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Aeduan Gaulish Economy and Society on the Eve of the C0nquest:The Dialectics of Landscape and Power

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Aeduan Gaulish Economy and Society on the Eve of the C0nquest:The Dialectics of Landscape and Power AEDUAN GAULISH ECONOMY AND SOCIETY ON THE EVE OF THE C0NQUEST:THE DIALECTICS OF LANDSCAPE AND POWER Carole L. Crurnley SPACE, TIME, AND SCALE A basic archaeological assumption is that temporal change is reflected in spatial change. Whether stylistic (as in the decoraticln of a bowl), or statistical and physical (measures of the spatial relationships in a site's accumulated deposits), archaeological evidence invariably has a spatial component. From spatial evidence temporal continuity and change are inferred. If archaeologists wish to examine the mechanisms of cultural change, rather than simply providing descriptions nf spatial and temporal variation in material culture. they must address the question of how cultural change is encoded in and inferred from spatial discontinuity. Fundamental to this efiort are analyses conducted simultaneously at muitipie scales (for an expanded discussion see Marquardt and Crumley 1987). Scale refers to the "grain" of the unit of analysis relative to the matrix as a whole; effective scale (Crumley 1979:164-65) is any scale at which pattem may be recognized and meaning inferred. For many years archaeology was dominared by research at ihe scale of the site, paralleling a focus in anthropology on community. In the second haif of the twentieth century, an emphasis on the individual and on context rendered legible severa1 more scales, ranging from regional settlement patterns to sub-site activity areas (Willey 1953; Binford and Binford 1968: Hil1 and Gunn 1977). Subsequent developrrients link concepts and techr~iques that allow the recovery of cartain cognitive aspects oí' vanished societies, such as the role of history and oi cultural preierence in adaptive strategies (Crumley 1993; McGovern 1994) or the recovery of aspects of landscape symbolism in vanished belief systems (Ashmore and Knapp 1996). In addition, increasingly sophisticated techniques for extracting more traditional economic, social, political, and environmental information have become available. Particularly fruitiul for the analysis of vanished polities has been long term regional-scale analysis. With the passage of time a polity, or its administrative successor(s) in a region. re-ranks the importance of that region's resources. These tluctuating boundaries. priorities, and perceptions necessitate a dynamic definition of region in which, like any artifact, its forrn and content is transformed over time. Even regions that at one scale are ostensibly homogeneous nonetheless have distinctive cultural and physical features, both within the area and overlapping into other contiguous areas; manifest at greater or lesser scales, these features harbor contradictions with the potential to negate any claim of uniformity. Thus the analysis oi regions and their political, social, and environmental boundaries and other divisions must be undertaken at severa1 temporal and spatial scales. The concept of lanrlscape. the spatial manifestation of the relations between human groups and their environments, is particularly useful to archaeologists. Landscapes offer a framework within which contemporaneous sites and olher zones oC activity can be irrtegrated with features of the physical erivirorimerrt (Crumley 1976:7; Marquardt and Crumley 19875; Crumley and Marquardt 1990). A landscape signature (ibid. 1987:7) is the material record, manifest in both physical and sociohistorical structures, of the human activities that characterize a particular time and place. From its signature, priorities, choices, and the interna1 dynamics and external relationships of a politp's administrative and political system rnay be inierred. Thus the concepts of region and landscape. in their transformation across time and space, and in their multiple meanings to those within and beyond fluctuating borders and divisions, are powerful tools for the study of pre- and prcto-historic polities. These integrated regional- and continental-scale data oiier new insights when applied to the topographical realities of the European countryside, and many factors in the decision-making process are clarified. The interpretative utility of this body of information, especially as it regards Gaulish polities, is Cuadernos de Arqueologia Mediterrhnea. Tomo 3. 1997: 31-46 augmented by excellent research on [he patronclient relation (e,g., Eisenstadt and Roniger 1980; Kaufman 1974; Michie 1981; Powell 1970; Schmidt et al. 1977; Silverman 1965; Tarrow 1966; Weingrod 1968; Wolf 1966) and on party-based patronage, both in Gaul and at Rome. Below I identify decision-making priorities as they pertain to the collective conduct of the various Gaulish polities and Rome and to the individual conduct of Celts and Romans. Focus is on the Celtic Aeduii, a Gaulish polity located in what is now Burgundy (Francel, and which I have argued is by any definitiol1 a siate (Crumley 1974, 1995a). Using textual evidence to begin [he analysis, I identify geo- and sociopolitical factors of major importance (priorities) during the period in question, and explore the ways in which the particularities 0f topography affected the ranking of those factors uppermost- - in the minds of the Celtic Aedui and Romans in the la& few centuries B.C. It can be argued that several important features of the sociopolitical organization of certain preconquest Gaulish polities and Republican Rome were essentially similar. The following discussion compares these twO structured systems in terms of shared, historically specific dynamic tendencies in political economy. Because topography (through definition of boundarles, and defense) records decisions in predominantly political and economic terms, the scale at which topography affects human affairs serves as an accurate indicator of systemic change (dynamic tendencies). The resultant anthropologicai analysis supports generalizing comments about the structural development of a ubiquitous element in European society, the patron-client relation. GEOPOLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS IN GAUL ON THE EVE OF THE CONQUEST By the time of Herodotus (ca. 484-424 B.C.) the Greeks recognized the Celts as a major barbarian people living west and north of the Mediterranean and beyond the Alps. By the first century B.C., the boundaries of Celtic Gaul were well defined (conforming almost exactly to those of modern France), and (according to classical authors) the inhabitants distinguished themselves both from the Germans east of the Rhine and the Celtiberians south of the Pyrenees (cf. Wells 1997). As Caesar reports in De Bello Gullico, they also distinguished themselves internally as named ethnic polities. While the geography of Gaul at the time of the Roman conquest is of enduring interest (Blanchet 1931; Desjardins 1885; Holmes 1911; Jullian 1908; Longnon 1885; and many others), two scales of inquiry have predominat&: local (the battle, encampment, or line of march): and all-inclusive, the latter treating the many Gaulish polities as if their altercalions were merely a prirrtitive prelude to the Roman Pax. Only rarely (e.g., Büchsenschiitz 1984; Crumley and Marquardt 1987; Goudineau and Peyre 1993) has a single polity--its territory, economy, and relations with other polities and with Rome--been the subject of investigation. De Bel10 Gallico (BC), Julius Caesar's account of his six-year campaign (58-52 B.C.) in northwest Europe, is, however, full of information about named Gaulish polities and interpolity enmities and alliances. Caesar, correctly or not, also distinguishes among Roman, Celtic, and German machinations. While Caesar and other classical writers always pose interpretive difficulties (Christ 1995; Crumley 1974; Dobesch 1989; Dunham 1995; Rambaud 1953; Timpe 1986, 1989; Wells 1997), they also offer priceless information. Geologically, France is the portion of the European continent most marked by successive periods of mountain-building. Bounded on the east by the Alps and on the south by the somewhat older Pyrenees, the interior exhibits an even older orogeny in the we~tcentrairegion (the Massif Central) that dominates the geology of one-sixth the total area of France. AS a result, the topography of France presents a diverse program of deep gorges, rugged pinnaeles, windswept plains and coastlines, and gently rolling hills and valleys--frequently within sight of one another. IB abundant rivers drain the heights and flow into the Mediterranean, the Atlantic, the English Channel, and the North Sea. Its climate is predominantly temperate, although oceanic. continental, and Mediterranean weather patterns dominate in certain seasons or certain years (Crumley 1987a. 1993, 1994). One finds juxtaposed every type of soil, from windblown Pleistocene loess to granite and limestone-based soils. The major natural resources of Gaul were the direct result of this geologically and topographically heterogeneous landscape. Mountain-building activity insures the presence of a variety of metals (gold, silver, iron, and tin, among many others). The combination of fortuitous climate and soils offers a nearly infinite variety of agricultura1 milieux. Finally, and perhaps most important, Gaul's geographic situation in western Europe assured the importance of any group or groups that could control its pons, its rivers, and its At the time of Herodotus, Celtic peopies spanned the length of every major western European trade route, namely the coastal route between Italy and Spain. the Aquitanian Gap passage from the French L~~~~~to the Atlantic via the Garonne River, and the corridor dong the Rhdne and Sabne rivers.
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