“Boris Godunov” to “Khovanshchina”

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“Boris Godunov” to “Khovanshchina” 14 FROM “BORIS GODUNOV” TO “KHOVANSHCHINA” Th e essay below, published in Reading Opera, eds. Arthur Groos and Roger Parker (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), 235–67, was my pioneering attempt to move off Boris Godunov and on to Musorgsky’s late, unfi nished wonderwork Khovanshchina, a musical-historical drama diff erently constructed in almost all respects. It resulted in a sea-change of sympathy — which was rebalanced only by my reBorisifi cation in 2007, brought about through contact with Prokofi ev. MUSORGSKY’S LIBRETTI ON HISTORICAL THEMES: FROM THE TWO BORISES TO KHOVANSHCHINA 1988 Just over one hundred years ago — in February 1886 — an amateur music group in Petersburg staged the premiere performance of Musorgsky’s Khovanshchina.1 Both music and libretto in this production diff ered profoundly from the piano-vocal score that Musorgsky had left incomplete at the time of his death fi ve years earlier. Th is in itself should occasion no surprise; re-doing Musorgsky’s compositions is a minor industry. What is surprising is that Khovanshchina survived at all. After Musorgsky’s death, Rimsky-Korsakov spent two years on the manu- script, cutting some 800 bars of music and orchestrating, reharmonizing, 1 For an account of the premiere and a brief performance history, see M. Rakhmanova, “K 100-letiiu prem’ery ‘Khovanshchiny’” [In Honor of the Centennial of the Premiere of Khovanshchina], Sovetskaia muzyka, 1986 (3), 88–96. Sovetskaia muzyka is cited hereafter as SM. — 269 — ------------------------------------ PART III. MUSICALIZING THE LITERARY CLASSICS ----------------------------------- and shaping the score into a performance version.2 Th e libretto passed the state literary censorship in September 1882, and Bessel published a full score the following year.3 But in tsarist Russia, dramatic texts approved for print were then subject to another, more severe censorship for public performance.4 When Khovanshchina came up for consideration, Russia was in a period of crisis and political reaction. Tsar Alexander II, liberator of the serfs, had been cut down by a terrorist’s bomb in March 1881, the very month of Musorgsky’s death. Literary advisory committees attached to the imperial theaters were understandably nervous about historical opera on political themes. “One radical opera by Musorgsky is enough,” the Imperial Opera Committee reputedly said when Khovanshchina came to a vote, and was rejected, in 1883.5 Rimsky-Korsakov resigned from the committee in protest. When the opera was fi nally brought to the amateur stage, its plot was unrecognizable. All reference to the Old Belief had disappeared (including the entire self-immolation scene at the end), and the religious dissenters had been replaced by a nondescript group of Muscovites vaguely politicking on behalf of Andrei Khovansky.6 In an article marking the fi fth anniversary of 2 Th e most important cuts were: the wrecking of the Clerk’s booth (Act 1); Golitsyn’s reading of his mother’s letter, the episode between Goiitsyn and the Lutheran pastor, and a substantial portion of Dosifei’s dialogue (Act II); and the streltsy’s “Rumor Song” (Act III). 3 Th e fi rst edition of the Rimsky-Korsakov redaction of Kbovanshchina, published by Bessel in 1883, bears a censor-stamp dated 8 September 1882. Th e score contains plate numbers at the beginning of clearly detachable dramatic episodes, which suggests that Bessel contemplated marketing individual arias and choruses as sheet music. I thank Robert William Oldani for information on the 1883 score and its U.S. location (Boston Public Library). 4 Robert Oldani, who is currently researching this stratifi cation of censorship, has located no single statute that draws a distinction between the right to read a text and the right to perform it. But such secondary censorship indisputably existed. Th ree years after the Khovanshchina score was published, “theatrical censorship” made its presence keenly felt in the premiere performance. Konstantin Pobedonostsev, lay head of the Russian Orthodox Church and chief advisor to the Tsar, objected to the libretto’s graphic portrayal of state persecution of religious dissenters, and that theme was “rewritten” in the performing version. For the problems Rimsky encountered in bringing Khovanshchina to the stage, see A. Gozenpud, “V bor’be za naslediia Musorgskogo” [Fighting for Musorgsky’s Legacy], SM 1956 (3), 88–93. On Musorgsky’s earlier experience with the censorship over Boris, see Oldani, “Boris Godunov and the Censor,” 19th-century Music 2 (1979): 245–53. 5 See Gozenpud, 89, and V. V. Stasov, “Po povodu postanovki ‘Khovanshchiny’ (Pis’mo k redaktoru)” [Concerning the Production of Khovanshchina (A Letter to the Editor)] in V. V. S t a s ov, Stat’i o muzyke (Moscow, 1977), 3:277. 6 For details of the changes in the premiere, see Rakhmanova (n. 1 above), 94, and Gozenpud, 88–89. Gozenpud relates that E. Feoktistov, Chief of the Main Bureau for — 270 — ---------------------------------- 14. FROM “BORIS GODUNOV” TO “KHOVANSHCHINA” --------------------------------- Musorgsky’s death, Vladimir Stasov remarked bitterly: “Is it even thinkable that in Germany people would conceal and stubbornly forbid to be staged a still unperformed opera of Wagner’s? But with us it’s fully thinkable.”7 One hundred years have passed, and Musorgsky’s move from musical eccentric to mainstream classic is now well-researched territory. Centennial celebrations in the last decade have occasioned a new round of discussions in the Soviet press on Musorgsky’s skills as a librettist and on his historical sensibilities. Th e present essay grows out of that recent literature, and out of my own dissatisfaction at attempts to yoke together Musorgsky’s two major operas under a single continuous “philosophy of history.” Several central questions remain unresolved. What changes occurred in Musorgsky’s historical imagination as he moved from Boris Godunov to Khovanshchina? Is there continuum, or a conceptual break? Th e music of the two operas is plotted and distributed according to very diff erent principles. Can the two libretti on historical themes be said to have an integrated poetics? I will argue here that Musorgsky’s mode of emplotting history did indeed evolve, but in a direction uncongenial both to the progressive Hegelians of Musorgsky’s own era and to the ideology of his later Soviet interpreters. Within nineteenth-century Russian culture, this evolution is not so much linear as circular, a return to the source of Musorgsky’s initial inspiration in historical drama, Pushkin’s Boris Godunov. But this return is complex and indirect. Along the way, Musorgsky appears to have developed a vision of history quite radical for historical opera — even as he embodied that vision in increasingly conventional, Italianate operatic forms. We might open the argument with a review of Musorgsky’s earlier experience as a prose dramatist. I Although Musorgsky was librettist for all his operas, his source material came in varying degrees of literary “preparedness.” His fi rst operatic experiment Printed Materials and advisor to Pobedonostsev, exhorted Rimsky-Korsakov to remove the Old Believers from the opera and “turn them into people dissatisfi ed with something.” “But dissatisfi ed with what?” Rimsky asked. “Th ere’s lots to choose from,” Feoktistov answered. “Ultimately, I guess, Peter’s reforms” (Gozenpud, 88). Th e time of the opera, of course, precedes Peter’s reforms by at least a decade. 7 “Iz stat’i ‘Pamiati Musorgskogo’” [From the article “In Musorgsky’s Memory”], in Stasov, Stat’i o muzyke, III, 283. Th e article originally appeared in the journal Istoricheskii vestnik (March 1886): 644–56. — 271 — ------------------------------------ PART III. MUSICALIZING THE LITERARY CLASSICS ----------------------------------- drew on a novel, Flaubert’s Salammbô; his second was a word-for-word setting of a portion of Gogol’s dramatic farce, Marriage. At the end of his life Musorgsky again returned to Gogol, this time to the Ukrainian tales, for “Th e Fair at Sorochintsy.” All these projects were either abandoned or left incomplete. Th e two great operas for which Musorgsky is remembered, Boris Godunov and Khovanshchina, do not have prose fi ction at their base but rather historical drama — or the naked historical document itself. Let us fi rst consider Boris. Out of Pushkin’s Boris Godunov Musorgsky created two versions of an opera, one in 1869 and a revised version between 1872–1874. As Richard Taruskin has persuasively argued, these two operas are not variants of a single plan but two quite separately conceptualized wholes.8 Musorgsky composed his initial 1869 version under the infl uence of a strict realist aesthetic, in which fi delity to the verbal text and the intonational patterns of Russian speech took precedence over musical form or development.9 Th is fi rst version nevertheless refl ects a curious type of fi delity. Th e words that characters sing, and thus the sentiments they express at any given moment, are indeed those of Pushkin’s characters realized in music. Since music slows down a text, however, Musorgsky was obliged (as are most librettists who adapt an existing stage drama) to cut and simplify the story drastically. Th is reduction in the number and complexity of scenes could only result in a very casual fi delity to the whole of the source. Pushkin’s sense of the historical event, as well as his balancing of one scene against another that is so crucial for a poet, was inevitably lost. Th e 1874 version of the opera has an equally complex relation to its source. After the Th eater Directorate rejected the initial version, Musorgsky returned to Pushkin and created an entire new act out of the Polish scenes. Th e new 8 Richard Taruskin, “Musorgsky vs. Musorgsky: Th e Versions of Boris Godunov,” in 19th- century Music 8 (1984–85): 91–118 and 245–72.
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