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TONAL VARIATION AND distinctive tonal patterns. Pronunciation CHANGE IN DIALECTS IN borrowing is hypothesized as one of CONTACT: A CASE the important factors leading to 1 variation and change. The patterns of STUDY OF LA0 tonal mergers and splits, as well as tonal characteristics, found here to be Phinnarat different from those in the literature, Akharawatthanakun 2 lead to the supposition of • contact change. The results are also Abstract helpful for identifying ethnic groups. I. Introduction The data here are from Lao spoken by majority groups and minority groups in contact with the other Lao dialects. 1.1 Background When Lao dialects have long been in contact with each other, it is It has been generally accepted that worthwhile to investigate whether change is one property of language. variation and change have occurred. Some linguists working within particular linoui0 stic theories have therefore Gedney's concept of the tone box is attempted to accommodate the fact adopted. The tone data are analyzed that language changes and to find auditorily and acoustically. The explanations of the nature and causes typical distinctive tonal patterns of the of such change. are proposed. To determine how well these distinctive The fact of language change was tones have been preserved in Lao widely recognized in the eighteenth dialects in contact, they were then and nineteenth centuries when the compared to the ones in the Lao Neogrammarians among the historical dialects in this study. The tonal linguists attempted to explain the systems of the Lao dialects are also sound changes in Indo-European compared to the ones in the available . Such sound change was literature in order to find explanations said to have been motivated by for language variation. internal factors, i.e., mechanical and physiological factors like ease ?f The findings here reveal tonal articulation or simplification, that IS, variations and changes in both majority the movement toward what have been and minority Lao induced by both referred to as more "natural" or " less internal and external factors. The tonal marked" forms. During the first half of systems of some Lao dialects differ the twentieth century, the structuralists from the patterns expected to have suooested00 that external factors could been derived from the typical also influence language change. For example, Martinet ( 1952, cited in McMahon, 1994: 32) notes that gaps 1 This paper is a part of the author's in a system remaining empty for dissertation, Tone Change: A Case Study lengthy periods may ultimately be ofthe Lao Language. filled due to external factors, such as 2 Ph.D. Candidate, Department of Linguistics, language contact. In recent years Faculty of Arts, Chulalongkom University, historical linguists have increasingly , . considered a sociolinguistic approach

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important for understanding language contact between members of the same change. In the present paper, though language families and between one external factor, language contact, languages in different language has been emphasized, internal factors families, such as Tai, Mon-Khmer, have also been considered.3 Austronesian, Sino-Tibetan, and Mong-Mien. The present study aims to Language contact has been recetvmg describe tone variation and change in more and more attention (cf. , Weinreich, the Lao dialects4 spoken in some 1953; Clyne 1975 cited in Salmons, areas of Thai land where they are in 1992: 6; Ureland and Clarkson, l984; contact. Trudgill, 1986; Thomason and Kaufman, 1988; Thomason 1997; Salmons 1992). Lao, a language in the Southwestern Beyond taxonomies of language• branch of the Tai (Li, contact situations, some works attempt 1977) is spoken in northeastern to establish hierarchies of language• Thailand and is the majority language contact changes to demonstrate, for of the people in the 's example, that lexical borrowing normally Democratic Republic (Lao PDR). precedes phonological borrowing (cf. Some groups of people from the Lao Clyne, 1975: 27, 52-55 (for bibliography) PDR migrated to settle in some cited in Salmons, 1992). regions of Thai land, especially the northeast, the north, the east, and the In the aforementioned works, center. In northeastern T hai land, language-contact changes in different generally known as the !san region, areas are investigated, such as Lao ("Lao !san") is spoken by Lao different type s of change in people, the majority gro up, and Scandinavian languages in contact various minority languages are (Ureland and Clarkson, 1984), all scattered here and there. Lao is used as possible types of contact-induced a by people living in the change in English dialects (Trudgill, area. Besides the northeast, Lao is 1986), French and Norse interference also spoken in other regions of in English, borrowing in Asia Minor Thailand due to the fact that a lot of Greek, shift-induced Uralic people from the !san region have interference in Slavic and Baltic migrated there. It can therefore be said languages (Thomason and Kaufman, that in some areas of Thailand, there 1988), and accentual changes in the have been Lao people from the Lao languages spoken in Early Northern PDR as well as Lao !san people from Europe (Salmons, 1992). the !san region. Some groups of Lao people are in the majority in such is said to be one of the areas, while some are in the minority. areas in which there has been constant

3 The term "language contact" refers to contact on the social level, that is, contact 4 The term " Lao dialects" used in this between different dialects or languages in paper refers to the dialects of the Lao the same area. In other words, contact language spoken by Lao !san people living situations are those in which at least some in several of northeastern people use more than one language Thailand, and by Lao immigrants fro m the (Thomason, 200 I : I). Lao PDR living in scattered groups in Thailand.

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1.2 Research project 1.3 Goal

This paper is a part of my larger The tonal systems of the Lao dialects research project aimed at studying the in this study have been compared to tones of several varieties of Lao with the ones in the available literature in the idea of proposing three Lao order to find explanations for language subgroups: Pure Lao, Deviant Lao, variation and change. This paper aims and Adopted Lao.5 The difference in to show the patterns of tone variation tones between Pure Lao and Deviant and change in Lao dialects spoken as Lao is investigated in order to majority and minority dialects in reconstruct the Lao proto-ton a I contact situations. Hypotheses on the system. Hypotheses on tone change as nature and causes of tone change will well as the factors motivating such also be discussed. changes will then be formed. Tone data for Lao dialects spoken as 2. Procedure majority and minority dialects around Thailand and the Thailand-Lao PDR 2.1 The tone-box method border have been collected. Other sources of possible interference are On the basis of the influences of sought in the tones of the other the voicing states of initial consonants languages spoken in the same areas. on the mergers and splits of tones in Tai dialects, the historical and The tone data used in this paper are comparative linguists have partly taken from my larger study. The reconstructed for Proto-Tai, tones A data here are from , a Lao dialect 8 , C in live and D in dead spoken by majority and minority syllables. William J. Gedney ( 1972) groups in contact with other Lao has proposed the "tone box", a useful dialects: Lao lsan, Lao introduced method for studying tonal systems in from the Lao PDR, and Phuan. Tai dialects. For reconstructing Proto• Tai tones, he argued that vowel When the Lao dialects have long been length in dead syllables also in contact with other Lao dialects that influenced the development of tones. could have either the same or different His tone box consists of tones A, 8 , linguistic characteristics, or have been C, DL (dead syllables with long in contact with other languages, it is vowels), and DS (dead syllables with important to learn how well the Lao short vowels). proto-tonal system has been preserved. Tonal variation and change in such The tone box is a useful tool for Lao dialects ought to be explained. studying the tones in Tai dialects, because it can give a clear picture of the patterns of tonal mergers and splits. 5 In this study, the term "Pure Lao" refers The tone box is shown in Figure I. to the Lao dialects which still preserve the distinctive tonal patterns of Lao while " Deviant Lao" refers to the Lao dialects in A, 8, C, DL, OS refer to the tones in which there are tonal variations. "Adopted Proto-Tai as reconstructed by comparative Lao" refers to the dialects/languages which and historical linguists. The Proto-Tai are not Lao but there is confusion that they tones are reflected in the present Thai are Lao because their tonal patterns are as follows: similar to Lao's.

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Figure I The tone box (adapted from Gedney, 1972: 434)

Proto-Tai Tone

A B c DL DS (D-short) (D-Iong) Voiceless friction sounds: *s. *hm-. *lm-, *ph-. *tb- . *kh-

Voiceless unaspirated stops: *p-, *t-, *k-

Glottal: *?-, *?b-, *b-, *d-

Voiced: *1n-, *n-. *1-, *r- I II I Smooth Checked syllable (Open syllable) (Closed syllable)

A is the proto-tone that occurs in a live DL is the proto-tone that occurs in a syllable without a tone marker as in Thai, dead syllable with a long vowel as in, \l /huu/ 'ear', 'll1 /khaa/ ' leg', .J'l /hila/ 'IJ1(11 /khaat/ 'to be tom', r.ln /phuuk/ 'to 'head' , m lkaal 'crow', thu /paan/ 'birth tie', tln /piik/ 'wing', thn /paak/ ' mouth', mark', w /p1inl 'to climb', tnu lbaan/ 'to tJ1(11 /baat/ 'to cut', (1111.J /daap/ ' sword' . blossom', ~1 /darn! ' black', ~1 /maa/ 'to DS is the proto-tone that occurs in a dead come', m1t1 lkhwaay/ 'buffalo' . syllable with a short vowel as in, 'ff(il lkhat/

B is the proto-tone that occurs in a live 'to polish', i!Vl !Pat! 'to wipe', un ibtkl 'a syllable with the tone marker ( .: ) as kind of fish', "ln lkhUkJ 'jail', ~(11 /khft/ 'to in, 'lh /khaa/ ' ginger', t:h /paa/ 'forest', think', in lsikf 'to wash (clothes)'. tl /piil 'flute', Lth /paw/ ' to blow', th /baa/ 'shoulder', c;h/daa/ 'to scold', l'i1t1 2.2 Word lists /khaay/ 'camp', ti1 /yaal 'grandmother' . Two word lists were used to study the tones of the Lao dialects. The first C is the proto-tone that occurs in a live word list consists of 80 test words syllable with the tone marker ( : ) as in, from a modification of Gedney' s word 'li'Yl lkhaaw/ '', -.i1 /haa! 'five', th /paa/ list (see details in Gedney, 1972). That is, some of Gedney's test words were 'aunt', u1u /baan/ 'house', Ph lkhaa/ 'to replaced by others to make the word ', i /ruu/ 'to know', ~~ /lorn! 'to fall'. lists suitable for investigating the dialects in question. These words can

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be used to assess the tonal systems by literature was examined to obtain what ear.6 The second word list consists of appear to be the typical di stinctive 20 monosyll abic words from the patterns of merger and split for the analogous see /khaa kaa paa baa(n)/, Lao language. The frequency of these which is suitable for analyzing Tai patterns was the criterion for tonal systems both by ear and through determining the probable typical tonal instrumental analysis. In order to get system. In other words, the pattern reliable results, the words from the which appears in most Lao dialects analogous set include five tokens of wi II be proposed to be the ancestral or each test word arranged in random typical one of the Lao language. The order so there are I 00 test words same method was used to determine altogether (20 words 5 repetitions = the typical characteristics of the tones 100 test words). Thus, the tone data in in that system. The typical distinctive this study are from 7,740 test words tonal patterns of Lao are shown in (180 test words X 43 informants).8 The Figure 2. Note that the distinction words are elicited from the informants between tones B and DL is presented who record them into a tape recorder. (B:;eDL). This is an important characteristic that distinguishes Lao 2.3 Typical distinctive tonal from some other languages in its patterns of the Lao language branch of Southwestern Tai, e.g., Tai Dam, Phuan, Phuthai, and Nyo. The In order to get a clear picture of the bold lines in Figure 2 set off the main patterns of tone variation and change typical distinctive patterns of tona l in Lao dialects in contact, the mergers and splits in Lao. historical linguistic concept of a proto• tonal system is used here as the point Figure 2 The typical di stinctive tonal 9 of departure. The proto-system of any patterns of the Lao language part of the phonology or the whole of it is what is reconstructed through A B c DL DS historical and comparative analysis as 1 the ancestor from which the systems ~ L of the daughter languages could have 2 descended. The earlier available 3 ~ r ~ ~

6 In the test words from a modification of 4 Gedney's word list consist of different r ~ initial and fi nal consonants, as well as different · vowe ls. If these words are I) Al-23-4 analyzed instrumentally, their fundamental 2) B 1234 frequency will be perturbed by such 3)Cl = DL123 difference of prevocalic and postvocalic consonants, as well as vowel height. 4) C234 = DL4 Therefore these words are more suitable 5) OS 123-4 for auditory but not instrumental analysis. 6) B :;e DL 7 The words in the analogous set consist of the same or sim ilar in itial consonants Jk, kh, p, b/ and the same vowels faa!. 9 See the tonal systems and the tonal 8 See the test words used in this study in characteristics of Lao dialects/languages Appendix I. from the earlier literature in Appendix 2.

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From the earlier studies it is provinces), and 23 minority Lao (5 obvious that the patterns which Loei, I 0 Lao Isa n from other appear most in the Lao dialects are provinces, 8 immigrants from the Lao Bl234, CI=DLI23, C234=DL4 PDR). There are also five informants and B:;t:OL. As for the patterns for Phuan as a minority language; the C I =DL123/C234=DL4, they are the tonal system of Phuan, a Tai language, main ones that distinguish Lao from will be compared with the tonal the other . Such patterns systems of the Lao dialects spoken in form a ladder; therefore, they are the same area. The subgroups of the known as the "Lao Ladder" among Lao informants in this study are shown scholars working in this subject area. below with the numbers of them in Given these tonal characteristics, the brackets after the names of the areas six tones in the typical distinctive where the Lao dialects are spoken. 11 patterns of Lao are risi ng, high-level, high-level-falling, mid level, low level ending with a , and high• 11 The conventional ethnic name of each level-falling ending with a glottal stop. 10 group of informants outside the brackets is To determine how well these used; the names which the informants call distinctive tones have been preserved themselves or are called by the other in Lao dialects in contact, they were groups living in the same area are indicated then compared to the ones in the Lao in brackets. In this study, the people in Loei dialects in this study. call themselves and their dialect by the names /thai (a;}y/ '1"11U'l EJ', /laaw laay/

2.4 Subgrouping of informants ' l'l1'llfm ' , or /laay/ 'LI'lEJ' but they are called /thai nia/ or 'Thai Nuea' '1"111\IUtJ ' by the Lao In order to see tonal variation and people from other provinces, such as Nong change as well as the patterns of tonal Khai, Udonthani, , , and mixture in dialects in contact, the , because is informants chosen for this study are quite near . (/thai nia/ '1"11 both monodialectals, speaking only 11.1UtJ' means the people who live in the one Lao dialect, and bidialectals or multidialectals speaking one Lao north. Here /thai! 'l"ll' means 'a group of dialect natively and another Lao people' (based on the author's background dialect as their second or third dialect. and the information from people in each Furthermore, the informants in this area) and Inial (1\IUtl) means ' northern.') study are divided into two major Generally. the people living in the subgroups, speakers of majority Lao aforementioned provinces call themselves dialects and speakers of minority Lao and their language by the names /thai dialects, The terms majority and ?iisaan/ '1"1lti!l1u', /laaw ?iisaanl 'fmti111u', minority mean the relative numbers of or l?iisaanl 'ti111u' but they are called by the speakers of Lao dialects in contact in the same area. There are altogether 43 people in Loei Province by the name /thai informants in this study, 15 majority taay/ 'l"ll'Uii' (the group of people who live in Lao (I 0 Loei, 5 Lao !san from other the southern part; /taay/ 'Uii', which is pronounced with a falling tone, means 'southern'), and they are called by the 10 Some tones of Lao occur with glottal people in the other by 7 stops[?] at the end, for example /khaa 11 / the name "Lao" (ft1'l), or "Lao !san" (ft1'l 7 in C I and [khaa 443 ] in C234. ti111u). (According to information from the

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1) Majority Lao dialects (15)12 3.2) Lao (Thai Tai) immigrants 1.1) Loei (Thai Nuea, Thai Loei, (from other provinces) in T. Lao Loei, Loei) in T. Chomsri, Chomsri, Chiangkhan District, Chiangkhan District, Loei Loei Province (5) Province (5) 3.3) Phuan in T. Photak, Photak 1.2) Loei (Thai Nuea, Thai Loei, District, Province (5) Lao Loei, Loei) in T. Chiangkhan, Chiangkhan District, Loei 2.5 Analysis Province (5) 1.3 ) Lao (Lao ( accent), The tone data in this study were Thai Tai), T. Photak, Photak analyzed in two ways, by auditory Subdistrict, analysis and instrumental analysis. (5)13 The tonal mergers and splits were 2) Minority Lao dialects ( 13) determined by ear, and the tonal 2.1) Loei (Thai Nuea, Thai Loei, Lao characteristics were analyzed with the Loei, Loei) in T. Photak, Photak SIL CECIL program (S ummer District, Nong Khai Province (5) Institute of Linguistics Computerized 2.2) Lao immigrants from the Lao Extrac ti o n of Com p onents of 14 p D R i n T. C h om s r i , Intonation in Language). Eighty test Chiangkhan District, Loei words modified from Gedney's word Province (3) list were analyzed by ear and used to 2.3) Lao immigrants from the Lao assess tonal mergers and splits; PDR in T . C hia ngkhan, moreover, I 00 test words from the Chiangkhan District, Loei analogous set were analyzed both by Province (5) ear and by extraction of fundamental 15 3) Other minority dialects ( 15) frequency values. The results of the 3.1) Lao Isa n (Thai lsan, Lao Isa n, two approaches form the basis of all Isan, Lao, Thai Tai) immigrants descriptions here whether g iven from other provinces in T. verbally, as tone sticks, or as points on Chiangkhan, Chiangkhan District, a numerical scale. Loei Province (5) 3. Results informants in my pilot studies as well as in this study, and fro m my background as a 3.1 Variations and changes in native speaker of Lao, some people in the patterns of tonal mergers and lsan region prefer being called "Thai !san" splits or "Lao lsan" to being called "Lao", as for them "Lao" is the name which they use for To come to conc lusions concerning the Lao people in the Lao PDR. Thus, some of them wi ll identifY themselves by the variation and change in majority and name "Thai lsan" or "Lao !san" instead, minority Lao dialects, the tonal while some, including me, have no problem patterns of Lao from earlier literature with being called "Lao"). are compared to the patterns found in 12 T. = , a subdistrict. this study. In a comparison with Loei 13 The tonal systems of other minority in Brown ( 1965) of majority and dialects wi ll be presented in Appendix 2. minority dialects spoken in two 14 Lao immigrants from the Lao People's subdistricts of Loei Province, the Democratic Republic. degree of simil arity of patterns of 15 The tonal systems of other minority tonal mergers and s plits among these dialects will be presented in Appendix 2.

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16 three sources is shown in Figure 3. DL123, as 1n pattern (4) of T. Chiangkhan. Figure 3 indicates that in T. Chiangkhan there are four tonal The split between C 1 and DL 123 of patterns. Pattern (I), for which there the speaker with tonal pattern (4) ofT. are two speakers, has the same tonal Chiangkhan, the one with pattern (5) patterns as Brown ( 1965), while of T. Chomsri seems to have been patterns (2), (3), and (4) do not. It can motivated by internal factors. That is, be tentatively concluded that the main tones DL 123 in both patterns are patterns of majority Loei in this expected to be mid- rising-falling subdistrict are A 1-234, B 1234, [353s] or high-rising-falling [453] like 17 Cl=DL123, C234=DL4 , and DS 123- tone C I , but in fact such tones are 4, but in tonal patterns (2), (3), and changed to high-level [344]/[44]. Thus ( 4), variations are mostly found in it is suspected that the contour tones, tone A. More variations are found in mid-rising-falling or high-rising• pattern (3) than in the others, in falling, in both speakers have been particular, variation of the "Lao simplified to a level tone. More Ladder" pattern. In pattern (4), it can be evidence related to this issue wi ll be clearly seen that the tonal patterns of this shown in the section on tonal speaker show change, i.e., the pattern characteristics. C I =DL 123 ("Lao Ladder"), one of the main patterns of Lao, changes to the C I~ As for the minority Loei spoken in DL 123 pattern. ln majority Loei spoken T. Photak, the complete tonal pattern in T. Chomsri, the degree of variation is of Loei (Brown, 1965) is found only higher than in majority Loei of T. in pattern (I). Variations mostly occur Chiangkhan. As can be seen in Figure 3, in tone A, as can be seen in patterns there is only pattern (I) which still (2) and (3). The "Lao Ladder" pattern preserves the "Loei tonal patterns" as is still preserved in patterns (I), (2), in Brown ( 1965), while the others and (3) but changed to C 1~D L 123 in show variations in tones A, B, C, and patterns (4) and (5). The phenomenon DS. Pattern (5) in T. Chomsri and of change is a kind of mixture between Patterns (4)&(5) in T. Photak also two dialects, i.e., tone Cl ofthese two shows change of Cl=DL123 to Cl~ speakers is hi gh-falling, which is borrowed from Standard Thai, while tones DLI23 are still high-level as in 16 The number in brackets below each tone the other minority Loei speakers. Such box represents the pattern of tonal mergers change causes the split between C I and sp lits, for examp le, (I) = Pattern I, (2) and DL 123 as shown in Figure 3. It = Pattern 2, and so on. The name of the can then be concluded that the change informant appears after each such number. Within each tone box, the solid lines show found in the tonal patterns of these the splits of tones, while the dashed lines two minority Loei speakers is show that the splits cannot be judged as motivated by an external factor, there are variants of those tones. That is, language contact between Loei and within any cell separated by a dashed line, Standard Thai. Almost all there may be a variant that is much the are bidialectal, speaking a regional same as a variant in a neighboring cell, dialect and Standard Thai, which is implying a possible merger of two tones. 17 based on the Central Thai dialect of Patterns Cl =DL123 and C234=DLA the central region around Bangkok, constitute the "Lao Ladder" (see section 2.3).

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Figure 3 Comparison of the tonal systems of majority Loei, minority Loei, and Loei in earlier literature

Earlier literature Majority Loei Minority Loei

T. Chiangkhan T. Chomsri T. Photak Loei A B c DL DS A B c DL DS A B c DL DS A B c DL DS 1 1 1 1 - 2 r-- 2 - 2 r-- 2

3 3 3 3 4 4 l 4 4 n n n (adapted from ( 1) Somchan ( 1) Somjit ( 1) Nupbat Brown, 1965) A B c DL DS A B c DL DS A B c DL DS 1 I 1

2 r-- 2 - 2 --- _]_ 3 3 ---- 3 ? ? 4 4 ------n l 4 n ( 1) Chantarat (2) (2) That

A B c DL DS A B c DL DS A B c DL DS 1 I 1 ? : -'- 2 r-- r-- 2 - 2 --- ? __? _ 3 --- 3 3 -?- - --? - 4 4 4 n ? (2) Bunchan (3) Sanuk (3) Buaphan

A B c DL DS A B c DL DS A B c DL DS 1 I I ? ? ? '• 2 --- r------2 - 2 r-- r-- ? ? ? ? -- -, 3 ------3 -- -- 3 .L ? ? 4 4 4 ? ( 3) Wania1 (4) Nukhit (4) Sompom

A B c DL DS A B c DL DS A B c DL DS 1 I I _]_ 2 r-- r-- 2- - 2 r-- ? 3 3 3

.L ~ 4 4 ------4 ? ? ' ? (4) Tbawm (5) Ruen ( 5) Amnuai

the capital. 18 case of minority Lao dialects spoken by Lao immigrants from the Lao PDR Evidence of linguistic change motivated who live in northeastern Thailand. The by external factors is also found in the immigrants whose tones are investigated in this study li ve in the same area as the majority Loei of T. Chiangkhan 18 Although our Loei speakers are most and T. Chomsri. In Figure 4 a generally in contact with local varieties of comparison of the tonal patterns of colloquial Central Thai, they are also minority Lao immigrants to those in exposed, more or less, to its socio-linguistic the earlier I iterature shows variation variety known as Standard Thai through the schools, radio, and television. and change.

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Figure 4 Comparison of the tonal systems of minority Lao from the Lao PDR and earlier Iiteratur e

Earlier literature T. Chiangkhan T. Chomsri

Paklaj (Sayyaburi)

A B c OL DS 1

2 - 1--

3 No available earlier literature 4 - (1) Kong

A B c OL OS 1 ' - _?_- ' ? 2 r--' --- ? _?_- 3 - _?_ - ? 4 - ? : ? 2 Phaensz Luang Prabang

A B c OL OS A B c OL DS A B c OL OS 1 1 1 - :---- 2 r-- -- 2 ---- r-- --- 2 ? ? - 3 3 ------3 ? '--- 4 4,-1.... --- 4 (adopted from Brown, 1965) (adapted from (3) Phak Simmonds 196~)_ Sanakham (Vientiane) Vientiane Sanakham (Vientiane) Sanakham (Vientiane) A B c OL DS A B c OL DS A B c OL DS A B c OL DS 1 1 1 1 ? ' _?__ - 2 r-- - - 2 c-'- 2 r-- 2 ? 3 3 --- 3 3 ? l 4 4 --- 4 l 4 ' ? ' (adopted from Brown, 1965) (adapted from (4) Pan ( I) Niphon Sunmonds, 1965)

Vientia ne Sanakha m (Vientiane) A B c OL DS A B c DL DS I 1 ? - 2 ---- r-- 2 - _?_ - 3 3 ? - 4 4 ' ? ' : ? (adapted from (5) Chanto Brown, 1965)

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Figure 4 (continued)

Earlier literature T. Chiangkhan T. Chomsri

Vientiane Lao San._athong (Vientiane) (Sangthong, etc.)

A B c DL OS A J c OS 1 i 1 - 2 r-- ,...---- 2 - 3 3

I-- 4 r-- 4 (adapted from T_ T Osathananda, 1997) (2) Ju

Srulgthong (Vientiane)

A ~ c i OS I

~ - 3 I------~ "' "' ? (3) Joy

As can be seen in Figure 4, tonal Figure 4 indicates van at10ns and variations have mostly occurred in changes in tone A, especially the split tone A, as in majority Loei and between A3 and A4, while in Luang minority Loei. Patterns ( I) and (2) of Prabang of Brown ( 1965), and Paklaj of Sayyaburi in T. Chiangkhan Simmonds ( 1965) there is no split would be expected to have the same between A3 and A4 but between A I pattern of tonal mergers and splits, but and A2 (A 1-234). It is suspected that pattern (2) shows variations in tone A such a change of tone A in minority and DL. By the way, it cannot be Luang Prabang may have happened concluded that there is no change in under the influence of Lao Jsan spoken pattern (I) of Paklaj , Sayyaburi, by a minority group in the same area because there is no available literature with the A 1-23-4 pattern.19 to be compared to. It has the same patterns . of mergers and splits as As for the Lao language of Lao pattern ( 1) of majority Loei spoken in immigrants from Sanakham C ity in the same area (see Figure 2). Thus it Vientiane Prov i nee, the mergers and may be possible that the tones of splits of tone A of the three speakers, minority Paklaj, Sayyaburi have been two in T. Chiangkhan a nd one in T. influenced by majority Loei. More Chomsri, show clear variations and data are needed for ma king changes. Tone A in pattern (4) of conclusions about this issue. 19 See the tonal patterns of mergers and As for the tonal patterns of minority splits of Lao lsan spoken in T. Luang Prabang with its pattern (3), Chiangkhan in Appendix 3.

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T. Ch iangkhan and pattern (I) of T. speaker. (I) If in five utterances of a Chomsri splits between A I and A2 word a speaker uses more than one (A 1-234 ), which is completely tone and such tones are not the same different from the earlier literature as the ones in the literature, it is (A 1-23-4 in Osathananda ( 1997) and assumed that variation of the earlier Simmonds ( 1965), A 123-4 in Brown tone has occurred. (2) If a speaker ( 1965)). Furthermore, the Lao Ladder consistently utters a word with a tone is not preserved in pattern (5) of that is altogether different from that of Sa n akham, Vientiane of T . other speakers of the same dialect and Chiangkhan in which there are also that differs from the Iiteratur e, it is variations of tone A to a high degree. concluded that a change has taken place yielding, in this respect, sub• The more interesting case is found in dialects. T. Chomsri, where Lao Sangthong from Vientiane is spoken. Lao Based on such criteria, the variations Sangthong, Vientiane shows and changes of tonal characteristics of completely different patterns of tone majority Loei and minority Loei can mergers and splits from those of the be seen in Table I and those of Lao earlier literature. Even though both immigrants from the Lao PDR in speakers (patterns (2) and (3)) identify Table 2. themselves as speakers of Lao, it is suspected that they are in fact speakers As can be seen in Table I, the of Phuan, a Tai language spoken in variations of majority Loei and some areas of northeastern Thailand minority Loei are found mostly in tone (but not in the same area as Lao A, especially tones A234, which are Sangthong speakers). The comparison considered to have been influenced by of the patterns of tonal mergers and both internal and external factors. splits between Lao Sangthong of Tone C I of some speakers in both Vientiane and Phuan will be discussed groups is also varied but to a lesser in the Conclusion and Discussion degree than tones A234. When section. comparing each tone of these two groups of Loei speakers with Brown 3.2 The variations and changes ( 1965), it is found that only tones of tonal characteristics B 1234, C234/DL4, and DS4 in the speech of most Loei speakers have the 3.2.1 Majority Loei and minority same characteristics as in Brown. The Loei variations and changes of these three groups of Loei speakers are described It is found in this study that there are below. variations and changes of tonal characteristics of majority Loei, 3.2.1.1 Majority Lao Loei in T. minority Loei, and minority Lao Chiangkhan immigrants from the Lao PDR spoken in language contact situations. These Tone A I of al l five majority Loei variations and changes affect the speakers in T. Chiangkhan is found to patterns of tonal mergers and splits be rising, which is obviously different mentioned in Section I. Two criteria from the falling Tone A I of Loei in are used to judge whether there is Brown ( 1965). Tone A I of minority variation or change in a tone of a Lao !san people (migrants from the

67 Downloaded from Brill.com10/10/2021 08:00:46PM via free access ~ Table I A comparison of the tonal characteristics of majority Loei, minority Loei, and Loei in earlier literature '<: Si ~ Earlier literature Majority Loei Minority Loei .. '•C) Loei T. Chiangkhan T. Chomsri T. Photak :0::: ~ ~ A B c DL DS A B c DL DS A B c DL DS A 8 c DL DS 1 ~ k .. I"- 1b !--" ., 1 f.,J., r )). 1 k. ::r: - !-'--- 2 ...... ___ - !-'---r- .. 2f--- 2 2 I. 3 h ~ ~ ~ 3 h ., ~ " ~ ))4 I'.., 3 h , ~ ll ~ ,. t- .. 3 j-t),., ~ )) r\, ~lll ~· 4 4 4 4 "':'-I r t--- ., ~ )) ~ " _...... (adapted from Brown, 1965: 170) (1) Somchan ( 1) Somjit ( 1) Nuphat N

A B c DL DS A B c DL DS A B c DL DS ~ 1 0\ 1 00 1 ~, ~ , r,., 2 ,______~ " ~'" r--1 .. 2 r 2 0JA "' -l-]C14fl4J 3 h, ~ ll r-.., 3 ~h ~ " 44 ~ 1lUnl ~ " ~ " t- 3 ~"""' ~ " h,., "' 4 4 -~1~1- 4 0-,~ - 1- ll 1- " t'-., ( 1) Chantarat (2) Khit (2) That

A B c DL DS A 8 c DL DS A B c DL DS 1 1 ~ 41'1 t"\4ll 1 M, ~t- : ~lll I'.. , ,_____ 2 _:.___ - !-'--- 2 ~ 2 ~lA 1unJ1 l ll/}4.] 3 ~ 3 ITI'f L ~ ~ ll r r .. 3 f./ 1.=-- (\., lr, lUI'lll " " ~ " "' ~"' "' nlnl ~ " 4 4 4 ~lA h ~,~ ~ ll ~ llliHJ I-, (2) Bunchan (3) Sanuk " (3) Buaphan

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Earlier literature Majority Loei Minority Loei Loei T. Chiangkhan T. Chomsri T. Photak

A B c DL DS A B c DL DS A B c DL DS A B c DL DS Ol II\_ I ;:s 44 : r.t4 I ....,:.___.1- •••••• J.. _____ ~23 hvl--: I~ ~ ~!3_,1_ r.t.; : -'l'!?~l 2 1--- - lG_ 2 2 hh 2 ~ "' l,t.;.l-- 232m! .... §" 3 ~ x~~ ; ~4~- 3 3 h ~ L~- h-. 32 m rl'-- :rf-' ~ n hmv 24 44 3 ~m ~ 33 ~ 34l ~43 lvm (5• I r ~ ~ 322/l2l 44/42 441).4 ;:s 4 4 4 h 232 4 ~br. 33 43 § r 1- ~ n r- ~ (adapted from Brown. 1965: 170) (3) Wanjai (4) Nukhit (4) Somporn 9 A B c DL DS A B c DL DS A B c DL DS I:) 1 ~ 0\ 1 t'-"434 1 ~m ~ \0 r453 ~4 34 j/\353 1::\k 2 21--- 2 s· lvh324/lll 0 3 3 s· iJ"h- h- n ~433 t- .. ~313 3 h 241 ~ 33 ~ 3 4 r-3.. ~ 33 r 343 f- 33 I'\ .. I r 55 ~ 313 (i) 3241l32 ------(') 4 4 4 1::; !'){.!:; 1- 33 G 3tii hb 1'- n s· (4) Thawin (5) Ruen (5) Amnuai ;:s~ E) (') ~

~ ~ ~ 5(l 0::: ~ .s;, ~ C)

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other provinces of Isan, e.g., Nong seems that the high-level-falling tone Khai, Kalasin, Chaiyaphum, and Khon has been changed to high-rising, high• Kaen) living in the same area/ 0 is a ri sing-falling, high-level, or high• rising tone too. Given the available falling (see Conclusion and data in this study, it is therefore Discussion). suspected that tone A 1 of majority Loei in T. Chiangkhan has been Tones DS 123 of majority Loei in T. influenced by tone A l of minority Lao Chiangkhan are also completely Isan. It can be concluded that the different from Brown ( 1965), where change of tone A I of majority Loei in they are low-level. In this study those T. Chiangkhan was induced by an tones of most of the majority Loei external factor, language contact. speakers appear as high-level, low• rising, high-falling, mid-rising, and As for tones A234, only two speakers falling-rising variants. All the rising of majority Loei in T. Chiangkhan variants of tones DS 123 were have no variation. The rising-falling probably borrowed from minority Lao tone of Somchan and Chantarat is as Isan immigrants who have rising tones in Brown ( 1965), while that tone of in DS 123 also. But for the high-level the other three speakers shows tone, which is also a variant of tones variation. The variants of tones A234 DS 123, it cannot be concluded where of those three speakers are low-rising, it is from. There is only the evidence rising(-falling), low-level, and falling• that in the Paklaj (Sayyaburi) speech rising. These variants are suspected to of Phaeng, a Lao immigrant from the have been influenced by both internal Lao PDR, spoken in the same area, and external factors, e.g., the low-level tones DS 123 are also high-level (see and mid-level(-falling) tones of Table 2). In fact, more data related to Wanjai are the same as in Lao lsan this issue are needed to conclude and Standard Thai. As for the rising whether or not tones DS 123 of tone, which is also a variant of tones majority Loei in T. Chiangkhan have A234, it is suspected to have been been influenced by tones DS 123 of induced by an internal factor, minority Paklaj (Sayyaburi). simplification. In other words, it may be possible that the rising-falling tone 3.2.1.2 Majority Lao Loei in T. which is more marked has been Chomsri simplified to be less marked, i.e., a rising tone. Such a case of variation is An examination of the varieties of also found in tones A234 of minority majority Loei in T . Chomsri reveals Lao Isan spoken in the same area (see that some tones are highly varied and Appendix 3). some are not. Tone A I is falling• rising, similar to tone A I of Loei in As for tones CI/DL123, in Brown Brown (1965). The variation found in (1965) such tones are high-level• tones A234 of majority Loei in T. falling, but in the speech of majority Chomsri is similar to that of T. Loei in T. Chiangkhan they are mostly Chiangkhan but less so. A rising• found to be high-rising, high-rising• falling tone is found mostly in tones falling, high-level, and high-falling. It A23 and A4 in the speech of every majority Loei speaker in this area, but there is also another variant of tones A234, 20 See tonal characteristics of minority Lao !san in T. Chiangkhan in Appendix 3. a low-level tone, which also comes from

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the influence of minority Lao lsan. Brown (1965). As in both There is also variation in tone B4, the aforementioned varieties of majority effect of an external factor. Normally Loei, the variations are also found B4 of Loei is assumed to be mid-level mostly in tones A234 which appear as but for speaker Ruen of majority Loei rising-falling, rising, mid-level, or in this group, the words in B4 are low-level in the speech of some pronounced with mid-level and rising• minority Loei speakers. The ri sing falling contours. Such a rising-falling tone is suspected to be a simplification tone results from the interference of of the rising-falling tone, which also Standard Thai, which has a falling appears in A234 of Loei in Brown tone in B4. ( 1965), while the mid-level tone (in A3 of That) and low-level tone (in A3 As for tones C l/ DLI23, the rising• of Buaphan) are borrowed from falling tone in Cl/Dl23 sti ll remains Standard Thai and Lao lsan in the speech of most speakers in this respectively, as the speakers are area. By the way, the variation of such bidialectals, being able to speak Lao a tone is also clearly seen in the Loei and Standard Thai, along with speech of some speakers; that is, in C I the other Loei speakers in the same of Sanuk and Nukhit a mid-level tone area, as well as in T. Chiangkhan and is found, while in C I of Nukhit, a T. Chomsri. rising tone is also a variant. Both variants of tone C I, mid-level and Comparing the variations of rising tones, are thought to have been Cl/DL123 in minority Loei of T. simplified from rising-falling tones. Photak with majority Loei in T. Tones DLI23 in most of the speakers Chiangkhan and T. Chomsri in Loei in this group are rising tone, which is province, we can say that minority different from Brown ( 1965). For one Loei speakers ofT. Photak still keep speaker, Ruen, it can be seen that the same tone of Loei, i.e., high-level DLI23 is high-level, different from or high-level-falling, which is more the other speakers' and Brown's. consistently the same as tones Since Ruen' s tone in C I is rising• Cl/ DLI23 of Loei in Brown (1965). falling and in DLI23 high-level, there As can be seen in Table I, for tone C I is a split between C I and DL 123; in most of the minority Loei speakers other words, there is no Lao ladder in have high-level or high-level-falling the tonal system of Ruen. In the matter tones, while only one speaker of the high-level tone in DS 123 ofT. (Amnuai) shows variation; this Chomsri, it cannot be decided whether speaker's switching between a high• the tonal variation leading to it was level-falling tone and low-level tone caused by internal or external factors. may have been borrowed from majority Lao (Vientiane accent),21 3.2.1.3 Minority Lao Loei in T. Pbotak 21 Lao (Vientiane accent) is spoken by One obvious change of tonal majority group in T. Photak, Photak characteristics of minority Loei ofT. subdistrict, Nong Khai Province. Photak in Nong Khai province is in According to information from the tone A I, which is a rising tone as in informants of this group and from other people in this area, the ancestors of this majority Loei for both T. Chiangkhan majority people migrated from Vientiane, and T . Chomsri but is different from Lao PDR. This group of people identify

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spoken in the same area. By the way, there is tone change in minority Loei when considering tones C I /DL 123 of of T. Photak is the rising-falling Lao (Vientiane accent), the majority of contour of the high-level-falling tone T. Photak (see Appendix 3), we notice of C234/DL4, which is expected to be that all of tonal patterns of Lao mid-level-rising as in Brown ( 1965). (Vientiane accent) have falling tone- - Such a falling tone is the same as what mid-falling, mid-level-falling, and is found in majority Loei for only one high-falling - - not significantly speaker, Nukhit, in T. Chomsri. The different from the tones found in rising-falling or high-level-falling tone minority Loei. Therefore, it cannot be found in C234/DL4 of minority Loei concluded that minority Loei is considered to have been influenced borrowed the low-level tone of by majority Lao (Vientiane accent) in C 1 /DL 123 from Lao (Vientiane which all of the speakers consistently accent), because not all the majority have a high-level-falling or rising• Lao (Vientiane accent) speakers have falling tone. Thus it can be said that low-level tones in it. Accordingly, it is the change of mid-level-rising tone to plausible that such tones of majority falling tone as found in the minority Lao (Vientiane accent) were Loei dialect ofT. Photak is induced by influenced by minority Loei spoken in language contact, an external factor. the same area, since the tones in Externally influenced tone change in Cl/DLI23 of majority Lao (Vientiane minority Loei is also found in tones accent) are expected to be low tones as DS123 in speakers in T. Photak, who in Lao lsan (Vientiane accent)22 have a rising tone, as in majority Lao spoken in nearby provinces, e.g., (Vientiane accent). Such tones are Udonthani, Khon Kaen, and Kalasin different from majority Loei in T. (see Appendix 3). Chomsri in which tones OS 123 of all speakers are high-level, while in One more obvious indication that majority Loei ofT. Chiangkhan, some speakers have a rising tone and some have a high-level tone. Comparing the themselves as "Lao" and their dialect as tones DS 123 of majority Loei and /laaw samniaiJ wial)t~>anl "Lao (Vientiane minority Loei in the studied area with accent)" in order to separate themselves Brown ( 1965), we can say that the from "Vientiane Lao" in Lao PDR or "Lao low-level tone of Loei (Brown, !san", a majority group of the !san region. 1965) is not maintained any more in 22 ln Brown ( 1965) the Lao language is the three groups of Loei in this study. divided into three subgroups: Luang Prabang, Vientiane, and Nyo. Vientiane 3.2.2 Minority Lao immigrants seems to be the largest group, composed of more dialects than the others. In the !san from Lao PDR region of Thailand, Lao dialects of the Vientiane group are widely spoken in The variations and changes of tonal many provinces; Chaiyaphum, Nong Khai, characteristics found in minority Lao Khon Kaen, Udonthatni, Kalasin, Roi-et, immigrants from the Lao PDR. in T. etc., while the dialects of Luang Prabang Chiangkhan and T. Chomsri are group are spoken in Loei province. Here it shown in Table 2. can be said that in the !san region, the Lao dialects spoken with a Vientiane accent As can be seen in Table 2, only a are more widely distributed than the Lao speaker of Paklaj (Sayyaburi) in dialects spoken with a Luang Prabang accent.

72 Downloaded from Brill.com10/10/2021 08:00:46PM via free access Table 2 A comparison of the tonal characteristics between minority Lao from the Lao PDR and earlier literature

Earlier literature T. Chiangkhan T. Chomsri Paklaj (Sayyaburl) A B c DL DS <;3 1 jv:l4 t--- .n ;::s 2 - e.. ~.... 3 hn ~ 32 §" ~ 22 ~ 43 c;· No available earlier literature 4 - .,;::s ~ 332 ;::s (1) Kong >:l.. A B c DL DS ~ 1 ~ (\) -...} ~!1 ~r hr-l:.lOI.lVl l VJ 2 ;:;· ~h 1'\1--'l \J 3 iS" ·w; h- 31 r 44 ~ ~ 22 ~~l () .lOOVll 4 1:i - ~Ji2 . i l- ~ hn ;::s (2) Pbaeng ~;::s Luang Prabang Lu11ng Pr11bn ng A B c DL DS A B c DL DS A B c DL DS ~ )>. 1 ~ 1 HR. HF!Cl HM 1 h f-- f-- ~323 ~ 31 2 ...:._;::;__ 2 f-- 2 " 42 ~ ~Jn ~ (\) ~ 3 ~ 3 LR M HRf(C) HF ML 3 t\ .1 - !::: ~ ~ r ~ ~ n ~ ~ 4 4 4 - M L ~ ~ fv.l4 " 32 ~ (adapted fi·o m Brown. 1965) (adapted fi·om Simmonds, 1965) (3) Phak <::> ------

Downloaded from Brill.com10/10/2021 08:00:46PM via free access ~ Table 2 A comparison of the tonal characteristics between minority Lao from the Lao PDR and earl ier literature :<: ~ ~ Earlier liter ature T. ChlangkJum T. Chomsri .._.. 0 PakJaj (Sayyaburl) :.: A B c DL DS • 1 ~ ~ tvd34 ~ 433 ::z: 2 ~ 3 h 23 ~ 32 ~ 22 ~ 43 ~· ~- No available earlier lit erature 4 "' h 332 - _._:---1 (1) Kong N I A B c DL OS ~ 1 -..l ~3Q2 ~: . llllltlll .j:::.. 2 r : """"~-.. ~ hl-"l 3 "bii ~ 31 ~ 22 ~~l r 44 .l\ltJtn.L - 4 ·r;2Ji ' J- ~ h 32 (2) Phaeng

Ln :~ ng Prabang Luang Prabang A B c DL DS A B c DL DS A B c DL DS 1~ 1 HR HF'(C) HM: 1 lvm "' 31 r---h :---- ~ 2 !-'--"-- 2- 2 " "2 ~rk ~ M HRf( C) HF ML 3 ~ ~ 3 LR 3 ~ 33 ~ 4 1 ~Jm - ~ r ~J.n '---- 4 4 M L 4 l- v.:- h 32 (adapted fi·om Brown. 196.") (adapted fi·om Sinunouds, 1965) (3) Phak ---

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Earlier literature T. Chiangklt:ut T. Cltomsrl Vientiane Lao (Sangthong, etc.) Sangtl10ng (Vientiane)

(;;l ;:s A B c DL DS A c DS ~ ~ ~ 1 1 l/214 ~ r- - 1'443 .... 2 2 - ~-

5·;::,. 3 ~ 3 r 243 1- r r - ~3 1 ~ )~ ~ )~ 1:) ;::,. -:----- 4 ~ 4v l- ""}42 ~ )) 9 (adapted fi·om Osatbananda, 1997) 1:) 'f j ~ ~ -...) (2) Ju U1 ;:;· \::1 A ~ c J. DS ~- ~ I lvl24 Q " 443 ;:;·"' l 21 g ~) I ~34 ;::,. l m - -~k - ~ t\42 ~ ;J:.. 'f f ~ (3) Joy "'~ ~ ~ .s;, ~

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T. Chiangkhan and a speaker of Brown ( 1965) and Simmonds ( 1965), Sanakham (Vientiane) in T. Chomsri it can be seen that most of the tonal have clear patterns of tonal mergers characteristics of Luang Prabang in and splits, which means that they this study are similar to Brown, while pronounce each tone consistently. By some tones are different from the way it cannot be concluded that Simmonds, especially tone DL4 (see there is no change in the minority Lao Table 2). language of such speakers, since in comparison with majority Loei spoken In the case of Sanakham (Vientiane), in the same area, it is found that some it can be seen in Table 2 that there is a tones in the minority Lao language are great variety of tonal characteristics in similar to the ones in majority Loei. both speakers (Chanto and Pan are husband and wife), especially tones As for Paklaj (Sayyaburi) in T. AI and Cl234 of Pan and AI234 of Chiangkhan, it can be seen from Table Cl1anto. In the light of the treatment of 2 that the tones of the second speaker the tones of Sanakham (Vientiane) in (Phaeng) are highly varied, while Osathananda ( 1997) and of Vientiane those of the first speaker (Kong) are in Simmonds ( 1965) and Brown few in number, especially tones ( 1965), tone A I is expected to be Cl/DLI23. In the minority Lao of rising, but both speakers of Sanakham Phaeng the variations are found in (Vientiane) in this study switch tone A; that is, A 1 switches between between a rising tone and mid/low• rising and rising-falling tones, level tone. Such variation is suspected differing from Kong, who has only a to be a case of the simplification from falling-rising tone in A I, like A I in rising tone to level tone, similar to the most majority Loei speakers in the variations of some tones in majority same area. Moreover, tones A234 of Loei and minority Loei. Tones A234 Phaeng also vary between low-level, of Pan are rising-falling, different rising-falling, and falling-rising tones, from the aforementioned available and it is suspected that the low-level literature, while in the Sanakham tone is borrowed from Standard Thai, (Vientiane) of Chanto, such tones which Phaeng also speaks. Since there switch between low-falling, rising• is no literature available on Lao falling, and rising tones. The Sayyaburi, it cannot be concluded variations in tones C 1234 of Pan are whether or not there is change in thought to have been influenced by Paklaj (Sayyaburi) in T. Chiangkhan. Standard Thai (hign(-level)-falling tone in Cl234) and Lao Isan (mid• As for Luang Prabang, variations are falling in C I). Even though both found in tones A23 and DS23. Tones speakers are a couple, living together, A23 of the Luang Prabang speaker in their tonal variations differ somewhat this study switch between falling• and it is noticed that tone C I of rising and low-falling tones, which, I Chanto is rising, different from the think, have been borrowed from Lao earlier literature, while tones DL 123 Isan, since in most varities of Lao !san are falling, the same as Sanakham A23 are low-falling tones. As for the (Vientiane) in Osathananda ( 1997). variations in tones DS23, it is Thus it can be seen that tone C 1 of suspected that the rising tone in DS2 Chanto obviously splits from tones has also been borrowed from Lao lsan. DLI23. From the evidence in this Compared with Luang Prabang in study, it can tentatively be concluded

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that tone A, especially A234 in Paklaj (Sayyaburi), Luang Prabang minority Sanakham (Vientiane) of and Sanakham (Vientiane). The both speakers, may have been distinctive pattern of Tone A, A 1-23- influenced by the majority Loei 4, is changed to A 1-234 in Loei as spoken in the same area. well as Paklaj (Sayyaburi), while the mergers and splits pattern of Tone A With regard to minority Sanakham in the other Lao dialects: Luang Prabang (Vientiane) in T. Chomsri, it can be and Sanakham Vientiane, is found to said that tone A23 of the speaker have been changed to A 1-234(?) and (Niphon) is rising-falling, the same as perhaps A 1-23-4(?) respectively. The in majority Loei spoken in the same tonal variations and changes found in area but different from the earlier these Lao dialects lead to the literature. It can also be seen that most conclusion that the overall patterns as of the tones are still maintained in the shown in Figure 5 are maintained only minority Sanakham (Vientiane) of this in the Lao dialects of some speakers. speaker, especially the rising tone in A 1, level tone in B 1234, mid-falling The variations and changes in each tone in C 1/DL 123, rising tone in tone of majority Loei, spoken in T. DS 123, and level tone in DS4. As for Chiangkhan and T. C homsri , the minority Sangthong (Vientiane) Chiangkhan district, Loei province, spoken in the same area, it is and minority Loei in T. Photak, suspected that both speakers are Photak subdistrict, Nong Khai "Phuan" as mentioned in section I, but province, are shown in Figure 6. some of their tonal characteristics have been influenced by majority Even though the distinctive tonal Loei, for example, falling-rising in patterns of the Lao language are A234 (Ju), rising in C234 (Ju and preserved in the Loei of some Joy), and mid-level tone in DS4 (Ju). speakers, both in maj ority and Therefore, it can be tentatively minority Loei as can be seen in Figure concluded that the tones of both 6 (see also Figure 2 and Figure 3), it Sangthong (Vientiane) speakers are a can be noticed that pattern mixture ofPhuan and Loei. C I =DL 123, one of the distinctive patterns, is not maintained in the Loei 4. Conclusion and Discussion of some speakers, not only in minority but also in majority Loei (see Tonal On the basis of the tone data of pattern (4) of Loei in T. Chiangkhan, majority Loei, minority Loei, and Tonal pattern (5) of Loei in T. minority Lao immigrants from the Lao Chomsri, and Tonal pattern (4)&(5) of PDR, the overall patterns of tonal Loei in T. Photak in Figure 3.) Given mergers and splits for Loei, a dialect of the similarity between the patterns of Lao !san, and Lao dialects of Lao tonal mergers and splits and the tonal immigrants from the Lao PDR, can be characteristics of majority Loei, summarized as shown in Figure 5. minority Loei, and minority Lao immigrants in comparison with the As can be seen from Figure 5, the "Lao available literature and the distinctive Ladder" (C1=DL123/C234=DL4), a tonal patterns of the Lao language distinctive pattern of the Lao language, proposed in this study, it can be is maintained in the overall patterns of concluded that variation and change tonal mergers and splits of Loei, can occur not only in dialects of the

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Figure 5 The overall patterns of tonal mergers and splits of Loei, Paklaj (Sayyaburi), Luang Prabang, and Sanakham (Vientiane)

Loei Paklaj (Sayyaburi) A B C DL DS A B C OL OS

2------2 1--- -

3 3

4 4

Luang Prabang Sanakham (Vientiane) A B c OL OS A B C OL OS 1 r--- ,----- r--- - 2 2

3 3 1--- 4 4

minority, but also of the majority. In one obvious point is that members of addition, it can be said that such the subordinate group are likely to variation and change can take place to become bilingual and, again, this the same degree. That is, it is not makes extensive interference possible. necessarily such that in dialects in (Thomason, 200 I: 66) As for the case contact situations, the dialects of the that some tones in majority Loei are minority are influenced to a higher influenced by minority Lao !san degree than the dialects of the majority. dialects (Nong Khai, Khon Kaen, Kala s in , Chai y aphum, a nd One of the social predictors of Nongbualumphu) which are all in the contact-induced change is the numbers Vientiane group, can be taken as count which can help predict the evidence that the majority change, i.e. , if one of two groups in dialect/language may not be dominant contact is much larger than the other, in every case. In the Isan region, the the smaller group's language is more Lao dialects in the Vientiane group are likely to acquire features of the larger spoken more widely than the Lao group' s language than if the two dialects in Luang Prabang. Therefore, groups are roughly equal in size. In it can be said that the dominant group part this is due to the fact that a larger in the lsan region is Lao in the culture is likely to be a dominant Vientiane group. This may be the culture: the more socioeconomic reason why majority Loei dialects dominance one of the groups exerts, (Luang Prabang group) are influenced the more likely it is that the by minority Lao !san. subordinate group will adopt features from the dominant group' s language. The interference between majority and The social reasons are complex, but minority tones found in this study can

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Figure 6 The variations and changes of each tone in majority Loei and minority Loei23

A A A A

2 2 2 2 3 3 3 3 4 4 4 4 (8) > (3) (I) B B

2 2 3 3

4 4 ( 14) > (I) c DL c DL c DL c DL

2 2 2 3 3 3 4 4 4 (8) ( I) (I) (I) C DL C DL

2 2 3 3

4 4

(I) (3) DS DS

2 2 2 3 3 3 4 4 4 (13) > (I) (I)

create a new mixed pattern . phenomenon that occurs in a situation Pron unc iat ion borrowi ng is a of dialects in contact. In other words,

23 The number in a bracket below a column of each tone represents the number of speakers whose Lao dialects have each pattern of tonal variation and change.

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when two or more groups of people both Sangthong (Vientiane) speakers speaking different dialects li ve in the are similar to the tones of Phuan in the same area, they certainly cannot avoid earlier li terature . The tonal communicating with each other by characteristics of both speakers are us ing each othe r's words. The similar to Phuan in Suphanburi and pronunciation will then be imitated Singburi provinces (in Thailand), automatically. especially the ri sing tone in A I, rising• falling or falling tone in 84 and DL4, The variations and changes induced by high-level-falling tone in C I (similar an internal factor found in this study to high-level of Phuan in Tanyong, are suspected to have been caused by 1983). This simil ari ty can be taken as simplification from more marked tones evidence to support the argument that to less marked tones. The steps of the both speakers of Sangthong simplification can be tentatively (Vientiane) may be Phuan-speakers, sketched as in Figure 7. The variations although some of their tones were and changes of the tones shown affect influenced by Loei, spoken as the the patterns of tonal mergers and splits majority dialect in the same area. as described in section 3. Thus, they have a mixture of Phuan and Loei tones. More data are needed Confusion between ethnic names and for an exact conclusion about this tonal systems is also found in this issue. study. Thus, two Lao immigrants from the Lao PDR living in T. Chomsri One more p1 ece of evidence identified themselves as "Lao" but supporting this tentative conclusion is their patterns of tonal mergers and from my personal communication splits are apparently Phuan, because with a Laotian from the Lao PDR their patterns are the same as the tonal whom I met by chance. On being patterns of Phuan shown in Figure 8. questioned about Phuan in Sangthong of the Lao PDR, he told me that there As can be seen in Figure 8, the tonal are scattered Phu a n living in patterns of the first speaker (J u) are Sangthong. For him, there is no the same as the patterns of Phuan, suspicion that those two immigrants in spoken in Photak district, Nongkhai T. Chomsri who identified themselves province and similar to Phuan, spoken as Lao are in fact Phuan. Such a case in and Suphanburi provinces of ethnic-name confusion is like the (especially the B=DL patterns), while case of the "Nyo" people living in the Lao Sangthong of the second speaker same area of Lao !san and Phuthai in (Joy) also shows patterns of tonal the northern part of That Phanom mergers and splits similar to the district, province in aforementioned patterns of Phuan. northeastern Thailand, whose ethnic According to the main patterns of name is not in agreement with their tonal mergers and splits (B=DL), it linguistic characteristics. Such ethnic• can be said that both speakers from name confusion is probably caused by Muang Sangthong in Vientiane, who variati ons or changes in dialects and migrated to Chomsri subdistrict, are languages (Akharawatthanakun, not " Lao" as self-identified but rather 2002). From this evidence, it can be Phuan. concluded that the confusion of ethnic names can occur in a situation of Figure 9 indicates that some tones of dialects and languages in contact.

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Figure 7 The simplification of tones found in the studied majority and minority dialects

More marked tones > Less marked tones

Al rising > mid/low level [~] [~] [~/l] ( Osathananda, (Brown, 1965) (Sanakham, Vientiane 1997) in T. Chiangkhan)

A234 rising-falling > rising [h] ~] [V/ ~J (Brown, (Author' s (Majority Loei in T. Chiangkhan 1965) finding) and minority Loei in T. Photak)

Cl high-level-falling/rising-falling > rising/mid-level [~'] [r] [vi ~J (Brown, (Author's) (Majority Loei in T. Chomsri) 1965) finding)

Cl/DL123 high-level-falling/ > high-rising/ high-rising-falling high-level [t'] [rJ [I/ I] (Brown, (Author' s) (Majority Loei in T. Chiangkhan) 1965) finding)

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Figure 8 Comparison between the patterns of tonal mergers and splits of Lao Sangthong (Vientiane) and Phuan

Sangthong, Vientiane Phuan

spoken in Chomsri subdistrict. Loei spoken in Photak district. Nong Khai province province24

2 2

3 3 4 (Ju) 4

spoken in Ban Nuen Yao. Ban Mi district, Lopburi (Tanyong. unindicated published year)

2

3 (Joy) 4

spoken in Suphanburi (Watthanaprasert & Liamprawat. 1985)

4

24 From this same research of the author.

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Figure 9 A comparison oftones in Sangthong (Vientiane) and Phuan

Lao Phuan (Suphanburi Province)2S Sangthong (Vientiane) in T. Chomsri

A ~ c ~ DS A ~ c ~L DS 1 1 ~ v 24 ~ 43 l!214 r 443 2 2

3 3 ~ 33 ~ 22 1 44 1 44 r,43 h 331 ~ 35 ~ 35 4 4 ~4.52 h 342 ~ 33 f i t t (adapted from Liamprawat and (1) Ju Watta naprasert. 1996)

Lao Phuan (f. Bangnamchiaw, Sangthong (Vientiane) in T. Chomsri Phromburi District, Singburi P r o..,.ince)26

A ~ c ~ DS A Bl c 4 DS 1 '11 '15 1 ~324 ~43 2 -:. 3 '1.2 '1 .3 '1.6 '1.3 '16 3 h 331 ~ 34 l 21 l 22 ----.--- 4 '14 '14 ... ~l ~ 42 33121 f f f t (adapted from Tanyong, 1983) (2) Joy

25 In this source, "Lao Phuan" is used while "Phuan" is used in this paper. 26 Only the pattern of tonal mergers and splits is provided in th is source.

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References Phonology ofSix Tai Dialects Akharawatthanakun, Phinnarat. 1998. Spoken in Tha Tako, A Comparative Study of the Changwat . Tonal System in the Speech of Unpublished M.A. thesis, the "Lao", the "Nyo" and the Department of Linguistics, "Phuthai" in That Phanom University. (in District, Nakhon Phanom Thai) Province. Unpublished M.A. Dejvongsa, Sulang et al. (eds.) 1972. thesis, Department of Khonkhwaa Phaasaa Lao. (Lao Linguistics, Chulalongkorn Language Research) University. (in Thai) Gedney, William J. 1972. A checklist Akharawatthanakun, Phinnarat. 2002. for determining tones in Tai Tonal variations and changes in dialects. In M. Estellie Smith a language mixture area: A case (ed.). Studies in Linguistics in study of northeastern Thai land Honor ofG eorge L. Trager. (!san). MANUSYA 5: 30-51 . The Hague: Mouton, 423-437. Brown, J. Marvin. 1965. From Haas, Mary. 1958. The tones of four Ancient Thai to Modern Thai dialects. Reprinted from Dialects. Bangkok: Social The Bulletin ofthe Institute of Science Association Press. History and Philology. Chantanakom, Wanna and Academia Sinica Vol. XXIX. Rattanaprasert, Wanna. 1983. Studies Presented to Yuen Ren Lao Viang at Nong Nae. Chao on hi s Sixty-fifth Borannakhadi 26. Bangkok: Birthday. Taipei, Taiwan, , pp. 234- , pp. 817-826. 241 . (in Thai) Hoonchamlong, Yuphaphan. 1985. Chinchest, Pornsri. 1989. Lao Ngaew Tones in Lao: A Tones in Citation Forms and in preliminary analysis. Connected Speech. Unpublished (Mimeographed) M.A. thesis, Department of Khanittanan, Wilaiwan Wichienrot. Linguistics, Chulalongkorn 1973. The Influence ofSiamese University. (in Thai) on Five Lao Dialects. Clyne, Michael. 1975. Forschungsbericht Unpublished doctoral Sprachkontakt. Kronberg: dissertation, University of Scriptor. Cited in Salmons, Joe. Michigan. 1992. Accentual Change and Li, Fang Kuei. 1977. A Handbook of Language Contact: Comparative Tai. Honolulu, Comparative Survey and a Case Hawaii: University Press of Study ofEarly Northern Europe. Hawaii. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. Liamprawat, Suwattana and Wattanaprasert, Kantima. 1996. Daecha, Wilailuck. 1987. A An Analysis ofLexical Use and Comparative Study of the Variation among Three Generations in Lao Language

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Communities ofThacin River Generations in Lao Phuan. Basin. : The Unpublished M.A. thesis, Institute of Research and Silpakorn University. (in Thai) Development, Silpakorn University. (in Thai) Thomason, Sarah G. (ed.) 1997. Contact Languages: A Wider Martinet, A. 1952. Function, structure, Perspective. Amsterdam: John and sound change. Word 8, 1-32. Benjamins. Cited in McMahon, April M.S. 1994. Understanding Language Thomason, Sarah G. 2001 . Language Change. Cambridge: Cambridge Contact. Washington D.C.: University Press. Georgetown University Press.

McMahon, April M.S. 1994. Thomason, Sarah Grey and Kaufman, Understanding Language Terrence. 1988. Language Change. Cambridge: Cambridge Contact, Creolization, and University Press. Genetic Linguistics. Berkeley: University of California Press. Osatananda, Varisa. 1997. Tone in Vientiane Lao. Unpublished Trudgill, Peter. 1986. Dialects in doctoral dissertation, Contact. New York: Basil University of Hawaii. Blackwell.

Panka, Kanchana. 1980. The Ureland, P. Sture and Clarkson, lain. Phonological Characteristics of ( eds.) 1984. Scandinavian Lao Dialects in Amphoe Muang, Language Contacts. Nakhon Pathom. Unpublished Cambridge: Cambridge M.A. thes is, Department of University Press. Linguistics, Chulalongkorn Wattanaprasert, Kantima. and University. (in Thai) Liamprawat, Suwattana. 1985. Pungpaopan, Nongnut. 1984. The The Phonology ofL ao Dialects Characteristics of Lao Ngaew, in Thacin River Basin. Department Tambon Thong En, Inburi of Thai, Faculty of Arts, District, Singburi Province. Silpakorn University. (in Thai) Unpublished M.A. thesis, Weinreich, Uriel. 1953. Languages Silpakorn University. (in Thai) in Contact: Findings and Salmons, Joe. 1992. Accentual Problems. London: Mouton. Change and Language Contact: Comparative Survey and a Case Acknowledgement Study ofEarly Northern Europe. Stanford, California: Stanford I would like to thank the Thailand Un iversity Press. Research Fund (TRF) for its financial support, and I am very grateful to Simmonds, E.H.S. 1965. Notes on Dr.Arthur S. Abramson and Dr.Theraphan some Tai dialects of and L-Thongkum for their very helpful neighbouring regions. Lingua suggestions and comments. 14, 133-1 47.

Tanyong, Uthaiwan. 1983. An Analysis ofL exical Use among Three

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Appendix 1 Test words

Set 1 Test words modified from Gedney's wordlist

A B c DL DS 1 1l [huu] ' ears' 1,; [khly] ' egg' ~1~ [kh:law] 'rice' 'll~ (;l [khuat'bottle' 11li'01 [mat] 'flea·

'111 [kh:ia] ' legs· •h [ph;b] 'to cuf .~ [sia] 'shi11· '"' ~n [m\ck] 'hat' iJn [pbilk] ,r~ [hiia] 'head' 'li1 [khlia] 'ginger ' 111Y.l [m3J] ' pot' Pl'il n r~.hk] 'vegetable' 11n [h6k] 'six' ft'00l)) 'two' 5~ [thi1a] 'bean· !11 [ha"n] ' five' 'elbows· A1n [si\ak] ·pestle· ~" [sl.p) 'ten'

2 ~ [piiu) 'crab' lri [.k.-ly] 'chicken· lli1 [.lciaw] ' nine· \In [pill:] 'wing' nu [kop) ''

A1 [t5a] 'eyes· uh [.[Xlw] 'to ~u [p5on] ' to m 01 [k:b t) ' to hug' ,{ (;1 [ cet] • seven·

llu [.lfi.n] ' to ear blow' feed' A'!ln [ t.hk] 'to •~>~ ~ [te] ' to kick' 1Gh [t.1.w] '!mile· n1• [lciruJ] ' fi sh- n1 [kaa] 'crow' hammer'

11M [ drereJ]] ' red' 'shoulders· 'tlu·ead' ' s1o1shine ' hook' ~~ ['?5oy] 'sugar w [biip) 'to ~ u [dip) 'to be \J1U [ OO:ln] '!0 !. [Tt1J] ' bull frog· squeeze' ra\v , blossom' th~ [bitaw] 'single cru1e ll1" [d:iam) UilGl [bOot] ' to be 'iln ['?ok] 'chest' A1~ [daaw] 'star' man' blind' li1 [d.Ja) 'to scold' ' handle' 1iiA [ det] 'to pick' ~1 ['?aa) 'to open ~Gl [

'buffalo' ~~ [li:ly] 'saw' 'eyebrows' 1~n [chiak] 'rope' Am [kluok] u1 [.niia) 'rice ~1 [n.iam) 'water' li1~ [m:i:~ y] ll'il61 [m5Jt] ' motiar' field' '\vi dow' ~u [lln) ' tongue' 'wooclmite • .~u [lep] 'nail' ~ [IJiiu) 'snake '

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Appendix 1 (Continued)

Set 2 The analogous set

A B c DL DS 1 'll1 [khiia] 1h [kbaa] fh~ [khaaw] n" [khaat] ~G\ [khat] 'legs' 'ginger' 'rice ' 'to be tom' 'to brush' 2 th [pa-:1] 1h [paa] {h [paa] thGl [paat] u"' [pat] 'to throw' 'forest' 'aunt' 'to cut' 'to wipe ' 3 u1u [baan] th [b~] th [b5a] ll1Gl [b?wt] UGlT [bat] 'to blossom· 'shoulders' 'to be mad' 'to be cur 'card· 4 ('11 [khfla ] l'i1 [khan] 'price' ~1 (kh;b] A1GI [khtiat] ~Gl [khat] 'thatch grass' 'to trade' 'to tie a belt · 'to handwrite'

Test words randomized from the analogous set.

1. '111 [khiia] 13. 111 [pan] 25. t11 [khan] 37 ll1 [pha] 49 111 [paa]

2. th [paa] 14. u1u [baan] 26 .!11 [khfla] 38. '11 1 (khiia] 5o u1u [baan]

3 u1u [baan] 15 '111 [khiia] 27 1h [bfia] 39. ih [pan] 51 th [ban]

a ('11 [khaa] 16. th [bha] 28 u1 [pha] 40 th [b11.•] 52 u1 [pan]

5. 'li1 [khaa] 11. -61~ [khaaw] 29 i1~ [khaaw] a1. '!i1 [khaa] 53. '!i1 [khaa]

6. ll1 [pha] 18. m [khfla] 30 A1 [khfla] 42. t;, [kha<:~] 54. '111 [k.hiia]

1. th [baa] 19. ~1 [khaa] 31 . u1u [bflan] 43. 111 (baa] 55. 1h [paa]

a ~h [khaa] 20. ll1 [paa] 32 ,;, [k.Ma] a4 l'i1 [khfia ] 56 ~,~ [kh5aw]

9 ~, ~ [khaaw] 21 u1 [paa] 33 Fi1 [kh5a] a5. u1 [pnn] 57 1h [baa]

10. ih [p5a] 22 'li1 [kh ~l

12. .!11 [khaa] 24 l'i1 [k.ha<1] 36 1.h [pna] aa. u1u [ba;m] so .!11 [khna]

1 '11161 [k.haat] 5. 1.hGl [pnat] 9 FI1Gl [khaat] 13. 111"' [khnat] 11 A1Gl [khaat]

2. thGi [pnat] 6. 'li1Gl [kh?tat] 10. u161 [baat] 14. thGi [paat] 1s. thGl [paat]

3. A1GI [k.haat] 1 FI1GI [khaat] 11. '111GI [kh~wt] 15 A1Gl [kb5at] 19. ,,Gi [khaat]

4. u1Gl [bant] a. u161 [b~mt ] 12. thi11 [pant] 16. u1Gl [baat] zo. u1Gl [ba(lt 1

21 . 1TGI [khat] 25. 1TGI [khat] 29. tt11 [khat] 33. -n.. [khat] 37. UGI7 (bat)

22' UGI [pat] 26. ~'~'"[khat] 30. uGl [pat] 34. uGl1 [bat] 38. -DGI [khat]

23. AGI [khat) 21. u GI [pat] 31 flGl [khat] 35 AGl [khat] 39 uGl [pat]

24. uGi1(batJ 28. UGIT (bat) 32. UGI1 (bat) 36. u111 [pat] 40. AGI (khat)

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Appendix 2 Lao tonal systems based on the literature

ADCDI..DS I' r r f- ~:8tl19 m17 m18 1 • 1)1 ns r. h ~ r l9. Ql · s ~ms t-' I r f-1 1- f'l h~~ ~ u .... ~ rr ~ v t-"_ "':..._ v v j.:; 20 m21 22 23 24

h ~ L-

l'~h : rr f- ... .. mmtm]2s 26 27 29

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Appendix 2 (continued)

A 8 C D DS p ~1-1\ r

~30 ~3 1 ~33 ~34 ~~tlf l ~35 36 A B C DL DS ABCDLDS A 8 C DL DS .!=! )= !d: -rbi !:::! b iF=J 1-h r hi-t\ "' F=!h" r i=[h '--- ~ t=\[h -} nrh: l-'b 37 ~f[l38 41 ~ 39 40 A B C DL OS ~ C DL DS R 1.. - - !:: ~ !Jih r _,___ '--- I

A B C DL DS ~~~I [fi] [M 46 ~47 48 49

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Appendix 2 (continued)

ffil [Gfj 55

58 59 60

R MF H (<)

l.M MG Lee.> H

62 63 64 65 66

67 68 69

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Appendix 2 (continued)

Sources of Lao tonal systems

1. Vientiane Group (Thurakhom, Chaiyaphum) (adapted from Brown, 1965) 2. Vientiane (adapted from Simmonds, 1965) 3. Lao Viang (Muang District, ) (Panka, 1980) 4. Lao Viang (Chai Nat, Suphanburi, Nakhon Pathom Provinces) (Wananaprasert and Liamprawat, 1985) 5. Southern Lao Group (Ubon, Muang Samsip, , Kam Khuean Kaeo, Pakse Bongfai, Sahatsakhan, Prachantakham, Bua Yai, Khon Kaen, Udon, Phanom Phrai) (adapted from Brown, 1965) 6. Southern Lao (Muang District, Nakhon Pathom Province) (Panka, 1980) 7. Southern Lao (Chai Nat, Nakhon Pathom Provinces) (Wattanaprasert and Liamprawat, 1985) 8. Nong Khai Group (Nong Khai Province) (adapted from Brown, 1965) 9. Nakhon Phanom (Dejvongsa and et. al. (eds.), 1972) 10. Pakse Lao (Hoonchamlong, 1985) 11. Pakse (adapted from Simmonds, 1965) 12. Thurakhom (Dejvongsa and et. al. (eds.), 1972) 13. (adapted from Simmonds, 1965) 14. Khong (adapted from Simmonds, 1965) 15. Repatriated Lao (adapted from Simmonds, 1965) 16. Ken Thao (adapted from Simmonds, 1965) 17. Xanakham (Vientiane) (adapted from Osathananda, 1997) 18. Phonhong (Vientiane) (adapted from Osathananda, 1997) 19. Southern Lao Group (Si Saket, Tha Tum) (adapted from Brown, 1965) 20. 1750 Luang Prabang (adapted from Brown, 1965) 21. Luang Prabang Group (Kaen Thao, Dan Sai, Loei) (adapted from Brown, 1965) 22. Luang Prabang (adapted from Brown, 1965) 23 . Lao Khrang (Muang District, Nakhon Pathom Province) (Panka, 1980) 24. Lao Khrang (Chai Nat, Suphanburi, Nakhon Pathom Provinces) (Wattanaprasert and Liamprawat, 1985) 25. Lao Ngaew (Tambon Thong En, Jnburi District, Singburi Province) (Chinchest, 1989) 26. Attapue (Dejvongsa and et. al. (eds.), 1972) 27. Southern Lao (, ) (Daecha, 1987) 28. Lao Ngaew (Tambon Thong En, lnburi District, Singburi Province) (Pungpaopan, 1984) 29. Luang Prabang (adapted from Simmonds, 1965) 30. Vientiane Group (Vientiane, Lorn Sak, Khon Sawan) (adapted from Brown, 1965) 3 I. Vientiane (adapted from Brown, 1965) 32. Vientiane (Dejvongsa and et. al. (eds.), 1972) 33. (Sangthong, Naxaythong, Sikhottabong, Xaithani, Chantaburi, Xaisettha, Sisattanak, Hatxaythong, Pak-Ngum) (adapted from Osatananda, 1997) 34. Thourakhom (Vientiane) (adapted from Osatananda, 1997) 35. Keo-Oudom (Vientiane) (adapted from Osatananda, 1997) 36. Lao Nue (Northern Lao) (Ban Na Lae-Luang Nam Tha) (Dejvongsa and et. al. (eds.), 1972) 37. Southern Lao Group (Roi-et, Thawatburi, Wapipathum, Non Phet) (adapted from Brown, 1965) 38. 1550 Vientiane (adapted from Brown, 1965) 39. 1700 Vientiane (adapted from Brown, 1965) 40. I 700 Southern Lao (adapted from Brown, 1965) 41. I 650 (adapted from Brown, 1965)

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42. Roi-et (Haas, 1958) 43. Nambak (Dejvongsa and et. al. (eds.), 1972) 44. Khorat (adapted from Brown, 1965) 45. Lao Viang (Lopburi, Singburi, Provinces) (Khanittanan, 1973) 46. Lao Viang (Tha Tako District, Nakhon Sawan Province) (Daecha, 1987) 47. Khon Sawan (adapted from Brown, 1965) 48. Lao (Nakae Village, , ) (Akharawatthakun, 1998) 49. Lao (Man Yon Village (1), That Phanom District, Nakhon Phanom Province) (Akharawatthakun, 1998) 50. Lao (Man Yon Village (2), That Phanom District, Nakhon Phanom Province) (Akharawatthakun, 1998) 51. Lao (Tan Kut (1) and Nakae Villages, That Phanom District, Nakhon Phanom Province) (Akharawatthakun, 1998) 52. Lao (Tan Kut Village, That Phanom District, Nakhon Phanom Province) (Akharawatthakun, 1998) 53. Kasi 2 (Vientiane) (adapted from Osatananda, 1997) 54. Kasi I (Vientiane) (adapted from Osatananda, 1997) 55. Lao Khrang (Tha Tako District, Nakhon Sawan Province (Daecha, 1987) 56. Lao Ngaew (Tha Tako District, Nakhon Sawan Province (Daecha, 1987) 57. Vientiane Lao (Naxaythong 2, Vientiane Prefecture) (adapted from Osatananda, 1997) 58. Muang Ngoi (Dejvongsa and et. al. (eds.), 1972) 59. Muang Yong (Dejvongsa and et. al. (eds.). 1972) 60. Sam Nua (Dejvongsa and et. al. (eds.), 1972) 61. Lao Viang (Nong Nae District, Province (Chantanak.hom and Rattanaprasert, 1983) 62. Muang Vaen (Dejvongsa and et. al. (eds.), 1972) 63. Muang Saen (Dejvongsa and et. al. (eds.), 1972) 64. Sam Ntia (adapted from Simmonds, 1965) 65. Lao (Tan Kut Village (2), That Phanom District, Nakhon Phanom Province) (Akharawatthakun, 1998) 66. Lao (Man Yon Village (3), That Phanom District, Nakhon Phanom Province) (Akharawatthakun, 1998) 67. Lao (Tan Kut (3), Non Sa-art, Man Yon Villages (4), That Phanom District, Nakhon Phanom Province) (Akharawatthakun, 1998) 68. Lao (Man Yon Village (5), That Phanom District, Nakhon Phanom Province) (Akharawatthakun, 1998) 69. Vientiane Lao (Naxaythong I, Vientiane Prefecture) (adapted from Osatananda, 1997) 70. Vangviang (Vientiane) (adapted from Osatananda, 1997)

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Appendix 3 Majority Lao (Vientiane accent) in Nong Khai Province and minority Lao lsan in Loei Province (based on the author's findings)

1. Majority Lao Isan in Nong Khai Province

8 c ! 01. OS A c ~(311

f\14'11l--+- ----i I

Scalmj A 8 c or.. OS A 8 c DL [l$ ! i I ~ 1 I I !Jtn•l r-- J!ll! I I ~lllil h(;IJ I)!J l [!241 f----1 2 r----r I m1 I (1}1} 1 1).1) 13'1 l)~llJll ~ i f-t l ~f~~lUll ~ I ~ I . I --~I) l 3 ! < llli) ~1Jl.41 ~134ll l l < 2)~;llil ~~~1J f ,,fJ ''!v ,.,.., ' ' ~flll] 1 :~~ (415} ~~~ I l)~(IC) 'fl.t:n I ,

" B c IlL [l$ I--- ~(lll) ~(Sl) I)~ f---- 1 llf-._ (lUI f--J(l4J f4U) ~(43) J)h (ttl) c--- l<4JI ) I)~ ~ 21~:: • ~[OJ) ~ I

93 Downloaded from Brill.com10/10/2021 08:00:46PM via free access MANUSYA: Journal of Humanities 7.1, 2004

Appendix 3 (continued)

2. Minority Lao Isan in T. Chiangkhan, Chiangkhan District, Loei Province

~ A 8 c w..pc. I A e 01. I I Ol ~ ,, c J ! OS I ~ I I )331) ,h-Ill ! !l23J"' I [__'h I I k~, l I l c---l ~[4) 1 ~1~1 ~134] l [21) 1 ~ ~ I : ~~ ~' !\ ...., ' ~,.,., I l, .., 4 I ,.. I ~ ~I ,. ,r ~· ,,

~·- ..... I A 8 c I Dl - • • I c I 01. DS I f-.__llll ~l I I ~""' ---'tr· ''1~ 1 r ·~~fC>J. ~ ' ~~rv ~l I ~ D'l I 11 n 1 (JIJ I tJ..;I }-, "rr)()· ,,~, ~ ,~,, I h 1- l~jJI 1./ t.UJJ ~ "~ t=l 1 I'L./ ' r~lrol I ' ·v:-:IIU\1 rl"'l i ''t- J:ll I IL ...,I ~~:. 1 [ - · I • l _j J=_,~J . I' l.,.j r, t ~ '"'' '

--#;;; -·- ~·- ·········- T- · ~: . r Ot. "' I lT!.~L 1 U::-~~ - l ~ tll4f I :}hf1'1l 1 IWI f- I'll ~\_1'' 1 J..r ~~~~ I , "~ !l>n ~ ll:l U f--- :;-F:--· . tnll

'-· ,~r"'" - I~·""I

94 Downloaded from Brill.com10/10/2021 08:00:46PM via free access Tonal Variation and Change in Dialects in Contact: A Case Study of Lao

Appendix 3 (continued)

3. Minority Lao I san in T. Chomsri, Chiangkhan District, Loei Province

A DC. ' 05 B I ( I 1)(. I

~ ~A

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