε αυτές τις απλές σκέψεις προχώρησε η Διεθνής Γραμματεία της Διακοινοβουλευτικής Συνέ - λευσης Ορθοδοξίας (Δ.Σ.Ο.) μετά από απόφαση της Γενικής της Συνέλευσης στην προκήρυξη του δεύτερου φωτογραφικού διαγωνισμού, με θέμα: « Καταστροφή των μνημείων της Χριστιανικής Ανατολής ». Επι πλέον, η βούληση της Δ.Σ.Ο., εστιάζεται στην πρόθεσή της να παρουσιάσει στο παγκόσμιο κοινό, τον πολιτισμικό αυτό θησαυρό της Χριστιανικής Ανατολής και να επισημάνει την ανάγκη μεγαλύτερης και ου - σιαστικότερης προστασίας του. -
Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (Ca
Conversion and Empire: Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (ca. 300-900) by Alexander Borislavov Angelov A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in The University of Michigan 2011 Doctoral Committee: Professor John V.A. Fine, Jr., Chair Professor Emeritus H. Don Cameron Professor Paul Christopher Johnson Professor Raymond H. Van Dam Associate Professor Diane Owen Hughes © Alexander Borislavov Angelov 2011 To my mother Irina with all my love and gratitude ii Acknowledgements To put in words deepest feelings of gratitude to so many people and for so many things is to reflect on various encounters and influences. In a sense, it is to sketch out a singular narrative but of many personal “conversions.” So now, being here, I am looking back, and it all seems so clear and obvious. But, it is the historian in me that realizes best the numerous situations, emotions, and dilemmas that brought me where I am. I feel so profoundly thankful for a journey that even I, obsessed with planning, could not have fully anticipated. In a final analysis, as my dissertation grew so did I, but neither could have become better without the presence of the people or the institutions that I feel so fortunate to be able to acknowledge here. At the University of Michigan, I first thank my mentor John Fine for his tremendous academic support over the years, for his friendship always present when most needed, and for best illustrating to me how true knowledge does in fact produce better humanity. -
The Costume of Byzantine Emperors and Empresses ’
Shaw, C. (2011) ‘The Costume of Byzantine Emperors and Empresses ’ Rosetta 9.5: 55-59. http://www.rosetta.bham.ac.uk/colloquium2011/shaw_costume.pdf http://www.rosetta.bham.ac.uk/colloquium2011/shaw_costume.pdf The Costume of the Byzantine Emperors and Empresses Carol Shaw PhD candidate, 4th year (part-time) University of Birmingham, College of Arts and Law [email protected] The Costume of the Byzantine Emperors and Empresses The first Roman emperors were all members of the senate and continued to belong to it throughout their reigns.1 All the members of the senate including the emperor wore tunics and togas decorated with a wide purple band, the latus clavus, and special footwear.2 During the period of instability in the early third century several emperors were selected by the army.3 Initially this shift in power did not affect court ceremony and dress; but slowly both began to change. Court ceremony became more formal and emperors distanced themselves even from senators.4 During the late third century, Diocletian introduced the new court ceremony of the adoration of the purple; according to Aurelius Victor, the emperor also wore richly brocaded purple robes, silks and jeweled sandals.5 Diocletian’s abdication ceremony illustrates that court ceremony and dress often remained very simple. The only garment closely associated with imperial power at this time was the emperor’s purple robes. In his On the Deaths of the Persecutors, Lactantius records that in AD 305 when Diocletian abdicated, the ceremony consisted of the emperor standing under a statue of his patron deity, 1 Under the law the Lex Ovinia (enacted by 318 BC), censors selected each senator according to certain criteria. -
Faith for Web.P65
Faith of Our Fathers: Holy Faith A HANDBOOK FOR YOUTHS The Faith of Our Fathers: Holy Faith A Handbook for Youths Editor: Fr. A. K. Cherian 61 MARY STREET TAPPAN, NEW YORK 10983 PHONE (845) 359 - 9583 Published by : Sophia Books Surya Guest Lane, Thekkenada, Kottayam Ph: 0481 - 3255054, 99471 20697 First Published : Aug. 2006 Copyright reserved Number of copies : 1000 Cover, D.T.P. & Printing : Sophia Print House, Kottayam Ph: 0481 - 3255054 Faith of Our Fathers: Holy Faith A Handbook for Youths Editor Fr. A. K. Cherian Sophia Books Kottayam - 686 001 Dedication This hand book for the youths is dedicated to the Blessed memory of the late Catholicos, His Holiness Baselios Mar Thoma Mathews II And To the present Metropolitan of American Diocese, His Grace Mathews Mar Barnabas who prayed and toiled earnestly and selflessly for the betterment and spiritual growth of the young men and women of the American Diocese. FORWARD INITIATION IN TO ORTHODOXY Dr. Gabriel Mar Gregorios Father A. K. Cherian is accomplishing an important task of conveying the faith of the Orthodox Church to the young generation of our times. The faith of our fathers / mothers is holy faith. It, as this volume very convincingly brings out, is based on the Scriptures experienced in our day to day life through liturgical celebrations, expressed in history throuth the the fathers of the Councils, lived out by the Saints and represented through various Christian arts such as icons music etc. In the Orthodox understanding Holy Sacraments are Holy Mysteries since they initiate us into the saving works of Christ. -
Michael Panaretos in Context
DOI 10.1515/bz-2019-0007 BZ 2019; 112(3): 899–934 Scott Kennedy Michael Panaretos in context A historiographical study of the chronicle On the emperors of Trebizond Abstract: It has often been said it would be impossible to write the history of the empire of Trebizond (1204–1461) without the terse and often frustratingly la- conic chronicle of the Grand Komnenoi by the protonotarios of Alexios III (1349–1390), Michael Panaretos. While recent scholarship has infinitely en- hanced our knowledge of the world in which Panaretos lived, it has been approx- imately seventy years since a scholar dedicated a historiographical study to the text. This study examines the world that Panaretos wanted posterity to see, ex- amining how his post as imperial secretary and his use of sources shaped his representation of reality, whether that reality was Trebizond’s experience of for- eigners, the reign of Alexios III, or a narrative that showed the superiority of Tre- bizond on the international stage. Finally by scrutinizing Panaretos in this way, this paper also illuminates how modern historians of Trebizond have been led astray by the chronicler, unaware of Panaretos selected material for inclusion for the narratives of his chronicle. Adresse: Dr. Scott Kennedy, Bilkent University, Main Camous, G Building, 24/g, 06800 Bilkent–Ankara, Turkey; [email protected] Established just before the fall of Constantinople in 1204, the empire of Trebi- zond (1204–1461) emerged as a successor state to the Byzantine empire, ulti- mately outlasting its other Byzantine rivals until it fell to the Ottoman Turks in 1461. -
The Daughter of a Byzantine Emperor – the Wife of a GalicianVolhynian Prince
The daughter of a Byzantine Emperor – the wife of a GalicianVolhynian Prince «The daughter of a Byzantine Emperor – the wife of a GalicianVolhynian Prince» by Alexander V. Maiorov Source: Byzantinoslavica Revue internationale des Etudes Byzantines (Byzantinoslavica Revue internationale des Etudes Byzantines), issue: 12 / 2014, pages: 188233, on www.ceeol.com. The daughter of a Byzantine Emperor – the wife of a Galician-Volhynian Prince Alexander V. MAIOROV (Saint Petersburg) The Byzantine origin of Prince Roman’s second wife There is much literature on the subject of the second marriage of Roman Mstislavich owing to the disagreements between historians con- cerning the origin of the Princeís new wife. According to some she bore the name Anna or, according to others, that of Maria.1 The Russian chronicles give no clues in this respect. Indeed, a Galician chronicler takes pains to avoid calling the Princess by name, preferring to call her by her hus- band’s name – “âĺëčęŕ˙ ęí˙ăčí˙ Ðîěŕíîâŕ” (Roman’s Grand Princess).2 Although supported by the research of a number of recent investiga- tors, the hypothesis that she belonged to a Volhynian boyar family is not convincing. Their arguments generally conclude with the observation that by the early thirteenth century there were no more princes in Rusí to whom it would have been politically beneficial for Roman to be related.3 Even less convincing, in our opinion, is a recently expressed supposition that Romanís second wife was a woman of low birth and was not the princeís lawful wife at all.4 Alongside this, the theory of the Byzantine ori- gin of Romanís second wife has been significantly developed in the litera- ture on the subject.