International Journal of Korean History (Vol.10, Dec. 2006) 25

Popularization of Mongol Language and Culture in the Late Koryŏ Period

Peter I. Yun∗

Introduction

The Mongol conquest in the thirteenth century was accompanied by great destruction of life and property, but the advent of the Pax Mongolica opened an unprecedented opportunity for open and free exchange of peoples, ideas, and commodities in the Eurasian continent. The Mongol empire brought together many diverse ethnic groups under a single political entity and promoted diffusion of various cultures across Asia. As the ruling group, the Mongols exerted greater cultural impact on conquered peoples, and even the Chinese, who have historically discounted foreign influence and emphasized sinicization of conquerors, were heavily impacted by nomadic Mongol culture.1 Among the states that existed in Northeast Asia in the early 13th century, only the Korean kingdom of Koryŏ survived and maintained some degree of autonomy within the Mongol empire. However, unlike the earlier period when Koryŏ sent “tributes” to the Chinese and Manchurian imperial dynasties in nominal submission, the Mongol Yuan control of Koryŏ was more comprehensive. Koryŏ was subjected to intrusive Mongol political influence for a century.

∗ Assistant Professor, Youngsan University (Korea) 26 Popularization of Mongol Language and Culture in the Late Koryŏ Period

As Koryŏ became an integral part of the Mongol empire, Koryŏ was inevitably impacted by Mongol language and customs. This paper will present a brief overview of Mongol cultural influences focusing on the popularization of Mongol language and clothing and hair styles during the period of Mongol Interference in the 13th-14th century Korea.

Royal Intermarriages and Mongol Culture at the Koryŏ Court

For its fierce resistance against the Mongols for more than three decades, Koryŏ suffered great destruction and loss of life.2 Peace and stability came only after it surrendered to the Yuan during the reign of King Wŏnjong 元宗 (1259-1274). The customary Mongol policy toward surrendered states was to keep local rulers in power,3 and the Yuan court neither forced major overhaul of Koryŏ political institutions nor purged the royal family and aristocracy. At the same time, however, the Mongols did take over and ruled directly some parts of Koryŏ territory, notably the Cheju 濟州Island and a large area of northeastern area around P’yŏngyang 平壤. They also established the Eastern Expedition Field Headquarters [Chŏngdong haengsŏng 征東行省] in Koryŏ to conduct the invasion of Japan, but the agency was later exploited to watch over and interfere in Koryŏ’s internal affairs. The incorporation of Koryŏ into the Mongol empire was formalized by intermarriages between the two courts. The royal intermarriages made Koryŏ the “son-in-law state” (pumaguk 駙馬國), and the Koryŏ royal family was reduced to the status of a minor branch of the Yuan imperial family. The intermarriages began when King Wŏnjong proposed a marriage between his son (later King Ch’ungnyŏl 忠烈王) and the Cheguk Princess 齊國公主, daughter of the Great Khan Kubilai in 1270.4 The king was probably trying to strengthen the power of the throne by borrowing prestige and power of the Yuan imperial court as the reality of his weak position had been made painfully clear when the king Peter I. Yun 27 himself was dethroned in the previous year (1269). As for the Kubilai, the Khan accepted the marriage proposal to fortify his control over the Koryŏ and to enlist active assistance for his planned expeditions against Japan. From that time to the mid-14th century, every Koryŏ king who reached maturity would take a Mongol princess as his primary consort, and princes born of Mongol princesses enjoyed priority in the succession to the throne.5 The successive intermarriages of Koryŏ kings and Mongol princesses were unique and extraordinary events in Korean history as there was not a single intermarriage between Korean and foreign dynasties prior and after the period of Mongol Interference. The only other attempt to arrange a marriage between the Korean heir-apparent and a princess of the Chinese or Manchurian dynasties came during the early Chosŏn period, and the proposal did not materialize.6 Indeed, Koryŏ kings acquired more political and social prestige and exercised greater power as members of the Mongol imperial family than as occupiers of the Koryŏ throne. Koryŏ kings grew up and spent months and even years at Khanbaliq, and their behaviors and preferences often reflected those of the Mongol elites. The kings enjoyed both Mongol music (hoak 胡樂) and dance.7 Hunting and falconry, favorite sports of the Mongol imperial family, became very popular activity at the court, and a special agency called Ŭngbang 鷹坊 was established to oversee activities related to falcons.8 There was even a reappearance9 of the nomadic marriage custom of the levirate10 at the Koryŏ court. King Ch’ungsŏn 忠宣王 had executed a favorite consort of his father King Ch’ungnyŏl, and to placate his father he had presented a widow from the Ŏnyang Kim family to serve Ch’ungnyŏl as a royal consort (Sukch’angwŏnbi 淑昌院妃). However, after the death of Ch’ungnyŏl, Ch’ungsŏn took his father’s consort as his own and bestowed on her the title of Sukbi 淑妃.11 Reflecting the Confucian morality of the Early Chosŏn period, the Koryŏsa strongly disapprove King Ch’ungsŏn’s conduct, but from the Mongol cultural perspective, the king was well within the bounds of his rights and

28 Popularization of Mongol Language and Culture in the Late Koryŏ Period propriety at the time.12 The acceptance and popularity of the Mongol culture at the royal court was a new development as nomadic customs had previously been despised and rejected. Indeed, King T’aejo 太祖, the founder of the dynasty, had specifically admonished his successors not to copy foreign clothing and institutions of both the sedentary Chinese and nomadic Khitans.13 Thus, the popularization of Mongol customs in the late Koryŏ period must be considered in the historical context of the changed nature of the Koryŏ throne.

Movements of People in the 13th and 14th Centuries

During the protracted war against the Mongol invaders, scores of Koryŏ people had been captured and taken to Manchuria and China.14 The Mongols were said to have captured 206,800 and killed innumerable number of Koryŏ people during the single year of 1254.15 On the other hand, after the peace had been established, many people also moved voluntarily to various parts of the vast Yuan Empire in search of wealth and opportunity.16 The historical records such as the Koryŏsa17 and the Yuanshi 元史 provide glimpses of the extent of Koryŏ population in the Mongol Empire. In 1354, the Mongol chancellor Toghto 脫脫 requisitioned 2,000 troops including forty generals from Koryŏ as he organized a massive expeditionary army to suppress the rebellion of Zhang Shicheng 張士誠 in South China. It was said that the 2,000 Koryŏ troops were joined by more than 20,000 Koryŏ volunteers who resided at the Yuan capital of Khanbaliq.18 As the figure 20,000 indicates only the adult men capable of serving in the military force, the total number of Koryŏ people in the Mongol capital probably exceeded 100,000. The Mongol court also established a general administrative office (Shenyang denglu Gaoli junmin congguanfu 瀋陽等路高麗軍民總管府) to oversee large Peter I. Yun 29 numbers of Koryŏ troops and civilians living in the Liaoyang region across the northern border of Koryŏ.19 On the other hand, many foreigners including Mongols, Central Eurasians (semu), and the Han Chinese also came and settled in Koryŏ. In both quantitative and qualitative terms, the presence of foreigners in Koryŏ during the period of Mongol domination was truly unparalleled in Korean history. 20 The most prominent foreigners in Koryŏ were of course the Mongol princesses married to Koryŏ kings and their private retainers called the qieliankou 怯憐口.21 In addition, there were foreign officials serving as the daruhachi 達魯花赤22 and soldiers attached to the military colonies (tunjŏn 屯田) established in various parts of Koryŏ. It has been estimated that the Cheju Island, which was more or less under the direct control of the Yuan court for a century, had at least 1,400 Mongols residing at the island by the end of the 13th century, and they intermarried with local women extensively.23 There was no doubt many others who passed through open boundary between the two states, and such unprecedented movement of people must have contributed to popularization of Mongol customs in Koryŏ.

Popularization of Mongol Language and Customs

Mongol Language

The nomadic Mongols were ethnically, culturally, and linguistically different from the sedentary Han Chinese. While the Mongols did avail themselves of some aspects of Chinese institutions, they generally refused to adopt the Chinese cultural ways. Indeed, the Mongols implemented a strict discriminatory ethnic classification system that divided the population into four separate groups based on a combination of ethnic, political, and cultural considerations: the Mongols, the semu, hanren 漢 人 (people of Northern China who had been under the rule of the Jurchen

30 Popularization of Mongol Language and Culture in the Late Koryŏ Period

Jin) and nanren 南人 (the people who had been ruled by the Southern Song and brought into the new Mongol Empire in 1279).24 Although there is no conclusive proof that the social classifications of the Yuan empire were rigorously enforced, the system had important implications in social and political privileges, application of penal law, official appointments and taxation, etc. For example, the Yuan code specified that only the Mongols and the semu could serve as the daruhachi, and when exercising the protected appointment (yin 蔭) privilege, the semu received posts one grade higher than did the Han Chinese.25 The Chinese were also decidedly in a disadvantaged position in the government service examinations that resumed in 1315. The Chinese (hanren and nanren) were given more difficult exams, and even though they together numbered more than 97% of the total population, the court employed a quota system that allotted them only half, the same number of graduates as the Mongols and the semu.26 While the Mongols and the semu, the favored groups in the empire, had little incentive to become more like Chinese, other ethnic groups often adopted the Mongol customs and learned the Mongol language that enjoyed great prestige as the official tongue of the world empire.27 However, the Yuan court discouraged such acculturation attempts and issued formal orders that specifically prohibited the hanren and nanren (i.e., the Han Chinese) from studying the Mongol and Uighur scripts.28 At the same time, the prohibition order did not appear to have included the Koryŏ people. Although Koryŏ people were nominally thought to have belonged to the hanren category, they were at times accorded the same rights as the semu, and at other times treated as the hanren.29 Moreover, rules and regulations in the Yuan dianzhang 元典章30 clearly suggest that the Koryŏ people actually constituted a distinct separate category along with the semu, haner 漢兒 (i.e., hanren), and manzi 蠻 子 (i.e., nanren). Yuan imperial decrees often mentioned Koryŏ people by name instead of having them automatically included in the hanren category. For example, a Yuanshi entry in the fourth month of 1337 Peter I. Yun 31 contains a decree that forbade the hanren, nanren, and Gaoliren 高麗人 (the Koryŏ people) from maintaining military weapons, but another decree in the same entry prohibited only the hanren and nanren from studying Mongol and the semu scripts.31 The prestige of the Mongol culture and language was most evident in the widespread use of Mongol names, quite similar to the contemporary phenomenon of many non-Westerners’ adoptions of English style names. Koryŏ kings from Ch’ungsŏn to Kongmin 恭愍王 all had Mongol names, and such Mongol names as Batur 拔都 (“warrior”), Temür 帖木 兒 (“iron”), and Bukha 不花 (“bull”) can easily be found in the Koryŏsa.32 Again, this popularity of Mongol names was not a unique phenomenon in Koryŏ as other peoples such as the Han Chinese changed “their surnames for barbarian names, and learned the barbarian language and (observed) their customs.”33 The ability to speak the Mongol language was obviously a great social and political asset at the time. To deal with the Mongol Yuan, the Koryŏ court needed people fluent in the Mongol language and familiar with Mongol culture at Khanbaliq. A number of Koryŏ people rose to high positions due mostly to their linguistic abilities. One of the most successful was Cho In’gyu 趙仁規, who came from a very minor provincial family based in the P’yŏngyang region. Cho used his fluency in the Mongol language to advance rapidly and achieve great social prominence at the court.34 It was inevitable that many Mongol vocabularies would enter the Korean language, especially those terms related to official titles, military affairs, horses and falconry.35 Studies have also shown that the dialect of the Cheju Island, which was under direct control of the Mongol court, contains hundreds of vocabularies taken directly from the Mongol language.36 There is even an example of a term that combined a Mongol word and a Korean word, as in “Aji Paldo 阿只拔都,” the term used in the Koryŏsa to describe a young leader of the Japanese pirates.37 Here “Aji” (or “Agi”) was a Korean word meaning a child [or a young person]

32 Popularization of Mongol Language and Culture in the Late Koryŏ Period and “Paldo” [Mo. Batur] was a Mongol word meaning a warrior. Although some have tried to connect “Aji” to the Mongol word “aqa” (elder brother), most scholars tend to interpret the term as related to the Korean word “Agi” (child or boy).38

Mongol Hair and Clothing Styles

The most visible Mongol cultural influences in Koryŏ were the peculiar Mongol style of braiding of hair called kaech’e 開剃 (kegül in Mongol).39 This Mongol hair style was similar to the Manchu queue in that it shaved from the top to the front of head and braided hair on the sides. Indeed, the Mongol styles were followed all over the empire and it was said that even the Han Chinese “officials and commoners all braided their hair and wore plaits.”40 Nomadic peoples had often imposed their own hair-do on conquered peoples. The Jurchens of the Jin dynasty had been unsuccessful in forcing their hair and clothing style on the Han Chinese in the twelfth century,41 but five centuries later their descendants the Manchus of the Qing dynasty compelled the Han Chinese to acknowledge their rule by conforming to the Manchu hair and clothing style. Although the Manchu hairstyle queue has now disappeared, the Manchu dress qipao 旗袍 (literally “the Banner quilt”) is now regarded as the “traditional Chinese clothing” by the majority Han Chinese today. The Mongols initially imposed their hair style on a few Turkic tribes, but they did not force it on Koryŏ. In any case, in 1274 when King Ch’ungnyŏl came to the throne, the king and many of his officials were said to have already adopted Mongol hair style and clothing.42 Four years later in 1278, the king issued an order requiring all officials to adopt the Mongol style cap and hair style.43 All indications are that everyone down to the lowest official donned the Mongol hair style for the next one hundred years. Peter I. Yun 33

It was only in 1374, six years after the Mongols had been pushed out of the Central Plains and the Khanbaliq, when the royal order prohibiting the Mongol hair style was finally issued.44 Yet, even after the court’s order, many seemed to have continued to follow the Mongol style, and that would prompt another court decree of prohibition twelve years later in 1388.45 The Mongol clothing style was also adopted extensively in Koryŏ. As mentioned above, King Ch’ungnyŏl had ordered all officials to wear the hat and clothing of the Yuan style in 1278.46 Almost a century later in 1370, Zhu Yuanzhang 朱元璋 of the new Ming dynasty sent official Chinese uniforms to Koryŏ,47 but that did not lead to a discarding of the Mongol style clothing. It was another decade and half in 1387, when the court finally promulgated a new regulation requiring Chinese Ming style cap and clothing for court officials and abolished the Yuan style clothing.48 However, even as the government officials were no longer dressed in the Yuan fashion, many others, including King U himself and his royal attendants, were said to have continued to follow the Yuan style.49 There are interesting episodes regarding the Yuan and the Ming clothing styles in the late Koryŏ period, when the court’s clothing styles reflected its “pro-Ming” or “pro-Yuan” policies. In the 1380s, Zhu Yuanzhang provoked Koryŏ by announcing his intention to take over the northern part of Korean peninsula that Koryŏ recovered by force only a few years before. As the relation between the two states deteriorated, Koryŏ took the initiative by launching a military expedition to Liaodong in 1388. Just before the start of the expedition, the king abolished the Ming regnal title of Hongwu 洪武and ordered all his officials to once again wear the Yuan style clothing that had only been abolished the previous year.50 It was said that people of the capital city of Kaegyŏng had already changed their hair and clothing in the Yuan style even before the royal decree.51 This strongly suggests that many had never really switched to the Ming or “Chinese” style clothing.

34 Popularization of Mongol Language and Culture in the Late Koryŏ Period

The majority of Koryŏ people must have followed the Mongol styles, and they may not even have considered the Yuan clothing and hair style as “foreign” after having used them for almost a century. It was only after General Yi Sŏnggye engineered a coup and forced out King U from the throne, when the policy was again reversed and the Yuan clothing style, at least at the court, was discarded. 52 However, even after the establishment of the supposedly “pro-Ming and anti-Yuan” Chosŏn dynasty, the Mongol or “barbarian” (hobok 胡服) style clothing appears to have persisted at least until the middle of the fifteenth century. A court discussion in the second year (1454) of King Tanjong’s reign shows that people of the time was still following the style of “barbarian [Mongol]” style clothing.53

Conclusion

Mongol cultural influences were of course not limited to the few aspects discussed in this paper. There are several episodic records that suggest Mongol cultural influences. For example, the court executed three criminals by pressing them with stones in 1343,54 and that was apparently one of the Mongol ways of executing prisoners and criminals.55 It has also been suggested that polygynous marriages in the late Koryŏ period can be attributed to the Mongol influence.56 Koryŏ aristocrats had practiced monogamy in the earlier period,57 but cases of men taking multiple wives increased noticeably during the Mongol period, apparently influenced by the Mongol custom.58 A Koryŏ official went so much as to boldly suggest that the court promote and sanction the practice of taking multiple wives.59 While the proposal was rejected at the time, it reflects the trend toward the social acceptance of polygynous marriages in the late Koryŏ period. Unfortunately, the paucity and episodic nature of historical records make it difficult to assess the extent of Mongol cultural influence on the Koryŏ society. Peter I. Yun 35

On the other hand, there is little evidence that the Mongols forced their nomadic culture and tribal customs on Koryŏ. Indeed, the Kubilai Khan explicitly promised to allow Koryŏ to keep its tradition and customs, and the Koryŏ court often cited the Khan’s promise to resist the Yuan attempts to impose institutional changes. Thus, popularization of the Mongol language and customs appears to have come about as people sought to take advantage of the social prestige of the Mongol way. Mongol cultural influence in Korea declined with the establishment of the “anti-Yuan” Chosŏn state in 1392. However, the Mongol legacy on Korean language and customs cannot be ignored as they remind us of just how much Koryŏ was integrated into the Mongol world empire in both political and cultural spheres.

Keywords : Goryeo, Mongol Yuan Empire, Period of Mongol Interference, Cultural exchanges, Mongol language, Mongol clothing and hair styles, Mongol customs.

Works Cited

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25-66. Cleaves, Francis W. The Secret History of the Mongols. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1982. Dawson, Christopher. Mission to Asia. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980. Endicott-West, Elizabeth. “The Yüan Government and Society.” In Herbert Franke and Denis Twitchett, eds., The Cambridge History of China, vol. 6, Alien Regimes and Border States, pp. 587-615. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Franke, Herbert, and Denis Twitchett, eds. The Cambridge History of China, vol. 6, Alien Regimes and Border States. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Han Yŏngu. “Koryŏsa, Koryŏsa chŏryo ŭi pigyo yŏn’gu.” Chindan hakpo 48 (1979): 1-38. Henthorn, W. E. Korea: The Mongol Invasions. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1963. Hsiao Ch’i-ch’ing. The Military Establishment of the Yüan Dynasty. Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1978. Jagchid, Sechin. Mongolia’s Culture and Society. Boulder: Westview Press, 1979. Kang Yŏngbong. “Chejuŏ wa chungse Mongorŏ ŭi pigyo yŏn’gu.” T’amna munhwa 20 (1992): 1-16. Kim Chongsŏ, et al. Koryŏsa chŏryo. Seoul: Asea Munhwasa, 1972. Kim Iru. “Koryŏ hugi Cheju-Mongol ŭi mannam kwa Cheju sahoe ŭi pyŏnhwa.” Hanguksa yŏn’gu 15 (2003): 45-74. Kim Sanggi. Sinp’yŏn Koryŏ sidaesa. Seoul: Seoul taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 1985. Kim Yŏngil. “Uri mal sok ŭi Mongorŏ yoso.” Hangukhak nonjip (Kyemyŏng taehakkyo hangukhak yŏn’guso) 26 (1999): 111-125. Ko Pyŏngik. Tonga kyosŏpsa yŏn’gu. Seoul: Seoul taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 1970. Krippes, Karl A. “Mongol and Jurchen Words in a Middle Korean Text.” Mongolian Studies 15 (1992): 97-109. Peter I. Yun 37

Kwŏn Sunhyŏng. Koryŏ ŭi honinje wa yŏsŏng ŭi sam. Seoul: Hyean, 2006. Langlois, John D. Jr., ed. China under Mongol Rule. Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1981. Meng Siming. Yuandai shehui jieji zhidu. Hong Kong: Longmen shudian, 1967. Min Hyŏn’gu. “Cho In’gyu wa kŭ ŭi kamun” (parts 1 and 2). Chindan hakpo 42 (1976): 17-28 & 43 (1977): 5-32. Murakami Masatsugu. Chugoku no rekishi 6, Yuboku minzoku kokka: Gen. Tokyo: Kodansha, 1977. Naito Shumpo. Chosen shi kenkyu. Kyoto: Toyoshi Kenkyukai, 1961. No T’aedon. “Koguryŏ ch’ogi ŭi ch’wisuhon e taehan il koch’al.” In Kim Chŏlchun paksa hwagap kinyŏm nonch’ong. Seoul, 1983. Pyŏn T’aesŏp. ‘Koryŏsa’ ŭi yŏn’gu. Seoul: Samyŏngsa, 1982. Serruys, Henry. “Remains of Mongol Customs in China during the Early Ming.” Monumenta Serica 16 (1957): 137-90. Serruys, Henry. Sino-Mongol Relations during the Ming II: The Tribute System and the Diplomatic Missions. Brussels: Institut Belge des Hautes Études Chinoises, 1967. Serruys, Henry. The Mongols and Ming China: Customs and History. Edited by Francoise Aubin. London: Varioram, 1987. Shiratori Kurakichi. “Chosen moji (Onmon) no kozo ni tsuite.” Shigaku Zasshi 43 (1932): 931-933. Shiratori Kurakichi. “Koraishi ni mietaru Mongorugo no kaishaku.” Shiratori Kurakichi zenshu vol. 3, pp. 393-484. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1970. Sŏk Chumyŏng. Chejudo pangŏnjip. Seoul: Sŏul sinmunsa ch’ulp’anbu, 1947. Song Kijung. “T’aejo sillok e tŭngjang hanŭn Monggoŏ myŏng kwa Yŏjinŏ myŏng.” Chindan hakpo 66 (1988): 131-149 & 73 (1992): 121-138. Sung Lien, et al. Yuanshi. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1976.

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Tanaka Kenji. “Gentensho ni okeru mobun chokuyakutai no bunsho.” In Gentensho no buntai. Supplement volume to Kotei hon Gentensho keibu, vol 1. ed. Iwamura Shinobu and Tanaka Kenji. Kyoto, 1964. Uematsu Tadashi. “Institutions of the Yuan Dynasty and Yuan Society.” Gest Library Journal 5 (1992): 57-69. Yang, Lien-shêng. “Marginalia to the Yüan tien-chang.” In Lien-shêng Yang, Excursions in Sinology. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1969, pp. 126-35. Yi Kimun. Kugŏsa kaesŏl. Seoul: T’ap ch’ulp’ansa, 1972. Yun, Peter I. Mongols and Western Asians in the Late Koryŏ Ruling Stratum.” International Journal of Korean History 3 (2002): 51- 69.

Notes :

1 For examples of the Mongol cultural influence in China, see Henry Serruys, “Remains of Mongol Customs in China during the Early Ming,” 137-90. 2 See W. E. Henthorn, Korea: the Mongol Invasions. 3 Thomas T. Allsen, Mongol Imperialism, 63-65. 4 Koryŏsa, 26:30a5-6. 5 With royal intermarriages, Koryŏ kings became scions of the Mongol imperial family, and all kings after King Ch’ungsŏn should perhaps be classified as the Mongol line of Koryŏ kings (Chu Ch’aehyŏk, “Mongol— Koryŏsa yŏn’gu ŭi chae kŏmt’o,” 43). Indeed, percentages of Mongol blood among the Koryŏ kings were, one-half for King Ch’ungsŏn, three-fourth for King Ch’ungsuk, three-eighth for Kings Ch’unghye and Kongmin, eleven- sixteenth for King Ch’ungmok, and three-sixteenth for King Ch’ungjŏng. 6 T’aejo sillok, 13:32b15-34a13. 7 Koryŏsa, 43:23a3-4, 134:19a9, 137:11b1, 12a2-3. 8 For a study of the institution of Ŭngbang, see Naito Shumpo, Chosen-shi kenkyu, pp. 319-333. 9 The leviratic marriage was not unknown in ancient Korean history. Historical records clearly show levirate marriages in Puyŏ and Koguryŏ (No T’aedon, “Koguryŏ ch’ogi ŭi ch’wisuhon,” 85-86), but the custom was discarded and deemed unlawful during the Koryŏ period. Peter I. Yun 39

10 The Mongol marriage custom observed the first and second degrees of consanguinity but observed no degree of affinity. The general custom of Mongols to marry any of their relations except one’s mother, daughter, and sister by the same mother (Christopher Dawson, Mission to Asia, 104; Henry Serruys, Mongols and Ming China, II, 172). The Mongol customs of the levirate often mandated that a man marry the widow of an older male relative, most often his brother or even father, and it was considered one of the most repulsive nomadic customs from the Confucian moral standpoint. 11 Koryŏsa, 89:12a9-b6. 12 As for the extent of the practice of the levirate in Koryŏ, historical records are silent. However, we can find numerous cases of Han Chinese adopting the levirate even after the Yuan court issued an order prohibiting the levirate among the hanren and nanren in 1331 (Yuanshi, 103:2644; Bettine Birge, Women, Property, and Confucian Reaction, 238-53). This strongly suggests that the levirate was not unknown in the Koryŏ state. 13 Koryŏsa, 2:15b4-7. 14 Chang Tongik, Koryŏ hugi oegyosa yŏn’gu, 149-55. 15 Koryŏsa, 24:20a8-b1. 16 Chang Tongik, Koryŏ hugi oegyosa yŏn’gu, 156-85. 17 Despite some weaknesses, the Koryŏsa remains the single most important and comprehensive source material for the study of the Koryŏ period (Pyŏn T’aesŏp, “Koryŏsa ŭi yŏn’gu,” 214-23) 18 Koryŏsa chŏryo, 26:24b8-25a4, 27a8-b1. 19 Yuanshi, 63.1562. 20 Peter Yun, “Mongols and Western Asians in the Late Koryŏ Ruling Stratum,” 51-69. 21 The qieliankou is a Chinese transcription of Mongolian ger-in k’e’ü, which literally means “sons of the yurt.” This term was used to designate slaves employed as artisans or family attendants of the imperial and noble families (Hsiao Ch’i-ch’ing, Military Establishment, 199. n 312). 22 The daruhachi literally meant the “one who presses” [a seal] and later came to represent the head officials of the Mongol Empire (Yuanshi, 6.106, 13.268). 23 Kim Iru, “Koryŏ hugi Cheju-Mongol ŭi mannam,” 53-54. 24 Meng Siming, Yuandai shehui jieji zhidu, 25-36; Elizabeth Endicott-West, “The Yüan Government and Society,” 610.

40 Popularization of Mongol Language and Culture in the Late Koryŏ Period

25 Yuanshi, 30.432 26 The population of the Yuan Empire in 1290 has been estimated to be about 1 million Mongols, 1 million semu, 10 million hanren, and 60 million nanren (Murakami Masatsugu, Chugoku no rekishi 6: Yuboku minzoku kokka: Gen, 142). 27 Henry Serruys, Sino-Mongol Relations during the Ming II, 139-42. 28 Yuanshi, 39.839, 182.4202. 29 Chang Tongik, Koryŏ hugi oegyosa yŏn’gu, 175. 30 The Yuan dianzhang (Institutions of the Yuan dynasty) [Da Yuan shengzheng guochao dianzhang 大元聖政國朝典章] is a very important source for the legal and social study of the Mongol period in China. Unfortunately, due to a “strange” grammar that used the vocabulary of thirteenth and fourteenth century colloquial Chinese to render literally Mongol words and word order, it has not been utilized to its full potential. For discussions on the historical value and recent scholarship on the Yuan dianzhang, see Lien-sheng Yang, “Marginalia to the Yüan tien-chang,” 126-135, Tanaka Kenji, “Gentensho ni okeru mobun chokuyakutai,” 47-161, and Uematsu Tadashi, “Institutions of the Yuan dynasty and Yuan society,” 57-69. 31 Yuanshi, 39.839. 32 The boyhood name of the famous Koryŏ general An U 安祐 (died 1362) was the very popular Mongol name of Batur (Koryŏsa, 113:1a5). For examples of other Mongol names used in Koryŏ, see Koryŏsa, 35:29b4, 36:9a9, 36:28b2, 42:1b1. 33 Quoted in Henry Serruys, “Remains of Mongol Customs,” 153; Hongwu shilu, 26:11b. 34 For a case study of the P’yŏngyang Cho family, see Min Hyŏn’gu, “Cho In’gyu wa kŭ ŭi kamun” (Parts 1 and 2). 35 Kim Yŏngil, “Uri mal sok ŭi Mongorŏ yoso,” 111-125; Song Kijung, “T’aejo sillok e tŭngjang hanŭn Monggoŏ myŏng kwa Yŏjinŏ myŏng.” For a complete list of Mongol terms in Koryŏsa, see Shiratori Kurakichi, “Korai shi ni mietaru Mongorugo no kaishaku,” 393-484. 36 Sŏk Chumyŏng, Chejudo pangŏnjip, 127-30; Kang Yŏngbong, “Chejuŏ wa chungse Mongorŏ ŭi pigyo yŏn’gu,” 1-16. 37 Yi Kimun, Kugŏsa kaesŏl, 101; Kim Sanggi, Sinp’yŏn Koryŏ sidaesa, 561. 38 Karl Krippes, “Mongol and Jurchen,” 100. Peter I. Yun 41

39 Koryŏsa, 72:11b4-5. 40 Henry Serruys, “Remains of Mongol Customs in China during the Early Ming,” 137-90. 41 Herbert Franke and Denis Twitchett, eds., The Cambridge History of China, vol. 6, 281. 42 Koryŏsa, 28:4a8-b2. 43 Koryŏsa, 72:11b3-5. 44 Koryŏsa, 85:20a7-8. 45 Koryŏsa, 85:21a5-6. 46 Koryŏsa, 85:13b5. 47 Koryŏsa, 72:8a2-4. 48 Koryŏsa, 72:13a1, 136: 24b4-5, 25a2-3. 49 Koryŏsa, 136:23b5, 25a4-5, 26b2-4. 50 Koryŏsa, 137:7b9-8a1. 51 Koryŏsa, 137:8a4, 11b3-4. 52 Koryŏsa, 137:19b8-9. 53 Tanjong sillok, 10 (2.1.1.kyech’uk). 54 Koryŏsa, 36:29b3. 55 Cf. Boyle, Successors, 201. 56 Kwŏn Sunhyŏng, Koryŏ ŭi honinje wa yŏsŏng ŭi sam, 129. 57 See Chang Pyŏngin, “Koryŏ sidae honinje e taehan chae kŏmto,” 1-30. 58 The Mongols often had multiple wives, and a medieval eyewitness account by William of Rubruck reported that Batu, the commander of the Mongol army in the West, had 26 wives, and Sartach, another Mongol commander, had 6 wives (Christopher Dawson, Mission to Asia, 95, 117). 59 Koryŏsa, 106:40a7-b6.

42 Popularization of Mongol Language and Culture in the Late Koryŏ Period

<국문초록>

고려후기 몽골 언어와 문화의 대중화

피 터 윤 (영산대학교)

13세기 몽골제국의 지배에 의한 평화(Pax Mongolica)는 유라시 아 대륙에서 전례를 찾을 수 없는 활발한 인적 물적 교류를 가능 하게 하였다. 몽골제국은 많은 ‘민족’을 하나의 통일된 정치권에 편입하였고 다양한 문화의 교류를 촉진하였다. 특히 지배계층으 로서의 몽골족은 피지배계층의 여러 민족에 적지 않은 문화적 영 향을 끼쳤다. 소위 ‘몽골간섭기’의 고려 국왕들은 대대로 몽골 황실의 공주 와 결혼하고 제국의 수도 칸발리크에서 오랜 시간 거주하였다. 그리고 많은 인적 교류를 통해 고려는 특히 언어, 두발, 복식 등 에서 몽골의 영향을 받게 되었다. 고려에서 유행한 몽골족의 언 어와 풍습은 강압에 의해서라기보다는 그들의 사회적 지위와 위 세를 얻으려는 노력의 결과로 보인다. 몽골 언어와 풍습의 자취 는 ‘반원’을 지향한 조선 건국이후에도 완전히 소멸되지 않았으 며 현재에도 그 자취를 찾을 수 있다. 고려는 단순히 정치적으로 몽골제국과 연결되어 있었던 것이 아니라 문화적으로도 밀접한 관계를 맺고 있었다.

주제어: 고려시대, 몽골제국, 몽골간섭기, 문화교류, 몽골어, 몽골 변발, 몽골 복식, 몽골 풍습