Survey of the

by Prof. Wu Wenyi (Guizhou Province Nationalities Research Institute) and Wil C. Snyder (Summer Institute of Linguistics) and Liang Yongshu (Guizhou Province Nationalities Research Institute)

Senior Editors: Zhang Heping (Guizhou Province Nationalities Affairs Commission) and Dr. Stuart Milliken Consultant: Dr. Peggy Milliken

SIL Language and Culture Documentation and Description 2007-001

©2007 SIL International, Wu Wenyi, Wil C. Snyder, and Liang Yongshu ISSN: 1939-0785

Fair Use Policy Documents published in the Language and Culture Documentation and Description series are intended for scholarly research and educational use. You may make copies of these publications for research or instructional purposes (under fair use guidelines) free of charge and without further permission. Republication or commercial use of Language and Culture Documentation and Description or the documents contained therein is expressly prohibited without the written consent of the copyright holder(s).

Series Editor Mary Ruth Wise Managing Editor Mae Zook Compositor Mae Zook

Contents Preface ...... x Abbreviations and conventions...... xiii Names and abbreviations of data points ...... xiv The Bouyei...... xvi 1. Phonology and word list ...... 1 1.1. Introduction...... 1 1.2. Word list ...... 2 2. Phonology of data points ...... 18 2.1. Anlong Pingle ...... 18 2.1.1. Phone and phoneme inventory...... 18 2.1.2. Notes...... 19 2.1.3. Minimal pairs...... 20 2.1.4. Allophonic rules...... 21 2.1.5. Transcription of Anlong Pingle word list ...... 21 2.2. Huangla ...... 39 2.2.1. Phone and phoneme inventory...... 39 2.2.2. Notes...... 39 2.2.3. Minimal pairs...... 41 2.2.4. Transcription of Anshun Huangla word list...... 42 2.3. Ceheng Hualong ...... 59 2.3.1. Phone and phoneme inventory...... 59 2.3.2. Notes...... 60 2.3.3. Minimal pairs...... 61 2.3.4. Allophonic rules...... 62 2.3.5. Transcription of Ceheng Hualong word list...... 62 2.4. Changshun Guyang...... 80 2.4.1. Phone and phoneme inventory...... 80 2.4.2. Notes...... 80 2.4.3. Minimal pairs...... 82 2.4.4. Allophonic rules...... 82 2.4.5. Transcription of Changshun Guyang word list...... 82

iii iv Contents

2.5. Dushan Nanzhai...... 100 2.5.1. Phone and phoneme inventory...... 100 2.5.2. Notes...... 100 2.5.3. Minimal pairs...... 102 2.5.4. Allophonic rules...... 102 2.5.5. Transcription of Dushan Nanzhai word list ...... 102 2.6. Dushan Shuiyan ...... 120 2.6.1. Phone and phoneme inventory...... 120 2.6.2. Notes...... 121 2.6.3. Minimal pairs...... 122 2.6.4. Allophonic rules...... 122 2.6.5. Transcription of Dushan Shuiyan word list ...... 123 2.7. Fuxi ...... 140 2.7.1. Phone and phoneme inventory...... 140 2.7.2. Notes...... 141 2.7.3. Minimal pairs...... 142 2.7.4. Allophonic rules...... 142 2.7.5. Transcription of Duyun Fuxi word list ...... 143 2.8. Guiding Gonggu ...... 160 2.8.1. Phone and phoneme inventory...... 160 2.8.2. Notes...... 161 2.8.3. Minimal pairs...... 162 2.8.4. Allophonic rules...... 163 2.8.5. Transcription of Guiding Gonggu word list...... 163 2.9. Huishui Danggu ...... 180 2.9.1. Phone and phoneme inventory...... 180 2.9.2. Notes...... 181 2.9.3. Minimal pairs...... 182 2.9.4. Allophonic rules...... 182 2.9.5. Transcription of Huishui Danggu word list ...... 183 2.10. Longli Yangchang...... 200 2.10.1. Phone and phoneme inventory...... 200 2.10.2. Notes...... 201 2.10.3. Minimal pairs...... 202

Contents v

2.10.4. Allophonic rules...... 202 2.10.5. Transcription of Longli Yangchang word list...... 202 2.11. Luodian Luokun...... 220 2.11.1. Phone and phoneme inventory...... 220 2.11.2. Notes...... 220 2.11.3. Minimal pairs...... 222 2.11.4. Allophonic rules...... 223 2.11.5. Transcription of Luodian Luokun word list...... 223 2.12. Luodian Poqiu...... 232 2.12.1. Phone and phoneme inventory...... 232 2.12.2. Notes...... 233 2.12.3. Minimal pairs...... 234 2.12.4. Allophonic rules...... 235 2.12.5. Transcription of Luodian Poqiu word list...... 235 2.13. Pingtang Xiliang ...... 253 2.13.1. Phone and phoneme inventory...... 253 2.13.2. Notes...... 254 2.13.3. Minimal pairs...... 255 2.13.4. Allophonic rules...... 256 2.13.5. Transcription of Pingtang Xiliang word list ...... 256 2.14. Pingtang Zhangbu...... 273 2.14.1. Phone and phoneme inventory...... 273 2.14.2. Notes...... 274 2.14.3. Minimal pairs...... 276 2.14.4. Allophonic rules...... 276 2.14.5. Transcription of Pingtang Zhangbu word list ...... 276 2.15. Qinglong Zitang...... 285 2.15.1. Phone and phoneme inventory...... 285 2.15.2. Notes...... 286 2.15.3. Minimal pairs...... 287 2.15.4. Allophonic rules...... 287 2.15.5. Transcription of Qinglong Zitang word list ...... 288 2.16. Shuicheng Fa’er ...... 305 2.16.1. Phone and phoneme inventory...... 305 2.16.2. Notes...... 306

vi Contents

2.16.3. Minimal pairs...... 308 2.16.4. Allophonic rules...... 308 2.16.5. Transcription of Shuicheng Fa’er word list ...... 309 2.17. Wangmo Fuxi ...... 326 2.17.1. Phone and phoneme inventory...... 326 2.17.2. Notes...... 327 2.17.3. Minimal pairs...... 329 2.17.4. Allophonic rules...... 329 2.17.5. Transcription of Wangmo Fuxi word list...... 330 2.18. Xingyi Bajie...... 347 2.18.1. Phone and phoneme inventory...... 347 2.18.2. Notes...... 348 2.18.3. Minimal pairs...... 350 2.18.4. Allophonic rules...... 350 2.18.5. Transcription of Xingyi Bajie word list...... 351 2.19. Zhenfeng Mingu ...... 368 2.19.1. Phone and phoneme inventory...... 368 2.19.2. Notes...... 369 2.19.3. Minimal pairs...... 370 2.19.4. Allophonic rules...... 371 2.19.5. Transcription of Zhenfeng Mingu word list...... 371 2.20. Zhenning Banle...... 389 2.20.1. Phone and phoneme inventory...... 389 2.20.2. Notes...... 389 2.20.3. Minimal pairs...... 391 2.20.4. Allophonic rules...... 391 2.20.5. Transcription of Zhenning Banle word list...... 391 2.21. Zhenning Shitouzhai...... 409 2.21.1. Phone and phoneme inventory...... 409 2.21.2. Notes...... 410 2.21.3. Minimal pairs...... 412 2.21.4. Allophonic rules...... 412 2.21.5. Transcription of Zhenning Shitouzhai word list ...... 412

Contents vii

2.22. Ziyun Huohua ...... 430 2.22.1. Phone and phoneme inventory...... 430 2.22.2. Notes...... 431 2.22.3. Minimal pairs...... 432 2.22.4. Allophonic rule ...... 433 2.22.5. Transcription of Ziyun Huohua word list ...... 433 2.23. Ziyun Nonghe ...... 450 2.23.1. Phone and phoneme inventory...... 450 2.23.2. Notes...... 451 2.23.3. Minimal pairs...... 453 2.23.4. Allophonic rules...... 453 2.23.5. Transcription of Ziyun Nonghe word list ...... 454 2.24. Libo Fucun...... 471 2.24.1. Phone and phoneme inventory...... 471 2.24.2. Notes...... 472 2.24.3. Minimal pairs...... 472 2.24.4. Allophonic rules...... 472 2.24.5. Transcription of Libo Fucun word list...... 473 3. Lectal studies ...... 482 3.1. Introduction to system relations...... 482 3.1.1. Intelligibility ...... 482 3.1.2. Correspondence types...... 483 3.2. Methodology...... 484 3.3. Findings ...... 487 3.4. Discussion...... 488 Appendix...... 490 4. Historical variation in Bouyei: Initials and tones ...... 498 4.0. Introduction...... 498 4.1. Labials...... 499 4.1.1. Notes...... 499 4.1.2. Summary...... 500 4.2. Bilabial and labiodental clusters ...... 500 4.2.1. Notes...... 500 4.2.2. Summary...... 501

viii Contents

4.3. Alveolars...... 502 4.3.1. Notes...... 502 4.3.2. Summary...... 502 4.4. Alveolar clusters ...... 502 4.4.1. Notes...... 502 4.4.2. Summary...... 503 4.5. Liquids ...... 504 4.5.1. Notes...... 504 4.5.2. Summary...... 504 4.6. Alveolar fricatives and ...... 505 4.6.1. Notes...... 505 4.6.2. Summary...... 505 4.7. Palatals...... 506 4.7.1. Notes...... 506 4.7.2. Summary...... 507 4.8. Velars...... 507 4.8.1. Notes...... 507 4.8.2. Summary...... 508 4.9. Velar clusters ...... 508 4.9.1. Notes...... 508 4.9.2. Summary...... 509 4.10. Glottals...... 511 4.10.1. Notes...... 511 4.10.2. Summary...... 511 4.11. Tones...... 511 4.11.1. values and categories ...... 511 4.11.2. Tonal flip-flop...... 514 4.11.3. Notes on tone categories ...... 515 5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data...... 516 5.0. Introduction...... 516 5.1. Anlong Pingle ...... 516 5.2. Anshun Huangla ...... 518 5.3. Ceheng Huarong ...... 520 5.4. Changshun Guyang...... 522 5.5. Dushan Nanzhai...... 524

Contents ix

5.6. Dushan Shuiyan ...... 526 5.7. Duyun Fuxi ...... 527 5.8. Guiding Gonggu ...... 529 5.9. Huishui Danggu ...... 531 5.10. Longli Yangchang...... 534 5.11. Luodian Poqiu...... 536 5.12. Pingtang Xiliang ...... 537 5.13. Qinglong Zitang...... 539 5.14. Shuicheng Fa’er ...... 540 5.15. Wangmo Fuxing ...... 542 5.16. Xingyi Bajie...... 544 5.17. Zhenfeng Mingu ...... 546 5.18. Zhenning Banle...... 547 5.19. Zhenning Shitouzhai...... 549 5.20. Ziyun Huohua ...... 551 Conclusion ...... 553 6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers...... 554 6.0. Introduction...... 554 6.1. Differences of the speech of older speakers versus younger speakers in specific data points.....556 6.1.1. Ceheng Huarong ...... 556 6.1.2. Duyun Fuxi ...... 559 6.1.3. Dushan Shuiyan ...... 563 6.1.4. Qinglong Zitang...... 566 6.1.5. Guiding Gonggu ...... 570 6.1.6. Luodian Poqiu...... 572 6.1.7. Shuicheng Fa’er ...... 574 6.1.8. Wangmo Fuxing ...... 579 6.1.9. Zhenning Shitouzhai...... 584 6.1.10. Ziyun Huohua ...... 588 7. Summary...... 592 Bibliography ...... 594

Preface This province-wide language survey was conducted in order • to determine the current state of phonological and lexical similarity among Bouyei lects, and • to compare the data collected with that collected in the 1950s and published in Buyi Diaocha Baogao [abbreviated in this volume as BYDCBG, “Bouyei Language Survey Report”]. The project was managed by • Mr. Wu Wenyi of the Guizhou Nationalities Research Institute • Mr. Zhang Heping of the Guizhou Nationalities Affairs Commission • Mr. Wil C. Snyder of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, and • Dr. Lon Diehl of the Summer Institute of Linguistics. The project was sponsored by the Summer Institute of Linguistics. Project field work began in early 1996 and was completed in 1997. The 1950s survey included 40 data points. We selected a total of 24 data points for our survey, with as many of these overlapping with the original 40 points as possible. Five hundred lexical items were originally selected for our survey, with later revision to 503 words. In each data point that we visited, we planned to elicit the word list items from a male speaker 50 years of age or older and a male speaker 35 years of age or younger. In most data points visited, these criteria were met, though due to flooding and other factors we were not able to physically get to a few of the data points, so had to rely on speakers from that area as we could find them. Each speaker of every data point was a native Bouyei speaker from that area. In each county we visited, the local county Nationalities Affairs Commission • hosted our work • generally organized travel to and from the area, and • helped select speakers. For each data point, if possible we traveled to one of the representative villages and elicited data there. We separated into two groups: one group eliciting data from a group of older speakers and one group eliciting data from a group of younger speakers. The elicitation from each group was done at the same time in separate locations within the village or county seat. In each group of speakers, at least some understood Chinese well enough to fully understand the items we were eliciting. In addition, the two authors from the Guizhou Nationalities Research Institute are both Bouyei and speak the language well. With each group of speakers, the data was elicited word by word. For each word, the group of speakers would come to a consensus on the correct Bouyei word(s). We then would elicit and transcribe the word(s) from one speaker chosen as the representative for that group. After the entire word list was transcribed, we re-checked our transcription with the speakers. Finally, we recorded the entire word list from the representative speaker of each group. After the data was collected from one or more data points, the authors then listened to the data tapes of both older and younger speakers and re-checked our transcriptions. We made special effort to correctly transcribe the consonants while eliciting directly from the speaker. When listening to the tapes, we sometimes modified our transcription of vowels and tones. We also put many words on computer to more accurately view the pitch and vowel quality. When each list was transcribed and checked completely, we then entered the data into a database for analysis. We believe that the major contribution of this research is the data itself being published and made available to any Tai scholars who wish to use it for their own research. Bouyei constitutes a major part of Northern Tai and its lects are diverse, to one degree or another, in lexicon, phonetics,

x Preface xi and phonology. It is important, therefore, to have as accurate a picture as possible of the current state of Bouyei. Our investigations include • the phonology of each lect • the lectal divergence and estimation of intelligibility • historical changes of Bouyei initials • comparison of our data with BYDGBG, and • comparison of the speech of older speakers versus younger speakers. Section 5, “Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data” and section 6, “Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers” was originally written in Chinese and translated into English by Wil Snyder. We hope these chapters will also be of use to various scholars in their own fields of research. Any errors are the sole responsibility of the authors. We invite and encourage comments and discussion from all scholars who read and use this research. Finally, we would like to thank the following people and entities for all their support and help in making this research project a reality: • Guizhou Province Nationalities Affairs Commission • Guizhou University Foreign Affairs Office • Anshun District Nationalities Affairs Commission • Qiannan Buyi-Miao Nationalities Affairs Commission • Qianxinan Buyi-Miao Autonomous Prefecture Nationalities Affairs Commission • Nationalities Affairs Commission • Government, Nationalities Affairs Commission, and Fuxing Town Government • Anlong County Government and Nationalities Affairs Commission • Qinglong County Government, Nationalities Affairs Commission, and Zitang Town Government • Xingyi City Government, Nationalities Affairs Commission, and Bajie Town Government • Government, Nationalities Affairs Commission, and Mingu Town Government • Government and Nationalities Affairs Commission • Shuicheng County Nationalities Affairs Commission and Fa’er Town Government • Anshun City Nationalities Affairs Commission and Huangla Town Government • Ziyun County Government, Nationalities Affairs Commission, Huohong Town Government, and Nonghe Town Government • Government, Nationalities Affairs Commission, and Guyang Town Government • Government and Nationalities Affairs Commission • Government, Nationalities Affairs Commission, and Yangchang Town Government • Government, Nationalities Affairs Commission, and Gonggu Town Government • Duyun City Nationalities Affairs Commission and Fuxi Town Government

xii Preface

• Government, Nationalities Affairs Commission, Shuiyan Town Government, and Nanzhai Town Government • Government, Nationalities Affairs Commission, and Xiliang Town Government • Government, Nationalities Affairs Commission, Luokun Town Government, and Poqiu Town Government • Zhenning County Government, Nationalities Affairs Commission, Banle Town Government, and Shitouzhai Town Government

Abbreviations and conventions BYDCBG Buyi Diaocha Baogao (Bouyei Language Survey Report) excl. exclusive incl. inclusive p. person pl. plural p. pl. person plural ps. person singular s. singular sth. something UR underlying representation * proto-form or proto-sound

xiii

Names and abbreviations of data points For each data point, we give the county name and town name from where we obtained the data. Each data point is within the Guizhou province border. In Qiannan prefecture data points include • Chuangshun Guyang • Dushan Nanzhai • Dushan Shuiyan • Duyun Fuxi • Guiding Gonggu • Huishui Danggu • Libo Fucun • Longli Yangchang • Luodian Luokun • Luodian Poqiu • Pingtang Xiliang, and • Pingtang Zhangbu. In Qianxinan prefecture data points include • Anlong Pingle • Ceheng Huarong • Qinglong Zitang • Wangmo Fuxing • Xingyi Bajie, and • Zhenfeng Mingu. Data points in the Anshun district include • Anshun Huangla • Zhenning Banle • Zhenning Shitouzhai • Ziyun Huohong, and • Ziyun Nonghe. Data points in the Liupanshui district include Shuicheng Fa’er.

xiv Names and abbreviations of data points xv

Abbreviations of the data point names are as follows: AL Anlong AS Anshun CH Ceheng CS Changshun DSNZ Dushan NanZhai DSSY Dushan Shuiyan DY Duyun GD Guiding HS Huishui LB Libo LL Longli LDLK Luodian Luokun LDPQ Luodian Poqiu PTXL Pingtang Xiliang PTZB Pingtang Zhangbu QL Qinglong SC Shuicheng WM Wangmo XY Xingyi ZF Zhenfeng ZNBL Zhenning Banle ZNSTZ Zhenning ZYHH Ziyun Huohua ZYNH Ziyun Nonghe Shitouzhai

The Bouyei The Bouyei are a relatively populous ethnic minority people of Guizhou province, . According to the 1990 government census, there were almost 2½ million Bouyei living in Guizhou at that time. The large percentage of Bouyei reside in the • Qiannan Bouyei-Miao autonomous prefecture • Qianxinan Bouyei-Miao autonomous prefecture • Anshun region, the Liupenshui city area, and • city area. In addition, a small percentage of Bouyei reside in the • area • area • Qiandongnan Miao-Dong autonomous prefecture, and • province. The Bouyei language is classified as a Northern Tai language, part of the Kadai . The Bouyei language has various lects, many being mutually unintelligible to a significant degree. However, the grammar and basic vocabulary of the various lects is quite similar. According to the Bouyei language survey done in the 1950s, there are three major lectal areas. • The first lectal area is comprised of Wangmo, Ceheng, Luodian, Dushan, Libo, Duyun, Pingtang, Zhenfeng, Anlong, , and Xingyi counties. • The second lectal area is made up of Longli, Guiding, , Pingba, Kaiyang counties, the Guiyang city area, and the Anshun area. • Zhenning, Guanling, Ziyun, Qinglong, Pu’an, Liuzhi, Panxian, Shuicheng, Bijie, and Weining counties make up the third lectal area. The Bouyei language is used by virtually all in the rural parts of these areas and by many in the towns and cities as well. Many Bouyei can also communicate in Chinese to some degree and some are completely bilingual. Historically, the Bouyei have no script of their own. In many Bouyei areas, some Bouyei songs and Scriptures have been written with a kind of modified Chinese character script, though the script is often slightly different in each place. This practice most likely began sometime during the Song dynasty. In 1956, under the direction of the government of the People’s Republic of China, a Roman script was created for the Bouyei language. The Bouyei, and many other Kadai people groups, are descendents of the ancient “Yue” peoples of south-central China. Ancient Chinese history, as well as many recent archeological discoveries, shows that there were Yue people in Guizhou at a very early date, most likely as early as the Warring States period. Several ancient Chinese sources speak of the Yue people residing in what are now the Panjiang and Hongshui river areas, where the Bouyei reside today. The history of the Yue peoples can be traced through various ancient Chinese records. Throughout history, the Chinese have used many various terms for the Yue people and recently for the Bouyei. Only since 1953 has the name “Bouyei” (Buyi in Chinese) become official.

xvi

1. Phonology and word list

1.1. Introduction The tones in the raw data were recorded using the Chao scale, and in order to translate these pitch representations into tone categories, we organized a total of 76 words into Gedney boxes1 for analysis. Each word was read into the computer from tape, and the pitch for each word was ana- lyzed using the SIL program WinCecil. In WinCecil, the pitch of an utterance can be measured at any point in the stream of speech. The pitch values were measured in semitones. These values were recorded for each Bouyei word in the Gedney boxes, and values in each box were averaged (excep- tional words were thrown out). These averages then served as an objective, but not absolute guide, in determining the tone categories of each word in each raw data list. For any particular tone category, some of the words of course will not have the exact pitch value that was arrived at by averaging the Gedney box examples. But if the tone on a word is close to the average, and that word is known to have that particular tone category in other and lects, then it was given that tone category in our analysis. Each phone of each transcribed word was organized into tables—one table for each phone per word list. In this way, the particular environments that the phone occurred in could be viewed. Phones could be easily compared with each other, and frames could be easily organized when it was necessary to re-check the data. Each occurrence of each phone was studied, and each phone was analyzed as to its phonemic status. There are some generalities and characteristics to be noted regarding Bouyei phonology. One is palatalized and labialized consonants. Many Bouyei lects have oi, fi, jv, fv, and Mv. It is often quite difficult to distinguish a palatalized or labialized consonant from a simple consonant-vowel series (i.e., oi- versus oh-). Nonetheless, we have tried to determine in each of the lects whether or not these consonant clusters function as phonemic units or not. It should be noted, however, that the phonemic status of these sounds is often based on what amounts to a judgment call. For those interested, for each lect there are notes regarding factors relevant to this decision. Other phono- logical methods (word games, etc.) would need to be used to arrive at a definite analysis for each lect. A characteristic of some of the lects is aspiration, mainly occurring in the northwest lectal area. Some lects have random aspiration or aspiration on some Chinese loan words, but are not counted as having phonemic aspiration. Another problem area is point of articulation of the coronal fricatives. Sometimes two phones as far apart in point of articulation as S and b are allophones of a single phoneme. Other times phones very close to each other are both phonemic.

There is a very limited set of -final consonants in Bouyei. Typically found are o, s, j, f, l, m, M. However, some lects lack one or more of these. In general, each of these finals is phonemic. Sometimes it is very difficult to tell if the glottal stop is actually ever contrastive with each of the other final plosive stops.

1 William Gedney devised a method of arranging the words of the Tai language under consideration in a table according to Tai proto tones. This method facilitates an understanding of the tonal system of the language in question. See Gedney 1989.

1 2 1. Phonology and word list

All begin with a consonant. If no other consonant begins the syllable, then it begins with [f]. Exceptions to this are very rare and phonetically conditioned. Vowel length is phonemic only for the [a] vowel. Though in some lects there are occurrences of lengthened vowels other than [a], they are never phonemic. In section 2, for each point studied, we list the phoneme inventory (additional allophones are in brackets “[ ]”), minimal pairs, and any allophonic rules. Notes on the analysis of various phones are also given. The transcriptions of the world list are given last for each data point. 1.2. Word list

English - 英语 Chinese - 汉语 1 sunshine, sunlight 阳光 2 lightning 闪电 3 thunder 雷（名） 4 moon 月亮 5 star* 星星 6 sky 天·天空 7 cloud 云 8 wind 风 9 rain 雨 10 rainbow* 彩虹 11 mist, fog 雾 12 morning 早上 13 afternoon 下午 14 evening 晚上 15 day (24 hours) 天·日子 16 year (calendar)* 年 17 early* 早（来早） 18 late 晚（来晚） 19 breakfast 早餐 20 lunch 午饭 21 afternoon meal 下午的餐 22 dinner 晚饭 23 water* 水 24 well 井 25 earth (soil, dirt) 土 26 stone 石头

1. Phonology and word list 3

English - 英语 Chinese - 汉语 27 sand 沙 28 dust 尘土（路上） 29 gold 金子 30 silver 银子 31 iron 铁 32 river* 河 33 bank, shore 岸 34 lake 湖 35 sea 海 36 mountain* 山 37 road 路 38 small village* 村子 39 house 房子 40 roof 房顶 41 door 门 42 board 木板（板子） 43 table 桌子 44 stool 凳子 45 bowl 碗 46 chopsticks 筷子 47 broom 扫把 48 pig pen 猪圈 49 field (paddy)* 田（稻田） 50 field (dry) 地 51 paddy rice* 大米 52 cooked rice 米饭 53 glutinous rice (raw) 糯米 54 glutinous rice (cooked) 糯米饭 55 rice seedling 秧苗 56 grass 草（青嫩） 57 sugar cane* 甘蔗 58 tree* 树 59 (tree) root （树）根

4 1. Phonology and word list

English - 英语 Chinese - 汉语 60 bamboo 竹子（总称） 61 forest* 森林 62 leaf (small, tree)* 叶子 63 thorn 刺（名） 64 flower* 花 65 seed 籽, 种子 66 fruit* 水果 67 vegetable* 菜（蔬菜） 68 animal* 动物（总称） 69 pig 猪 70 sheep 羊 71 dog* 狗 72 horse* 马 73 water buffalo* 水牛 74 cow 黄牛 75 tail 尾巴 76 horn 角（牛） 77 tiger 老虎 78 bear 熊 79 monkey 猴子 80 bat 蝙蝠 81 rabbit* 兔子 82 mouse, rat 老鼠 83 bird* 鸟 84 bird nest 鸟窝 85 chicken* 鸡 86 cock’s crest 鸡冠 87 duck* 鸭子 88 goose 鹅 89 owl 猫头鹰 90 wing* 翅膀 91 feather 羽毛 92 claw 爪子

1. Phonology and word list 5

English - 英语 Chinese - 汉语 93 egg* 蛋 94 fish* 鱼 95 fin 鱼鳍 96 snake* 蛇 97 mosquito 蚊子 98 fly (insect) 苍蝇 99 ant* 蚂蚁 100 spider 蜘蛛 101 flea 跳蚤 102 bedbug 臭虫 103 earthworm 蚯蚓 104 louse 虱子 105 body (human) 身体 106 head* 头 107 hair (on head) 头发 108 face* 脸 109 eye* 眼睛 110 nose* 鼻子 111 ear* 耳朵 112 mouth* 嘴巴 113 tooth 牙齿 114 tongue 舌头 115 chin 下巴 116 beard 胡子 117 forehead 额头 118 neck 脖子 119 shoulder* 肩膀 120 hand* 手 121 leg* 腿 122 knee 膝盖 123 foot 脚 124 chest* 胸 125 back* 背

6 1. Phonology and word list

English - 英语 Chinese - 汉语 126 goiter 甲状腺肿（大脖子） 127 heart 心脏 128 lungs* 肺脏 129 brain 脑子 130 liver* 肝 131 abdomen, belly 肚子 132 navel 肚脐 133 intestines 肠子 134 blood* 血 135 feces (cow dung)* 屎（牛屎） 136 bone* 骨头 137 skin (human) 皮肤 138 flesh, meat 肉 139 oil (pig) 油（猪） 140 garlic 大蒜 141 ginger 姜 142 salt 盐 143 bite, to* 咬 144 eat, to* 吃 145 drink, to 喝 146 liquor 酒 147 drunk 醉（酒） 148 vomit, to* 呕吐 149 boil, to* 煮 150 sweet 甜 151 sour 酸 152 bitter 苦 153 salty 咸 154 hot, spicy 辣 155 hungry* 饿 156 cucumber 黄瓜 157 pumpkin 南瓜 158 towel gourd 丝瓜

1. Phonology and word list 7

English - 英语 Chinese - 汉语 159 bean 豆 160 taro 芋头 161 reed 芦苇 162 clothing 衣服 163 cloth* 布 164 cotton* 棉 165 pants 裤子 166 socks* 袜子 167 mat 席子 168 mosquito net 蚊帐 169 bamboo hat 斗笠 170 knife (for cooking)* 刀 171 CLASSIFIER for knife* 把（刀） 172 cooking pot 锅 173 pot lid 锅盖 174 three-legged stand 三脚架 175 straps for carrying sth. on one’s back 背带 176 fan 扇子 177 scales (steelyard type) 秤 178 awl 锥子 179 scissors 剪子 180 money 钱 181 umbrella 雨伞 182 lock 锁 183 key 钥匙 184 rod, stick 棍子 185 bamboo pole 竹竿 186 boat 船 187 axe 斧头 188 plough 犁 189 hoe 锄头 190 shoulder pole 扁担 191 hemp 麻

8 1. Phonology and word list

English - 英语 Chinese - 汉语 192 manure (fertilizer) 肥料 193 stone mortar 石臼 194 pestle 杵 195 sifter 筛子 196 dustpan 簸箕 197 weaving machine 织布机 198 paper 纸 199 ink 墨水 200 pen 笔 201 suona (musical instrument) 唢呐 202 net 网 203 hook 钩子 204 ghost 鬼 205 spirit, god 神 206 strength 力气 207 shadow 影子 208 dream 梦 209 story 故事 210 gift 礼物 211 error 错误 212 spare time 闲空 213 direction 方向 214 sew (by hand), to 缝 215 like, to 喜欢 216 love, to 爱 217 peel, to 剥（果皮） 218 hold (a child), to 抱（孩子） 219 carry on one’s back (a child), to 背（孩子） 220 add, to 加（饭） 221 split apart 裂开 222 weave a basket, to 编（篮子） 223 mend (clothes), to 补（衣服） 224 plant (shoots), to 插（秧）

1. Phonology and word list 9

English - 英语 Chinese - 汉语 225 taste, to 尝（菜） 226 wear (clothes), to 穿（衣服） 227 leak, to 漏（水） 228 nod one’s head, to 点（头） 229 hang (on a wall), to 挂（在墙上） 230 roll, to 滚（在地上） 231 cross (a river), to 过（河） 232 paddle (a boat), to 划（船） 233 continue, to 继续 234 borrow, to 借（钱） 235 chop (a tree), to 砍（树） 236 warm oneself (by a fire, etc.), to 烤（火） 237 cough, to 咳嗽 238 swell (a leg), to 肿（腿） 239 flow (water), to 流（水） 240 get up (from bed), to 起（床） 241 lead (a cow) with a rope, to 牵（牛） 242 dry in the sun, to 晒 243 sift/sieve (rice), to 筛（米） 244 go up, to 上（楼） 245 go down, to 下（楼） 246 stretch out (hand), to 伸（手） 247 comb (hair), to 梳（头发） 248 be in pain, to （头）疼 249 kick, to 踢 250 hold (a basket), to 提（篮子） 251 swallow, to 吞 252 take off (clothes), to 脱（衣） 253 ask, to 问 254 answer, to 回答 255 forget, to 忘记 256 rain, to 下（雨） 257 rest, to 休息

10 1. Phonology and word list

English - 英语 Chinese - 汉语 258 search, to 寻找 259 blink, to 眨（眼） 260 live/stay (somewhere), to 住 261 steam (rice), to 蒸（饭〕 262 live, to 活 263 die, to 死 264 sick 病 265 breathe, to 呼吸 266 hear, to 听 267 see, to 看 268 speak/talk, to* 说, 讲 269 laugh, to 笑 270 scold, to 骂 271 weep, to 哭 272 blow (with mouth), to 吹 273 yawn, to 打呵欠 274 sleep, to 睡觉 275 stand, to 站 276 sit, to 坐 277 walk, to 走 278 crawl (of a child) 爬（小孩） 279 climb (a tree) 爬（树） 280 come, to* 来 281 go, to* 去 282 enter, to 进入 283 return, to* 回来 284 fly, to* 飞 285 ride (a horse), to* 骑 286 swim, to 游泳 287 float (on water), to 浮 288 play, to 玩 289 sing, to 唱 290 drum (NOUN) 鼓

1. Phonology and word list 11

English - 英语 Chinese - 汉语 291 work, to 干活 292 carry (with pole), to 担 293 close (a door), to 关（门） 294 open (a door), to 开（门） 295 open (one's mouth), to* 开（嘴） 296 push, to 推 297 pull, to 拉 298 fall, to 掉 299 give, to 给 300 take, to 拿 301 select, to 选择 302 buy, to* 买 303 sell, to 卖 304 steal (secretly), to* 偷 305 want, to 想要 306 have, to 有 307 know, to 知道 308 fear, to 怕 309 wash (hands), to* 洗（手） 310 wash (clothes), to 洗（衣服） 311 tie/bind up, to* 捆 312 wipe (table), to 擦（桌） 313 cut (meat), to 切（肉） 314 rope/string* 绳子 315 cut (grass, weeds), to 割（草） 316 split (wood), to* 劈开（木头） 317 board (wood)* 木头 318 dig, to 挖 319 person 人 320 Bouyei people 布依族 321 Han people 汉族 322 man 男人 323 woman 女人

12 1. Phonology and word list

English - 英语 Chinese - 汉语 324 shaman 巫师 325 matchmaker 媒人 326 friend 朋友 327 ancestors 祖宗 328 father* 父亲 329 mother 母亲 330 child* 小孩 331 husband 丈夫 332 wife 妻子 333 elder sibling* 兄姐 334 younger sibling* 弟妹 335 only son 独子 336 grandson 孙子 337 paternal grandfather 公公 338 paternal grandmother 婆婆 339 maternal grandfather 外公 340 maternal grandmother 外婆 341 guest* 客人 342 family name 姓 343 first (given) name 名字 344 I 我 345 you (sg.) 你 346 he 他 347 we (incl.) 咱们 348 we (excl.)* 我们 349 you (pl.) 你们 350 they 他们 351 other people 别人 352 firewood 柴 353 fire 火 354 flame 火焰 355 burn (intransitive) 烧 356 burn (transitive) 烧（做饭）

1. Phonology and word list 13

English - 英语 Chinese - 汉语 357 ashes 灰尘 358 smoke 烟 359 bow 弓 360 arrow* 箭 361 hunt, to 打猎 362 kill, to* 杀 363 fight (with fists), to 打架 364 one (ORDINAL) 一 365 two (ORDINAL) 二 366 one (CARDINAL) 一（一个人） 367 two (CARDINAL) 两（两个人） 368 three* 三 369 four 四 370 five* 五 371 six 六 372 seven* 七 373 eight 八 374 nine 九 375 ten 十 376 twenty 二十 377 hundred* 百 378 thousand 千 379 all (“They all came”) 都（都来了） 380 some 一些 381 many 多 382 few 少 383 every, each 每 384 big 大 385 small 小 386 long 长 387 short (length) 短 388 tall 高 389 short (height) 矮

14 1. Phonology and word list

English - 英语 Chinese - 汉语 390 round 圆 391 flat 扁 392 thick (paper)* 厚 393 thin/flimsy (paper) 薄 394 wide* 宽 395 narrow 窄 396 hard/stiff* 硬 397 soft 软 398 straight 直 399 crooked 弯曲 400 fast 快 401 slow 慢 402 heavy 重 403 light (weight) 轻 404 fat (person) 胖 405 thin (person) 瘦 406 black 黑 407 red* 红 408 white 白 409 yellow 黄 410 green 绿 411 blue 蓝 412 dry (clothes) 干的 413 wet (clothes) 湿 414 empty (bottle) 空的 415 full (bottle) 满 416 clean (clothes) 干净 417 dirty (clothes)* 脏（衣服） 418 new (thing)* 新 419 young 年轻 420 smart 聪明 421 stupid 傻 422 old (thing) 旧

1. Phonology and word list 15

English - 英语 Chinese - 汉语 423 old (person) 老 424 deaf 聋的 425 hot (weather) 热 426 cold (weather)* 冷 427 good* 好 428 bad 坏 429 broken/torn* 破 430 deep 深 431 shallow 浅 432 slanted 斜 433 bright 亮 434 dark 暗 435 clear 清 436 muddy, cloudy 浑 437 strong 壮 438 weak 弱 439 tasteless 淡 440 tired 累 441 tight (of a rope, etc.) （捆）紧 442 loose 松 443 smooth, slippery 滑 444 expensive 贵 445 inexpensive 便宜 446 tender 嫩 447 difficult 难 448 easy 容易 449 smelly 臭 450 fragrant 香 451 busy 忙 452 poor 穷 453 wealthy 富 454 lively 热闹 455 quiet, peaceful 安静

16 1. Phonology and word list

English - 英语 Chinese - 汉语 456 pretty (of a girl) 漂亮（女） 457 crafty 狡猾 458 brave 勇敢 459 lazy 懒 460 diligent 努力 461 far 远 462 near 近 463 in (side) 里（面） 464 out (side)* 外（面） 465 right (side) 右（边） 466 left (side) 左（边） 467 above 上面 468 below 下面 469 here 这里 470 there 那里 471 this* 这个 472 that 那个 473 where? 哪里 474 who?* 谁 475 what? 什么 476 how? 怎么 477 when? 什么时候 478 why? 为什么 479 at (LOC) 在 480 (he) just (arrived), a short while ago （他）刚（来） 481 (go) immediately 马上（走） 482 (go) quickly 赶快（去） 483 conjuction connecting two clauses, the first being the （一看）就（知道） premise of the second 484 (you go) first （你）先（去） 485 often （他）常常（来） 486 the most 最(快）

1. Phonology and word list 17

English - 英语 Chinese - 汉语 487 even more (meaning in English is often realized in the -er 更（快） morpheme added to verbs, e.g., quick-er) 488 together (do sth.) 一起（作） 489 only 只（买五斤） 490 word indicating repetition 又（来了一个人） 491 again, do sth. another time 再（说一遍） 492 also （我）也（去） 493 or （三个）或者（四个） 494 it seems that 好象（要下雨） 495 from 从（这里开始） 496 and （他）和（我） 497 because 因为 498 if 如果 499 reach, get to 到（家了） 500 be, is 是 501 not/no 不 502 no matter, doesn’t matter 没关系 503 already 已经

2. Phonology of data points

2.1. Anlong Pingle 2.1.1. Phone and phoneme inventory Initial consonants BiLab LaDe InDe Alv PoAl AlPal Pal Vel Glo Plos vl o, oi s j, jv f, [fi] PreGlo fa fc Aff vl sb Fric vl e S b [g] vd u p, [pv] [Y] F G Nas vd l m ¯ M, Mv Lat vd k Tap vl [q] App vd v i Final consonants

o, s, j, l, m, M Vowels Front Central Back unrd unrd rd Close h X t Near-close [H] [T] Close-mid [d] n, [n:] Mid =, [=:] Open-mid D B Near-open @ Open `, `: Tones Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7, 9 8, 10 Pitch value 33 41 45 52 24 13 45 22

18 2. Phonology of data points 19

2.1.2. Notes • [v] only occurs in six items and it is tempting to lump it in with [w]. However, as these two sounds are often on a continuum of fricativeness and are one phoneme in many other lects, here they are distinct. [w] only occurs a total of 18 times, and [v] and [w] are distinct phonemes. [v] is also contrastive with [f]. See minimal pairs. • [S], [p], and [b] are all clearly contrastive, and each phone occurs on a number of items. See minimal pairs. [Y] is somewhat of a problem. It only occurs on three lexical items, but it seems like it would be the voiced counterpart of [b]. However, as can be seen by the occurrence of the word ‘bird’ in three different items, [Y], [q], and [p] are the initials for the three occurrences: 83 ‘bird’ [st1 qBj6], 89 ‘owl’ [YBj6 sb@t0 lDt4], and 84 ‘bird nest’ [pnM1 pBj6]. [Y], [q], and [p] are all allophones for this word. [q] also only occurs on three items, and for some items [q] was used during rapid speech, while [p] was the initial during slower speech. Since [Y] occurs only three times, and on one occurrence is clearly an allophone of [p], we consider it an allophonic variation of the phoneme /p/, as is [q]. • [h] occurs on only two morphemes: 113 ‘tooth’ [gDt2] and 51–54‘grain’ [g`t3]. Many of the words which in other lects are a voiceless glottal fricative have [G] or [F] instead. [F] occurs on 10 items, and it and [G] seem to be on a continuum of fricativeness, being one underlying phoneme. [h] and [F] are viewed as allophonic variations of [G]. • [f] occurs on a number of items and [fi] occurs on six items. [f] only occurs before [i] once (212 ‘spare time’ [fht4 k`M4]), but that is on a morpheme that is realized as [fi] on two other items: 260 ‘live/stay’ and 479 ‘at’. Both are [fit4]. The degree of palatalization is not very strong. This shows that [fi] can be viewed as [fh] underlyingly. See rule below. • [pj] occurs on 11 morphemes. The degree of palatalization is quite distinct, and most of the items with the [pj] initial have a *pj- proto-form. There are no occurrences of [pi] + V. [pj] could be viewed as [pi] underlyingly. However, since the degree of palatalization is clear, [pj] will be viewed as phonemic. • [kw] occurs on 10 morphemes. The [ku] + V combination occurs only once. The degree of is quite strong on [kw] and, for the same reason [pj] is considered phonemic, [kw] is also viewed as phonemic. • [pv] occurs on only one morpheme and [pt] + V combinations occur a few times. The degree of labialization is weak, and generally has a vowel quality rather than a semivowel quality. Therefore, [pv] is not considered phonemic. • [Mv] occurs on two morphemes: one of them with a *Mv proto-form. The degree of labiali- zation is fairly strong and no [Mt] + V combination occurs. Here, [Mv] is phonemic.

20 2.1.3. Minimal pairs

[H] occurs eight times, all in the environment /C__C (with one exception): 150 ‘sweet’ [¯HDl4]. [i] also occurs in this environment several times. The sounds [i] and [H] actually lie on a continuum between tense and lax and constitute the same phoneme. See rule below. • [B] occurs on only four morphemes, each time followed by [-k], except for one occurrence. However, [o] also is followed by [-k]. Because of the low frequency of occurrence, [B] could be viewed as an allophonic variation of [o], but there are contrastive sets. Here, [B] is phonemic. • [T] only occurs on three morphemes. Its relation to [u] is the same as [H] and [i]. See rule below. • [X] occurs several times, mostly in syllable-final position or in a [X=] combination. However, [=] also occurs in syllable-final position. [X] is seen as contrastive with [=]. See minimal pairs. 2.1.3. Minimal pairs [sb] and [t] 169 ‘bamboo hat’ [sb@o6], 130 ‘liver’ [s@o6] 462 ‘near’ [sb@h2], 271 ‘to weep’ [s@h2] [v] and [w] 196 ‘dustpan’ [fcnM1 uh4], 497 ‘because’ [vh4 fcDh3] 229 ‘to hang’ [uDm0], 319 ‘person’ [vDm1] [v] and [f] 9 ‘rain’ [u=m0], 352 ‘firewood’ [e=m1] 196 ‘dustpan’ [fcnm1 uh4], 353 ‘fire’ [eh1] [S], [p], and [b] 185 ‘bamboo pole’ [mn1 S`t1],443 ‘smooth’ [p`t1], 17 ‘early’ [b`t1] 435 ‘clear’ [S@h0], 133 ‘intestines’ [p@h2], 188 ‘plough’ [b@h0] [¯] and [n] 365 ‘two (ordinal)’ [¯h5], 330 ‘child’ [k=j7 mh5] 290 ‘drum (bronze)’ [¯Dm1], 98 ‘fly (insect)’ [mDM1 S`4] [M] and [n] 207 ‘shadow’ [M`t1], 268 ‘speak, talk’ [m`t1] 228 ‘to nod one’s head’ [Mnj7], measure word in 184 ‘rod, stick’ [mnj7 s=M3] [a:] and [`] 232 ‘to paddle’ [j`:t0], 76 ‘horn’ [j`t0] 408 ‘white’ [G`:t0], 449 ‘smelly’ [G`t0 fi`4] [a:] and [@] 233 ‘to continue’ [snM1 s`:l0], 480 ‘just (arrived)’ [s@l0] 381 ‘many’ [k`:h0], 239 ‘to flow (water)’ [k@h0] [a] and [@] 334 ‘younger’ [lt=M3 j`t4], 422 ‘old (thing)’ [j@t4] 263 ‘to die’ [s`h0], 495 ‘from’ [s@h4] [o] and [B] 10 ‘rainbow’ [M=1 knj7 v`4], 410 ‘green’ [kBj7] 399 ‘crooked’ [jnM1 jn1], 359 ‘bow’ [jBM0] [X] and [=] 483 a conjunction [kX2], 267 ‘to see’ [k=2] 238 ‘to swell’ [jX4], 325 ‘matchmaker’ [ot3 S=4]

2. Phonology of data points 21

2.1.4. Allophonic rules /h/ → [j]/f__ → [H]/C__C# (with exceptions) → [i]/elsewhere

/t/ → [T]/C__C (with some exceptions) → [u]/elsewhere 2.1.5. Transcription of Anlong Pingle word list 安龙平乐90年代与50年代语音糸统比较

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

1 阳光 fc=m22fc`s24 fc`m22fc`s24

2 闪电 k@o24oi`24 k`l24oi`24

3 雷（名） oi`24 oi`24 oi`24

4 月亮 fc`t22fcXDm22 fc`t24fchDm24

5 星星 fc`t24fch13 fc`t24fch22

6 天, 天空 fa=m22 fa=m22 faLm22

7 云 vX=24 uL24 uL24

8 风 pnl20 ptl20 ytl20

9 雨 u=m23 u=m13 uLm22

10 彩虹 M=20knj20v`12 ML20Ynj13v`24 ynj00u`22

11 雾 k@o24ln13 k`o24ln13 ln13

12 早上 p`M13G`9s24 i`M22F`s24 gCs24

13 下午 ph`M13Mv`m20 bX20phM20

14 晚上 p`M13F`l02 i`M22F`l12 gLm20, gCl00

15 天, 日子 Mv`m20 v@m20 uCm20

16 年 lh@t30, oh22 oh22 oh22

17 早（来早） b`t31 jv`h20 bCt42, ynl00

18 晚（来晚） jv`9h20 jv`h20 kt9s24

19 早餐 M`9h20pt`l13 F`t31Yt`l12

20 午饭 g`t31M`9h20 F`t31M`9h20 M`h20

21 下午的餐 g`t31phM20 F`t31yhM20 yhM20

22 2.1.5. Transcription of Anlong Pingle word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

22 晚饭 g@t31b`t20 F`t31b@t20 bCt20

23 水 p`l31 y`M31 yCl42

24 井 fc=m22fan13 fc=22fan13 fan13

25 土 m`9l13 m`9l13 m`l00

26 石头 phm22 fc`j24phm22 yhm22

27 沙 b`22 b`22 yd13

28 尘土（路上） lt23l`m14 ft24l@m13, lX=m22 sCt00

29 金子 sbHl23 sbhl22 sb=l22

30 银子 M`m20 M@m20 MCm20

31 铁 e`20 e`20 e`20

32 河 s`13 s`13 s`00

33 岸 o`M31, F`m20 o`M31 gCm20

34 湖 s`l20 s`l20

35 海 F`9h24 fc=22F`9h24 g`h24

36 山 on22 on22 on22

37 路 p`m22 j`y`9m22 yCm22

38 村子 fa`m31 fa`9m31 fa`m42

39 房子 p`m20 y`m20 y`m20

40 房顶 mDM20p`m20 mDM20y`m20

41 门 st22 v`13st22 st22

42 木板（板子） s`o13 jDo24s`o13 odm13

43 桌子 fc=m bn9M20 bnM20 bBM20

44 凳子 s`M13 fc=22s`M13 sCM13

45 碗 sh31 sh31 sh42

46 筷子 sX13 sL13 sL00

47 扫把 ih31o`s24 ihm31o@s24 oCs24

48 猪圈 jtnM13lt22 jnM13lt22

49 田（稻田） m`20 m`20 m`20

50 地 ph13 yh13 yh00

2. Phonology of data points 23

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

51 大米 g`t31p`9m22 F`t24r`m22 g`t22

52 米饭 g`t31F`t13 F`t24F`9t22 gCt42

53 糯米 g`t31b=s02 F`t24bds13

54 糯米饭 g`t31fD13 F`t31fD13

55 秧苗 sb`24 sb`24 sb`24

56 草（青嫩） ¯X24 ¯L24, ¯`22ft=m13 ¯L24, ¯`22

57 甘蔗 fnh31 fnh31 fnh42

58 树 e@h31 e`h31 eCh42

59 （树）根 k`13e@h31 y`f13e`h31 y`00

60 竹子（总称） e@h31kt@h22 e`h31kt`h22 yBs00（金竹）

61 森林 fcnM23 fc=22fcnM22 fcnM22

62 叶子 fa@h22e@h31 fa@h22 faCh22

63 刺（名） ft@m13 ft=m22 fnm22

64 花 fcn13v`22 fcn13u`22 u`22

65 籽, 种子 v@m22 v@m22 uCm22

66 水果 k=j20l`02 k=j13l`13 l`13

67 菜（蔬菜） oi@j24 oi`j24 oiCj24

68 动物（总称） st20s`M20i`9M13 st20s`M20iDM13

69 猪 s=j20lt22 lt22 lt22

70 羊 it`M20 it@M20 it9M20

71 狗 l`12 l`22 l`22

72 马 l`31 l`31 l`42

73 水牛 v`9h20 s=20u`9h20 u`9h20

74 黄牛 bX20 bX20 bL24

75 尾巴 pX=M22 yh=M22 yh9M22

76 角（牛） j`t22 j`t22 jCt22

77 老虎 jTj24 jTj24 jtj24

78 熊 lt=h22 lt=h22 lLh22

79 猴子 khM20 s=20khM20 khM20

24 2.1.5. Transcription of Anlong Pingle word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

80 蝙蝠 s=31u`9t20 s=20u`9t20 u`t20

81 兔子 s`22kn13 s`22kn13

82 老鼠 st20qt@m20 s=20Yt@m20 mt22

83 鸟 st20qBj13 ynj13 ynj00

84 鸟窝 pnM20pBj13 ytM20Ynj13

85 鸡 j`h13 j@h24 jCh13

86 鸡冠 pt24j`h13 Yt24j@h13

87 鸭子 ohs24 s=20ohs24 ohs24

88 鹅 F`9m13 F`9m13 g`m13

89 猫头鹰 YBj13sb@t22lDt13 Ynj13sb@t24lDt13

90 翅膀 et=9s13 eX=s13 eL9s00

91 羽毛 o=m22ft@m13 o=m22fnm13 oLm22

92 爪子 pho02 yho13shm22

93 蛋 sb`h24 sb@h13 sbCh13

94 鱼 oi`22 oi`22 oi`22

95 鱼鳍 stj13fc`M22oi`22 fcnf22o@h13k`M22st20oi`22

96 蛇 MX20 mL20 ML20

97 蚊子 mDM20j`22p@h20 mD9M20 mdM20

98 苍蝇 mDM20S`13 mD9M20r`13

99 蚂蚁 l`s02 s=20l@s13 lCs00

100 蜘蛛 jnM13jv`t22 st20jnM13jv`9t22 ju`t22

101 跳蚤 l@s24 s=20l@s24 lCs24

102 臭虫 phDs20 yhDs13 yL9s00

103 蚯蚓 fcX=m22 fcX=m22 fcL9m22

104 虱子 m`m20 m@m20 mCm20

105 身体 fc`9M22 fc=22fc`M22 fc`M22

106 头 l@t20sb`t24 sb`t20 sbCt24

107 头发 o=m23sb`t24 l`9t20 oiCl22

108 脸 m`24 fa@h22m`24 m`24

2. Phonology of data points 25

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

109 眼睛 k=j s`22 k=j13s`22 s`22

110 鼻子 fa@t fc`M22 l`t20fc@M22 fcCM22

111 耳朵 o`h pX=20 fa`L22yX20 yL20

112 嘴巴 bnM o`13 bnM13o`24 o`13

113 牙齿 gDt24 fD9t24 gdt24

114 舌头 khm31 khm31 khm42

115 下巴 k`22F`9M20 k`24F`M20 g`M20

116 胡子 ltnl13 lTl13 ltl00

117 额头 k`23oi`13 k`24oi`13 oi`13

118 脖子 k`22Gn20 r`24Fn20

119 肩膀 j`t fa`13 jnM22fa`13 fa`13

120 手 enM20 e=M20 eLM20

121 腿 j`22 j`22 j`22

122 膝盖 l`t20Gn13 l`t20Fn13 gn13

123 脚 shm22 shm22 shm22

124 胸 o` f`j24 o`13f`j24 fCj24

125 背 o`h k`M22 o@h13k@M22 kCM22

126 甲状腺肿 Gn20f`h23 Fn20f`923

127 心脏 S`l22 bX22 st9l13

128 肺脏 o=s24s`o24 o=s24 oLs24

129 脑子 ftj24 fTj24 ftj24

130 肝 s@o24 s@o24 sCo24

131 肚子 stM31 sTM31 stM42

132 肚脐 fc=on24 bnM13on24

133 肠子 p@h24 r@h24 rCh24

134 血 khDs02 khDs13 kh9s00

135 屎（牛屎） fD31 fD31 fd42

136 骨头 fcn13 jnM24fcn13 fcn13

137 皮肤 m`M22 m@M22 mCM22

26 2.1.5. Transcription of Anlong Pingle word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

138 肉 mn13 mn13 mn00

139 油（猪） it20, k`9t20 it20 k`t20

140 大蒜 k=j31Snh13 k=13btDh24 rnh13

141 姜 ihM22 GihM22 ghM22

142 盐 jvX22 jT=22 juL22

143 咬 j@s24 j=s24 gCo00

144 吃 j=m22 j=m22 jLm22

145 喝 fc=s24 fc=s24 fcCs24

146 酒 k@t24 k@t24 kCt24

147 醉（酒） k@t24eh20 k@t24fhl13

148 呕吐 Y=13 yX13, fnj13 yuL00

149 煮 pnM13 ytM22 ytM22

150 甜 ¯HDl13 mhDl13 u`m22

151 酸 S`l24 r@l24 rCl24

152 苦 G`l20 F`l20 gCl20

153 咸 G`m13 F`m13 fcCM13

154 辣 b`s13 b`s13 l`m00b`s00

155 饿 snM31fi=13'si=13( snM31fh=13 fhL13

156 黄瓜 k=j31sbh@M22 k=j13sbh@M22 sbh9M22

157 南瓜 k=j31e`j11 k=j13e`j13

158 丝瓜 k=j31jvD22 mh`M13jtD22 jud22

159 豆 st=13 k=j13sTL13 kLj00sL00

160 芋头 k=j oX24 k=j13oX24 oL13

161 芦苇 fDl22p`l31 fDl22p@l31

162 衣服 oX13 oX13 oL=00

163 布 o`M20 o`M30 oCM20

164 棉 v`9h13 u`h13 u`h13

165 裤子 v`13 u`13 u`13

166 袜子 l`s13 l`9s13 l`s00

2. Phonology of data points 27

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

167 席子 fahm31 ohm20fahm31 fahm42

168 蚊帐 pDo24 yDo24 yh9o24

169 斗笠 sb@o24 fc=22sb`o24 sbCo24

170 刀 e`20s`9t22 e`s`t22 lhs00

171 把（刀） e`20 e`13 e`00

172 锅 b`9t13 b`9t13

173 锅盖 v`22b`9t13 u`22b`t13 u`22

174 三脚架 sbh`M20 sbh@M20 sbh9M20

175 背带 fc`22 fc`22 fc`22

176 扇子 oDm24oh20 oDm13oh20 oh20

177 秤 b`9M13 b`M13 bCM00

178 锥子 Mvh31 e`13Mth31

179 剪子 sbDt20 sbh`t20 s`t22

180 钱 bhDm20 bDm20 bdm20

181 雨伞 khDM13 kh@M24 kh9M24

182 锁 kTM24 ktM24 ktM24

183 钥匙 bh20kTM24 bh20ktM24

184 棍子 mnj20s=M31 sb`M13s=M31, mnj13s=M31

185 竹竿 mn20S`t31 mnj13r`t31 r`t42

186 船 pv=20 yTX=20 yuL20

187 斧头 e`20u`m22 e`20u`m22 u`m22

188 犁 b@h22 ihm20b@h22 bCh22

189 锄头 e`20fi`13 e`20fi`24 fi`13

190 扁担 shDt20G`m20 sb@t20v`m20 g`m20

191 麻 fc`h31 fc`h31 fc`h42

192 肥料 o=m13 o=m13 oLm00

193 石臼 ptl23stDh13 pT=l22st@h13 ytl22

194 杵 jDm22bh20 jDm22bh20

195 筛子 p`M22 fc=22y`M22 yCM22

28 2.1.5. Transcription of Anlong Pingle word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

196 簸箕 fcnM31uh13 fcnM31uh13 fcnM42

197 织布机 bnM20YB13 bnM20yn13 bnM20

198 纸 S`22 r`22 r`22

199 墨水 p`l31l`j02 l@j12 lCj00

200 笔 oiDm22l`j02 ohDm22l`j12

201 唢呐 fan13kD20 fan13kD20

202 网 v=M31pDh20 lt=M31y@h20

203 钩子 j`M22M`t13 j`t22M@t22

204 鬼 e`9M20 e`M20 e`M20

205 神 s=22bX31 s=20bX31

206 力气 pDM20 yDM20 ydM20

207 影子 M`t20 m@t20 MCt20

208 梦 oX31G=m20 ot31G=m20

209 故事 oi`9M20 s`j24oi`M20

210 礼物 k@h31 j`h24j`h24 kCh42

211 错误 kh22 kh22

212 闲空 fht24k`M13 bX20kh`M13, fiX13kh`M13 u`M13

213 方向 et=M30k`h20 o`9h13k@h20

214 缝 ¯Ho13 ¯Ho13 ¯ho00

215 喜欢 f`9M13 f`M13 f`M13

216 爱 sb`h20 l`h24 sb`h20

217 剥（果皮） fah24 fah13 sLm24, fah13

218 抱（孩子） ft=l31 fTl31 ftl42

219 背（孩子） f=22 f=22 fL22

220 加（饭） shl20 s`j24

221 裂开 sD24F`h22 sD13 fato24

222 编（篮子） S`m22 r`m24 r`m22

223 补（衣服） uX@M22 uX=M22, ot24 uL9M22

224 插（秧） fc@l23 fc`l22 fcCl22

2. Phonology of data points 29

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

225 尝（菜） bhl20 bhl20 bhl20

226 穿（衣服） s@m24 s@m34 sCm24

227 漏（水） pn13 yn13 yn00

228 点（头） Mnj11 M@o13

229 挂（在墙上） uDm22 uDm22 udm22

230 滚（在地上） o`m13 s`j22jt=m24 yhM42

231 过（河） jv`13 jv`13 ju`13

232 划（船） j`9t22 j`t22

233 继续 snM30s`9l22 bh20bDm13oh22k`24

234 借（钱） bh13 bh13 bh13

235 砍（树） p@l24 y@l24 eCm20, yCl24

236 烤（火） S`t22 r`t24, sbh@M22 ydM22, rCt22

237 咳嗽 f@h22 f`h22 fCh22

238 肿（腿） jX13 jL13 enj00

239 流（水） k@h22 k@h22 kCh22

240 起（床） p=m13 y=m13 yLm13

241 牵（牛） bhM22 bhM22 bhM22

242 晒 s`13 s`13 s`13

243 筛（米） p`M22 y`M22

244 上（楼） G=m24 F=m24 gLm24

245 下（楼） pnM20 ynM20 ynM20

246 伸（手） ih31, ihs24 ih31 fh9s24

247 梳（头发） pth22 yt@h22 ynh22

248 （头）疼 f=m13, sbDs24 sbDs24 fhm22, sbds24

249 踢 shs24 sn24 shs24

250 提（篮子） ph`t24 yDt24 ydt24

251 吞 fc=m31 fc=m31 fcLm42

252 脱（衣） st=s24 st@s24 st9s24

253 问 G`l13 F`l13 gCl13

30 2.1.5. Transcription of Anlong Pingle word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

254 回答 G`m22 F`m22 g`m22

255 忘记 k=l20 kTl20 ktl20

256 下（雨） s`t24 s`t24 sCt24

257 休息 ihs24m`9h13 iHs24m`h13

258 寻找 p`22 s`t13 y`22

259 眨（眼） fi@o24 k`o24 fiCo24

260 住 fit13 fit13

261 蒸（饭〕 m@M24 m`M24 mCM24

262 活 sb`t22 sb@t22 sbCt22

263 死 s`h22 s`9h24 s`h22

264 病 oHM02 odM13 ohM00

265 呼吸 sb@t13bX22 sb@t13bX22

266 听 ¯h22 ¯h22 ¯h22

267 看 k=24 kX34, bHl22 bhl22, kL24

268 说, 讲 m`t20, j`9M24 m@t20, j`9M24 mCt20, j`M24

269 笑 phDt22 yDt22 ydt22

270 骂 fc`13 fc`13 fc`13, sCm22

271 哭 s@h24 s@h24 sCh24

272 吹 on13 on13

273 打呵欠 G`22qt=l20 G`22ptl20

274 睡觉 pn24mhm20 m`t24mhm20 mhm20

275 站 fc=m22 ¯`M22 fctm22

276 坐 m`M13 m`M13 yCM00

277 走 oi`9h24 oi`9h24 oi`h24

278 爬（小孩） pt@m20 o`m13, yt=m20 yt9m20

279 爬（树） ohm22 oHm22 ohm22

280 来 l`22 l`22

281 去 o@h22 o@h22 oCh22

282 进入 o@h22fc@h22, o@h22fc@h22 gCt24 G@t13fc@h22

2. Phonology of data points 31

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

283 回来 s`t13l`22 s`9t13l`22 s`t13

284 飞 fahm22 faHm22 fahm22

285 骑 jXDh13 jDh13 jLh00

286 游泳 khDt13p`l31, s=j22G`o24 s=j24f`o24

287 浮 khDt13 et20 et20

288 玩 jt13b`l20 bdm20k`9t13 bCl20

289 唱 jt13v=m22 r`M13, jt13v=m22

290 鼓 ¯Dm20, kt@h13 mhDm20, kt@h13 sbnM22, ¯h9m20

291 干活 jt13vnM22 jt20GnM22 gnM22

292 担 p`9o24 y`o24 y`o24

293 关（门） f=o24 f`o24 fCo24

294 开（门） G`h22 G`9h22 g`h22

295 开（嘴） G`h22 f`31, F`9h22 f`42

296 推 fDM22 fDM22 fcdM22

297 拉 bt`9t13 bv`9t13

298 掉 snj24 snj24 snj24

299 给 G@h24 f@h24 gCh24

300 拿 f`t22 yDt24 sL20

301 选择 kD13 sDm24 kd00

302 买 bX=31 bX=31 bL42

303 卖 j`9h22 j`9h22 j`h22

304 偷 p`j13 y@j10 yCj00

305 想要 sb@h20f`t22 sb@h20f@t22

306 有 o@m20 o@m20 kh42

307 知道 pn31sD13 yn31 yn42

308 怕 k`9t22 k`9t24 k`t22

309 洗（手） Sh13, SDh13 rhX13 rh00, y`13

310 洗（衣服） S@j13 r`j12 rCj00

311 捆 F=s13 G=s12

32 2.1.5. Transcription of Anlong Pingle word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

312 擦（桌） l`s13 b`s24 ft9s24

313 切（肉） b`o13 b`o12 ynm13

314 绳子 b`13 b`13 b`00

315 割（草） jv=m22 jt@m20 jnm20

316 劈开（木头） o`24 o`13

317 木头 e@h31 e`h31

318 挖 o`13 o`13

319 人 st20vDm20 st20v=m20 uLm20

320 布依族 ot31fiD31 ot31fiDf31 oinh42

321 汉族 ot31G`13 ot31G`13

322 男人 ot31S`h22 ot31r`9h22 r`h22

323 女人 l@h31fa=j24 l@h31fa=j24 faLj24

324 巫师 ot31ln22 ot31i`20, ot31ln22 ln22

325 媒人 ot31S=13 ot31jt13rX=M13, ot31rX24 rL13

326 朋友 Gn22F=m20, Gn22jh13 Gn24u=m20

327 祖宗 o@t24i`13 o@t24i`13

328 父亲 on13 on13, sh22 on00

329 母亲 lD13 lD13 ld00

330 小孩 k=j31mh24 k=j12MD20

331 丈夫 o@t24 jt`m22

332 妻子 i`13 i`13 i`00

333 兄姐 oh31 oh31, sbh31 oh42

334 弟妹 lt=M31j`t13 mt@M31 mt9M42

335 独子 k=j20sn13 k=j12sn13

336 孙子 k`9m22 k`9m22 k`m22

337 公公 o`t24 ihD20 oCt13

338 婆婆 i`13 m@h22

339 外公 s`22 s`22

340 外婆 s`9h13 s`9h13

2. Phonology of data points 33

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

341 客人 ot31GD13 ot31GiD24 gd24

342 姓 sbnM24 sbBM13

343 名字 bn13 bn13 bn00

344 我 jt22 jt22 jt22

345 你 l=M20 l=M20 lLM20

346 他 sD22 sD22 sd22

347 咱们 sbnM24p`t20 jDh13y@t20 yCt20

348 我们 Gn24p`t20 jDh13y@t20 st22

349 你们 Gn24p=22, sbnM24p=22 j@h13yX22 rt22

350 他们 Gn24sD22 Fn24sD22

351 别人 ot31f=m13 ot31f=m13 eL42, fLm13

352 柴 e=m20 e=m20 eLm20

353 火 eh20 eh20 eh20

354 火焰 k@h20eh20, pt24eh20 k@h20eh20

355 烧 oi`t22 oiCt22

356 烧（做饭） fc`M31 fc`M31 fcCM42

357 灰尘 s`t13 s@t13

358 烟 v@m20 k`h20u@m20, u@m20fcnM22 uCm20

359 弓 fcnM jBM22 fcnM22jn9M22 jnM13

360 箭 m`l24m`13 m`l24m`13 m`13

361 打猎 s=j24on22, mDo20on22 s=j24on22, k`h13on22

362 杀 j`24 j`24 j`24

363 打架 snM30s=j24 stM31sh20, stM31s=j24, stM31r@j11

364 一 fhs24 fhs24

365 二 ¯h13 Mh13 ¯h00

366 一（一个人） fcDt22 fcD9t22 fcdt22

367 两（两个人） SnM22 rnM22 rnM22

368 三 S`9l22 r`9l22 r`l22

369 四 Sh13 rhX13 rh13

34 2.1.5. Transcription of Anlong Pingle word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

370 五 G`24 G`24 g`24

371 六 pnj24 ynj24 ynj24

372 七 b@s24 bD9s24 bCs24

373 八 oDs24 oDs24 ods24

374 九 jt24 jt24 jt24

375 十 bho12 bHo11 bho00

376 二十 ¯h13bho22 Mh13bHo11

377 百 o`13 o`24 o`j24

378 千 pDM22 yDM22

379 都 st24 st24

380 一些 fa`M31 fhs24fcD9t22

381 多 k`9h22 k`9h22 k`h22

382 少 pDt24, mtDh13 mt@h13 rdt24

383 每 iDM13k@h20

384 大 k`9t31 k`9t31 k`t13

385 小 mD13 mD13

386 长 p`h20 y@h20 yCh20

387 短 ¯=l13, sb=l13 sbnl24 shm24

388 高 S`9M22 r`9M22 r`M22

389 矮 s`l13 s@l13 sCl13

390 圆 vn@l20 vt@l20 oCt42

391 扁 o=9l24 oDl24 fado24

392 厚 m`22 m`22 m`22

393 薄 fa`M22 fa`M22 fa`M22

394 宽 jv`M13 jt`M13 ju`M13

395 窄 b@m20, m`j11 bDm20 bCm20

396 硬 fcnM31 fcnM31 fcnM42

397 软 ft@m13 ftBm13 ftm13

398 直 Sn13 rn13 rn00

2. Phonology of data points 35

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

399 弯曲 jnM31jn20 jtM31jn20 jn20

400 快 khj24, G@m22 G@m22, khj24

401 慢 m@h31 m`9h13, m@h31

402 重 m@j24 m@j24 mCj24

403 轻 fa@t22 fa@t22 faCt22

404 胖 ft@m13 ft@m13 oh20

405 瘦 pn20 yn20 oi`l22

406 黑 et=m31 eX=m31 eL9m42

407 红 fchM22 fchM22 fchM22

408 白 G`9t22 G`9t22 g`t22

409 黄 GDm24 GDm24 gdm24

410 绿 kBj12 GDt22 knj00

411 蓝 ohj24 knj12

412 干的 GX13 GX13 gL13

413 湿 fcHj24 fcHj24 stl00

414 空的 oit24 oit13, f`t22lh20

415 满 pHl22 pHl22 yhl22

416 干净 SDh22 r@h23 rCh22

417 脏（衣服） fc`M31 fc`M31

418 新 ln13 ln24 ln13

419 年轻 ot31pDM20 ot31yDM20 bn20

420 聪明 khj24kDt13 khj24kDt13, bX22jt`M13 ju`h22

421 傻 M@l31 M@l31

422 旧 j@t13 j@t13 jCt13

423 老 jD13 jD13 jd13

424 聋的 mtj24 mtj24 mtj24

425 热 f`M22, fc`s24 fc`s24 fc`s24, yCt24

426 冷 bh@M31 bh`M31 mhs24, bdM42

427 好 fch22 fch22 fch22

36 2.1.5. Transcription of Anlong Pingle word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

428 坏 oiD13 u`9h13 u`h00

429 破 oD13, SHj24 oD24

430 深 k`o12 k@j11 kCj00

431 浅 faDs24 faDs24 fanj24

432 斜 faHs24 fa`s24 fahs24

433 亮 pnM13 ynM13 ynM00

434 暗 v@l31 k@o24

435 清 S@h22 r@h24

436 浑 mnM20 mBM20 mnM20

437 壮 l`M13 l`M13

438 弱 pn20 yn20

439 淡 bTs24 bHs24 bLs24

440 累 m`9h13 m`9h13 m`h13

441 （捆）紧 fc@s24 fc=s24 fcCs24

442 松 ot22 ot22 ytM13

443 滑 p`t20 y@t20

444 贵 oDM20 oD9M20 odM20

445 便宜 s=j20 s=j12

446 嫩 ft=m13 ft@m13

447 难 m`9m20 fi`24jt13

448 容易 fch22jt13 fch22jt13

449 臭 G`t22fi`24 G@t22 gCt22

450 香 G`t22vnl22, G`t22fc`M22 G@t22Gt@l22 gnl22

451 忙 G@m22 j`m31, G@m22

452 穷 Gn24 Gn24 gn24

453 富 o@m20fch22 o@m20fch22

454 热闹 fch22l@h20 l@h20 lCh20

455 安静 oi@j13 oi`j12fc`l31

456 漂亮（女） S`9t22fch22 lDm24, bh31, kt`l24 r`t22

2. Phonology of data points 37

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

457 狡猾 vDh13jvDh13 yDm13, y@t20, v@h13jt@h13

458 勇敢 fc`M24 lh20k`t22, lh20khDm24

459 懒 jhj24 jhj24 jhj24

460 努力 bnj24pDM20 j@m31jt13, bTj24yDM20, jt13y`9h31

461 远 sb@h22 sb@h22 sbCh22

462 近 sb@h24 sb@h24 sbCh24

463 里（面） o`h13fc@h22 fc@h22 fcCh22

464 外（面） o`h13pn13 yn13 yn00

465 右（边） jv`20 jv`20 ju`20

466 左（边） StDh31 rt@h31 rnh42

467 上面 j=m20 o`9h13j=m20 jLm20

468 下面 k`24 sbh24, k`24 k`24

469 这里 o`h13mh20 jh20mh31 mh42

470 那里 o`h13sD22 j@h13sD22

471 这个 j@h13mh31 j@h13mh31

472 那个 j@h13sD22 j@h13sD22

473 哪里 j@h13k@h20 jh20k`h20 kCh20

474 谁 ot31k@h20 ot31k`h20

475 什么 j@h13l`20, jt20l`20 jt31l`20

476 怎么 jt13fit24 jt20l`20

477 什么时候 bX20k`h20 bhX20k@h20

478 为什么 vDh24jt33l`30 u=h24jt24l`20 l`20

479 在 fit24 fit24 fiht13

480 刚（来） s@l11, k@M24 s@l13

481 马上（走） kh30l`22 j@m31jh20

482 赶快（去） jt13p`h31 o@h22jt13y`9h31

483 就 st13, kX24 bh20

484 先 jv`m13 jt@m24 jt9m13

485 常常 bt13bt13, bt13b`M20 bL20bL20

38 2.1.5. Transcription of Anlong Pingle word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

486 最(快） mtnh13 G@22…

487 更（快） j=m13 j=m13

488 一起（作） jt13o@h20sn13jt13 jt13o@h20fcDt22

489 只（买五斤） s`M20 s@M20…sn13

490 又（来） i@t13 fit13, sbnj12…sDl22

491 再（说一遍） sDl22 fit13, s`l13

492 也 iD13 ih22

493 或者 Gn31m@t30, l@24m@t20, l`24l@t20 F`t13m@t20

494 好象 G`22k=l24 ktl23G`20 ktl24

495 从 s@h24 s@h24

496 和 phDt30, sh31 fch31 yL9M20

497 因为 vh13fcDh31 jt13l`20

498 如果 fh24m`t20 fh24m@t20

499 到 s`M20 s`M20 sCM20

500 是 sD22 sD22, sh22 sdM22, sLj00

501 不 lh20 lh20 lh20

502 没关系 lh20o=m24jt13l`20 lh20o`m20jt24l`20

503 已经 jv`13kh@t31 jt`24khDt31

2. Phonology of data points 39

2.2. Anshun Huangla 2.2.1. Phone and phoneme inventory Initial consonants BiLab LaDe InDe Alv AlPal Pal Vel Glo Plos vl o, [oi] s j, jv f, fi, [fv] PreGlo fa fc Aff vl sr, sb, sbg srg Fric vl S [b] [w] vd u p [y] F [G] Nas vd l m ¯ M, Mv Lat vd k App vd v i Final consonants

o, s, j, f, l, m, M Vowels Front Central Back unrd unrd rd Close h t Near-close [H] [T] Close-mid [d] n Mid = Open-mid D [B] Near-open ?, [?:] @ Open `, `: Tones Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7, 9 8, 10 Pitch value 13 31 44 42 24 33 24 33 2.2.2. Notes • [sb] occurs several times before high vowels, as well as before [a], [D], and [=]. [sr] occurs six times before [u]. This shows that these two phones are not in complementary distribution, though [ts] never occurs before [i] and [sb] occurs before [i] a number of times. See minimal pair.

40 2.2.2. Notes

• [tsh] occurs four times and [sbg] occurs once. Aspiration is considered phonemic, though its occurrence is rare. • [v] and [w] are both phonemic. See minimal pair. • [S] and [p] both occur numerous times in varied environments. • [z] occurs only twice and is considered an allophonic variation of [p]. [b] occurs four times: all before [i]. The closest corresponding voiceless phone with regard to phonetic features is [S]. [S] occurs before [i] twice and there is a minimal pair between [S] and [b]. The phonemic status of [b] is ambiguous, so is not listed here among the phonemes. • [F] occurs numerous times. [G] only occurs once and is considered an allophonic variation of [F]. • [x] only occurs on two morphemes. It is considered an allophonic variation of [F]. • Palatalization is difficult to assess for this lect. [pj] only occurs once, so is not considered phonemic. [p] occurs a number of times before [i] and those syllables all have the form [pi_] rather than [pj_]. [fi] occurs a number of times and [fh_] only occurs once. Even though [pj] is not considered a phoneme, [fi] is considered phonemic. • Labialization is also difficult to assess. [kw] is definitely phonemic, as it occurs numerous times, and [ku_] occurs three times. [fv] occurs two times and [ft_] occurs four times. [Mv] occurs two times and [Mt-] never occurs. The three occurrences of [ku_] could be considered variations of [kw]. [fv] should probably be counted as a variation of [ft_], so is not considered phonemic. The [Mv] initial, although only occurring two times, cannot be viewed as an allophone of any other phoneme, so should be considered phonemic since the labialization is quite distinct and [M] as an initial only occurs eight times and never before [u]. • [¯] occurs on eight words: six times before [i] and one time each before [u] and [e]. [n] occurs two times before [i]: both on the morpheme for 471 ‘this’ [mhDh31]. It never occurs before other high vowels. On the [¯] items, six have *¯-, one has *n-, and the proto-form for one is unknown. This indicates that [¯] may be phonemic, even though an allophonic rule can be written, making [¯] an allophone of [n]. We treat [¯] as a separate phoneme, though further analysis would be needed to confirm this.

2. Phonology of data points 41

• [a] and [a:] are both phonemic. [a:] occurs numerous times—many more times than a lot of the other analyzed word lists. See minimal pair. [@] occurs a number of times in varying environments and has a vowel quality definitely 2 different from [a] and [?]. See minimal pair for [a] and [@]. [?] also seems to be phonemic. The vowel quality again is generally distinct, although it tends to occur over a fairly wide part of the vowel space in that area, hence the transcription of vowel raising and lowering diacritics on many of the items of this lect in the data. It occurs numerous times and there are minimal pairs. It is difficult to find a good minimal pair between [?] and [@], however, they both occur in varied environments and do seem to be contrastive. [?:] occurs twice, but is not considered phonemic. The [?] vowel sound is somewhat long as compared to [@] and [a], though in general not quite as long as [a:]. • [H] only occurs once: on 29 ‘gold’ [sbH=l12]. It is considered a free allophonic variation of [i]. • [D] occurs a number of times, but [e] only occurs three times. [e] is considered a variation of [D]. The quality of this phoneme ranges from [D] to [e], generally occurring lax and lower in the vowel space. • [B] occurs three times and is considered a free allophonic variation of [o]. • [T] occurs on six morphemes and is considered a variation of [u]. It only occurs in the environment C=C[+stop or +nasal]. However, [u] also occurs a number of times in this environment, as well as other environments. • [=] occurs numerous times in all environments. 2.2.3. Minimal pairs [v] and [w] 235 ‘to chop’ [u`m20], 406 ‘black’ [v`m31] [ts] and [sb] 22 ‘dinner’ [sr`t30], 179 ‘scissors’ [sb`t30] [tsh] and [ts] 302 ‘to buy’ [srDh31], 74 ‘cow’ [srgDh30] [a] and [a:] 390 ‘round’ [p`m20], 39 ‘house’ [p`:m20] [a] and [@] 158 ‘towel gourd’ [sh=M13 s`h22], 46 ‘chopsticks’ [s@h22] [a] and [?] 304 ‘to steal’ [p`j22], 59 ‘tree root’ [p?_j22] [?] and [@] 25 ‘earth (soil)’ [m? l22], 40 ‘roof’ [m@M31 p`:m20]

2 The morpheme for 283 ‘return’ [s?t13] is the same as that in 491 ‘to do sth. again’ [s@t12…]. The vowel quality for this morpheme varies between [@] and [?] for these two instances. This does occur infrequently for items with vowels in this part of the vowel space. Though two vowels may be phonemic, there is some seemingly random variation.

42 2.2.4. Transcription of Anshun Huangla word list

2.2.4. Transcription of Anshun Huangla word list 安顺黄腊90年代与50年代语音糸统比较 汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

1 阳光 fc=s13 fc=s13, pt`M22

2 闪电 i`o12o`24 fi`o13o`34

3 雷（名） o`33y`h30 o`33p`h31 o`44

4 月亮 pT@M21fcT=m12 pt`M22fct=m13

5 星星 fc@9T12fchdh24 fcDt13fch24 fc`h13fch13

6 天, 天空 fc=22fa=m13 fa=m13 faLm00

7 云 vT24 vt33 ut44

8 风 p=l20 p=l20 yLl20

9 雨 v=m22} v=m13 uLm00

10 彩虹 st21stnM20 st20stM20 stM20

11 雾 k`o12lt@f12 p@l31l@j13 lt`j13

12 早上 j`9M33F`9s13 j`M33F@s13 FCs13

13 下午 k`33F`l10 k`33F`l20

14 晚上 j`9M33F`l12 j`M33G`l20 MLm20, F@l22

15 天, 日子 M`M20, fcT=m13Mv`m20 Mt@m20 MtCm20

16 年 ohdh12 oh13 oh00

17 早（来早） Yt`l22 pt@l22 yt`l22

18 晚（来晚） kt`s23 kt@s13 kt`s13

19 早餐 F`t24stnM13 M`9h20pt@l22

20 午饭 j=m02M`9h30 M`9h20 M`h20

21 下午的餐 j=m02p=M31 p=M20 yLM44

22 晚饭 j=m02sr`t30 sr`t20 srCt20

23 水 p`l31 p@l31 yCl42

24 井 fan23 fan23 fan13

25 土 m? l22 m?l22 m`l22

26 石头 p=9m13 p=m13 yLm00

27 沙 phD24 p=m13pD23 yd13

28 尘土（路上） s`t22 s`t22, vt24l@m13 sCt22

2. Phonology of data points 43

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

29 金子 sbH=l12 sbHl13 sbhl00

30 银子 M`m20 M`m20 MCm20

31 铁 u`20 u`20 u`20

32 河 s`22 s`22 s`22

33 岸 F`m20, jv`M23 jt`M13, F=m13 FCm20

34 湖 s`l20 wt20

35 海 F`9h24 F`h24 F`h44

36 山 on12 on13 on00

37 路 p`9m12 p`m13 yCm00

38 村子 fc`9m31 fa`m31 fa`m42

39 房子 st21p`9m20 p`9m20 y`m20

40 房顶 m@M31p`9m20 m`M20p`9m20, S@M13Y`9m20

41 门 stnt12 st13 st00

42 木板（板子） u? m33 u@M33

43 桌子 sbt`M30 srt@M20 srt`M20

44 凳子 s`M23 s`M23 sCM13

45 碗 sb`102 sr`13 sb`00

46 筷子 s@h22 sDh22 sL22

47 扫把 sbhm33 o`s13 sbhM33o`s13 oCs13

48 猪圈 sr`t30ltnt02 sr@t20lt13

49 田（稻田） p`9h31m`31 m`20 m`20

50 地 m`20pn31 ph22 yh22

51 大米 F`9t31S`m102 G`t31S`m13 FCt42r`m00

52 米饭 F`9t31m`M33 G`t31m`M33 F`t42

53 糯米 F`t31S`m02F`t31m`22 G`t31m`22

54 糯米饭 F`t31fa`9h12 F`t31fa`h13

55 秧苗 j`33 j`m33 j`44

56 草（青嫩） ¯dh33 ¯h33 ¯h44

57 甘蔗 j`m13sh=M31 j`M13sh=M31

44 2.2.4. Transcription of Anshun Huangla word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

58 树 u`9h31 u@h31 uCh42

59 （树）根 p?_j22u`9h31 y[`j22u@h31 y`j22

60 竹子（总称） u`9h31p`9s22 u`h31y[`s22 yCs22（金竹）

61 森林 fct`M02u`9h31 fc@m13fct`M13 fctCM00

62 叶子 fa`9h12 fa`s13u@h31 faCh00

63 刺（名） fv`m12 ft@m13 ftCm00

64 花 fc`9h23 fc`h23 fc`h13

65 籽, 种子 u`9m102 u@m13 uCm00

66 水果 k=j21u`9h31 k=j22u@h31

67 菜（蔬菜） o`j24 o`j13 oCj13

68 动物（总称） st32stn20 st20st20

69 猪 ltnt02 lt13 lt00

70 羊 itnM20 itnM20 itM20

71 狗 l`12 l`13 l`00

72 马 l`31 l`31 l`42

73 水牛 u`9h20 u`h20 u`h20

74 黄牛 srhDh30 srdh20 srdh20

75 尾巴 ph=M13 o`9h13ph=M13 yhM00

76 角（牛） j`9t13 j`9t13 jCt00

77 老虎 jT=j24 st20jT=j23 jtj13

78 熊 i`22oh`m24 i`22oh=M13 lth00

79 猴子 k=M20 st20k=M20 kLM20

80 蝙蝠 u?_t20 st20u? t20 u`t20

81 兔子 st20l`t24 st20l`t33

82 老鼠 u?9t24 st20uDt33 u`t44

83 鸟 ptBj22 st20pt@j22 yt`j22

84 鸟窝 p`t20ptBj22 p`t20pt`j22

85 鸡 j`9h24 j`h23 jCh13

86 鸡冠 f=m13j`9h24 f=m20j`h13 uL9m00jCh13

2. Phonology of data points 45

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

87 鸭子 o=s24 o=s23 oLs13

88 鹅 f`9m24 f`m23 f`m13

89 猫头鹰 ptBj32j@t33lh`t13 pt`j22j`t33lh`t13 yt`j22jCt44 lh`t13

90 翅膀 fa`9h12F=s22 fa`h13F=j33 FLs22

91 羽毛 o=m13 o=m13 oLm22

92 爪子 s=M13jtnt31 jt20s=m13

93 蛋 j`h12 j`h23 jCh13

94 鱼 o`12 o`13 o`00

95 鱼鳍 F=s33o`12 fct`j23fc=M13

96 蛇 MDh20 MDh20 Mdh20

97 蚊子 st21¯h`M30j=m02v=m20 ¯`M20 mh`M20

98 苍蝇 ¯h`M20F?t30 ¯`M20F`t31

99 蚂蚁 st10l`s22 l`s22 lCs22

100 蜘蛛 st10j?t12 j?t13 j`t00

101 跳蚤 st20l`s23 l`s24 lCs13

102 臭虫 st20l`s24fc=M12 l`s24fc=M13

103 蚯蚓 st20fcT=m13 fct=m13 fctm00

104 虱子 st20m`m30 m`m20 mCm20

105 身体 fc=m22fc? M12 fc@m13fc?_M13 fc`M00

106 头 jnM33j`t33 j`t33 jCt44

107 头发 o=m02j`t33 o=m13j`t33

108 脸 oiDm02m`33 m`33 m`44

109 眼睛 fc`m s`102 s`13 s`00

110 鼻子 fc`M02 fc=m13fc`M13 fcCM00

111 耳朵 u@M32pDh31 fatM22y[dh20 ydh20

112 嘴巴 srnM22o?j24 srtnM22o`j13 o`j13

113 牙齿 sbh21i`nt34 sbgh20i@t33 ih`t44

114 舌头 fa`h22k=m31 fa`h13k=m31 kLm42

115 下巴 jnM F?M30 F@M20j=l33 F`M20

46 2.2.4. Transcription of Anshun Huangla word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

116 胡子 l=l22 l=l22 lLl22

117 额头 m`22o?j23 m`33o@j22 o`j13

118 脖子 Fn30 jt`M22Gn30

119 肩膀 o`M32fa`13 o`M31fa`13 fa`13

120 手 j`t v=M30 u=M20 uLM20

121 腿 jnM j`102 j`13 j`00

122 膝盖 s`m20Fn23 Gn13 Fn13

123 脚 j@t33s=m02 s=m13 sLm00

124 胸 o`M f?j13 ?j22 fCj13

125 背 o`h22k`M02 o`h31k`M13 kCM00

126 甲状腺肿 Fn20o?t33 Fn20o?t33

127 心脏 fc`m srDh13 fc=m13srdh13 st`l13

128 肺脏 o=s13 o=s13ut31 oLs13

129 脑子 fT=j13 ft=j13j`t33 ftj13

130 肝 s`o13 s`o13 sCo13

131 肚子 stnM31 stM31 stM42

132 肚脐 S`h33fcDh13 on33fcDh13 fcdh00

133 肠子 S`nh33 S@h33 rCh44

134 血 kt=s22 kt=s22 kts22

135 屎（牛屎） fiD22 fiD31 fd42

136 骨头 fct`j13 fct`j23 fct`j13

137 皮肤 m`M102 m`M13 mCM00

138 肉 mn22 mn22 mn22

139 油（猪） i@t20 i@t20 iht20

140 大蒜 vtB12 Ftn13 Fn00

141 姜 i=M13 i=M13 iLM00

142 盐 jvnt13 jt13 jt00

143 咬 F`o22 F`o23 FCo22

144 吃 j=m13 j=m13 jLm00

2. Phonology of data points 47

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

145 喝 St=s22 St=s23 fcts13

146 酒 k`t24 k`t33 kCt44

147 醉（酒） uh20 ph20

148 呕吐 fLBj22 ft`f22 yLj22

149 煮 ptnM13 ptM13 ytM00

150 甜 sh=M20, st=m31 sh=M20 u`m00

151 酸 S`l24 S`l33 rCl44

152 苦 F`l20 F`l20 FCl20

153 咸 fc`M13 fc`M13 fcCM13

154 辣 sr`s22 sr`s22 sr`s22

155 饿 fi=f24 fh=j23 fhj13

156 黄瓜 k=j22 fch=M13 sh=M13 shM00

157 南瓜 k=j22 jv`33 k=j22jv`33

158 丝瓜 sh=M13s`h22 shM20s`h22

159 豆 k= l?j23 k=j22l`j23 kLj13l`j13

160 芋头 k= p=l31 k=j22p=l31

161 芦苇 j`m13Mvn31 j`m13Mn31

162 衣服 jv`M13otnt22 jt`M13ot22 ot22

163 布 o`M30 o`M31 oCM20

164 棉 u`9h24 u`h23 u`h13

165 裤子 jv@M24sbtnM13 jt`M23srtnM13 srtM00

166 袜子 F`h31lhDm20 F`h20l@s22 l`s22

167 席子 o=m20fa=m31 fa=m31 faLm42

168 蚊帐 o=m20ph=o24 ph=o23 yho13

169 斗笠 j`t22j`9o23 j`o23 jCo13

170 刀 l=s22 l=s22 lhs22

171 把（刀） u`M22 u`j22 u`j22

172 锅 j@t22jv`13 jv`11

173 锅盖 u`13sr`l33 u`13sr`l33 u`00

48 2.2.4. Transcription of Anshun Huangla word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

174 三脚架 j`9t sbh=M30 j`t22sbhM20 sbhM20

175 背带 j`s24fc`13 j`s22fc`12 fc`00

176 扇子 u`13ohDh30 u`13ogh20 oh20

177 秤 j`t fchnt13 fc@t13

178 锥子 sbDh22sb=m22

179 剪子 u`M sb`t30 u`j22sbgh@t20 sbh`t20

180 钱 sbDm30, M@m30 sbhDm20 sbh`m20

181 雨伞 j`t kh=M24 khM33 khM44

182 锁 j`t ktM24 ktM33 ktM44

183 钥匙 sbh20ktM24 sbh20ktM33

184 棍子 s=M20 S@m33s=M31

185 竹竿 S@m34S?t30 S@m44S`t31 r`t42

186 船 j`9t pt30 j@t22pt20 yt20

187 斧头 jv`M23u`m102 u`j22u`m13 u`m00

188 犁 u`j sr`h102 u`j22sr`h20 srCh00

189 锄头 jv`M fc?j13 u`j22fa`j23 fa`j13

190 扁担 sh`t20F`9m20 sh`t20F`m20 F`m20

191 麻 fc`9h31 fc`h31 fc`h42

192 肥料 o=m22 o=m22 oLm22

193 石臼 j@t22p=l102 p=l13 yLl00

194 杵 fih13sbhDh20 fh13p=l13

195 筛子 j`9t p`M102 j`t22p`M13 yCM00

196 簸箕 j`9t fct`M31 j`t22fct`M31 fctCM42

197 织布机 j`9t sbt=M30 j`t22srtM20 srtM20

198 纸 S`102 S`13 r`00

199 墨水 p@l33l`j22 p@l31l`j22 lCj22

200 笔 o=m13l@j22 o=m13l`j22

201 唢呐 St24m`31 Sth33m`331

202 网 o=m lt=M31, phD13 oLm20'St22(phD13 yd00

2. Phonology of data points 49

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

203 钩子 jnM33jvB102 jtM22jn10

204 鬼 u?M20 st20u?M20 u`M20

205 神

206 力气 ph`M20 ph`M20 yh`M20

207 影子 st20 M`9t20 st20M`t20 MCt20

208 梦 u`M33M=m30 u`M31M=m20

209 故事 j@t23fct31, fchDs13

210 礼物 kh20i?M30 kh22ih`M31 kh22

211 错误 jT=22srtB=02 srn12 kt`M00

212 闲空 u?M13 u?M13 u`M13

213 方向 onM13o`9h22 o`h22

214 缝 ¯H=o33 ¯h@o33 ¯Lo22

215 喜欢 f?M23 M`h22 f`M13

216 爱 M@9h22 M`h22 jCh20

217 剥（果皮） fah13 s=m33 fah13

218 抱（孩子） f=l30 f=l31 fLl42

219 背（孩子） fhD=20 fD20 fhd20, fd20

220 加（饭） sh`l02 srn13, sh`l101

221 裂开 S=j13, sh`l02 F?o33

222 编（篮子） S`m102 S`m13 r`m00

223 补（衣服） vt=M02 v=M13 utM00

224 插（秧） fc`l12 fc`l13 fcCl00

225 尝（菜） bhDh02, sr=l20 sr=l20 srLl20

226 穿（衣服） s`m24 s`m33 sCm44

227 漏（水） pn22 pn22 yn22

228 点（头） M@j12j`9t33 M@j22

229 挂（在墙上） v`h33 v`h33 uh`m00

230 滚（在地上） p@M31 p=m31 yLM42

231 过（河） jv`23 jv`13 ju`13

50 2.2.4. Transcription of Anshun Huangla word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

232 划（船） j`t22pt20 j? t13 j`t00

233 继续 jtn22o`h13m`33

234 借（钱） fi=l102 sbgh23, fh@l13 sbh13

235 砍（树） u`m20 u`m30 u@m20

236 烤（火） on13 ogn23 oCt00, yLM00

237 咳嗽 f`9h102 f`h13 fCh00

238 肿（腿） o`t33 o`t33 uCj44

239 流（水） k`h13 k`h13 kCh00

240 起（床） p=m24 p=m13 yLm13

241 牵（牛） sr=M02u?h30 sr=M13 srLM00

242 晒 s?j13 s?_j22 s`j13

243 筛（米） p`M102 p`M13

244 上（楼） F=m24 F=m33 FLm44

245 下（楼） pt`M20 pt`M31 yt`M20

246 伸（手） fiDs23 fh`j22 fhs13

247 梳（头发） pt@h13j`t33 pt`h13 yt`h00

248 （头）疼 sbhDs23 sbghDs23 sbh`s13

249 踢 sh@j13 sgh@j22, fch`j22 sLs13

250 提（篮子） pht33 pht33 yht42

251 吞 fc=m31 fc=m31 fcLm42

252 脱（衣） st`s23 sgv`s22 st`s13

253 问 F`9l23 F`l13 FCl13

254 回答 F`9m102 F?m13 F`m00

255 忘记 k=l20 k=l20 kLl20

256 下（雨） s@t33 s`t33 sCt44

257 休息 ih33m`9h13 ih33m`h13 it13m`h13

258 寻找 S`9t33 S`t33 y`00

259 眨（眼） fi`o23 fi@o13 fiCo13

260 住 fiht23 fht13

2. Phonology of data points 51

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

261 蒸（饭〕 m`M33 m`M33 mCM44

262 活 fchDh12 fch11

263 死 s`9h102 s`h11 s`h00

264 病 o=M22 o=M22 oLM22

265 呼吸 St=s13StDh1233 srtM23Sth13

266 听 ¯hDh12 ¯h13 ¯h00

267 看 shD=13 shD13 sd13, rCj13

268 说, 讲 m`t20, j?M22 j? M33 mCt20, j`M44

269 笑 ph=t02 ph@t13 yht00

270 骂 v=s24 v=s23 sCm00

271 哭 s@h33 s`h33 sCh44

272 吹 on13 u`t22, on13

273 打呵欠 p`t13m=m20 p?t13m=m20

274 睡觉 m=m20 m=m20 mLm20

275 站 St`M020 St`M31

276 坐 p`M22 p`M22 yCM22

277 走 o`9h33 o`h33 o`h44

278 爬（小孩） pt=m20 pt=m20 yLm20

279 爬（树） o=m102 o=m13 oLm00

280 来 l`102, s?t13 l`13

281 去 o`9h102 o`h13 oCh00

282 进入 mt@t31fc`9h102 l`13fc`h13 FCt44

283 回来 s?t13 s`t23l`13 s`t13

284 飞 fa=m12 fa=m13 faLm00

285 骑 jvDh22 jth33 jth22

286 游泳 pht20p`l31 ph@t20s`22

287 浮 oh`t33 oh`t33 ut20

288 玩 jvT13sr`l20 jtn22sr`l20 srCl20

289 唱 i`9l102 ih`l23u=m13

52 2.2.4. Transcription of Anshun Huangla word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

290 鼓 jv`M102, ¯hDm31 jt`M13, ¯hM20 jt`M00, ¯hm20

291 干活 jvn22v`M13 jn22v`M13 uCM00

292 担 p?o23 p?o22 y`o13

293 关（门） j`m20 jg`m20st13 FCo13

294 开（门） v`9h13 v`h13 u`h00

295 开（嘴） f`31 f`31 f`42

296 推 ¯h@m31 ¯@m31, fch`M12 fch`M00

297 拉 kt`j22 kt`j22

298 掉 st`j13 st`j22 st`j13

299 给 F`9h33 F`h33 FCh44

300 拿 f`t102 f`t13 sdh20

301 选择 khD22 khD22 kd22

302 买 srDh31 srdh31 srdh42

303 卖 j`9h102 j? h13 j`h00

304 偷 p`j22 p`j22 yCj22

305 想要 M`9h22f`t12 sr=l12f`t13

306 有 khdh31 kh31 kh42

307 知道 pn31i`j22 pn31 yn42

308 怕 k?t12 k?t13 k`t00

309 洗（手） St=h13 Sth13

310 洗（衣服） S`j22 S`j22 rCj22

311 捆 jv=m13 v@m33, jT=m13

312 擦（桌） l`9s22, oT=s24 ft=s23 fts13

313 切（肉） pt@m13 pt@m13 yt`m13

314 绳子 S`m33sr?j22 sr=j22 sr`j22

315 割（草） jv`m20 jt@m20 jt`m20

316 劈开（木头） o`24 o`23 o`13

317 木头 stM20u`9h31 u`h31

318 挖 v=s22 vTs22

2. Phonology of data points 53

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

319 人 st21u=m20 v=m20 uLm20

320 布依族 ot20fidh31 ot31fh31 fh42

321 汉族 ot20F?j24 ot31F?j22 F`j13

322 男人 ot20S`9h13 ot31S`9h13 r`h00

323 女人 fa=j13 ot31fa=j23 faLj13

324 巫师 sb`M31ln13'男(, sr?M22SDh13, st20i`20 ln00 ot21i`31（女）

325 媒人 'ot21(SDh13 ot31SDh13 rdh13

326 朋友 o`t13st`M31 SDt22st20, ShM23st@M30

327 祖宗 o`t13i`22 o`t23i`22

328 父亲 iD20 on22 on22

329 母亲 l@h33 l@h22, m`31 ld22

330 小孩 k=j22m`9h22 k=j22m`h22

331 丈夫 j=j21jvDh20 k=j22jth30

332 妻子 o`h31 i`22 i`22

333 兄姐 ohDh31(兄）, o`33（姐） oh31 oh42

334 弟妹 mt`M31 mt`M22 mt`M42

335 独子 k=j22st`j22 k=j22st@j22

336 孙子 k=j22k`9m102 k`9m10 k`m00

337 公公 jvnM22 oCt13

338 婆婆 m`9h22

339 外公 o`t24s`12 o`t23s`10

340 外婆 i`22s`9h13 i`22s`h23

341 客人 ot20i`j24 ot31i`j12 i`j13

342 姓 S=M13 S=M23

343 名字 srtn=31SDh12 srn22SDh101

344 我 jtnt22 jt22 jt00

345 你 l=M20 l=M20 lLM20

346 他 fc`j13 fc=*22 sd00

347 咱们 j@h20p`9t20 j=h20p`t20 y`t20

54 2.2.4. Transcription of Anshun Huangla word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

348 我们 j@h20p`9t20 j=h20p`t20

349 你们 j@h20fc=22, Stnt22 St22 rt00

350 他们 j@h20fc`j23 jt`M23fc=22

351 别人 u`M20j`9j22 fc`j22

352 柴 v=m20 v=m20 uLm20

353 火 uhDh20 ph20 uh20

354 火焰 ohnt13uhDh20 oht13

355 烧 o`9t12uhDh20 o`t13 oCt00

356 烧（做饭） srtn13uhDh20 o`t13 fcCM13

357 灰尘 s`t33fa?t102 s`t22 ut13lCm13

358 烟 u=m20fct`M13 p=l20fct`M13 uCm20

359 弓 jt`M13 jt`M13 jt`M00

360 箭 m`f24 m? s22 m`13

361 打猎 k`h22on12 k`h22on13

362 杀 j`33 j`33 j`44

363 打架 stM31shDh30 stM31sh30

364 一 fihDs24 fih@s13 fhs13

365 二 St`M02, ¯hDh02 ¯h22 ¯h22

366 一（一个人） u@M20st`j22 ch`t00

367 两（两个人） SnM13u`M20 rt`M00

368 三 S?l02 S`_9l13 r`l00

369 四 ShDh24 rh23 rh13

370 五 F`33 F`33 F`44

371 六 pt`j13 pt@j13 yt`j13

372 七 srË`s13 sr`s13 srCs13

373 八 oh@s13 oghDs13 oh`s13

374 九 jvnt33 jt33 jt44

375 十 sr=o22 sr=o22 srLo22

376 二十 ¯h22sr=o22 ¯h22sr=o22

2. Phonology of data points 55

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

377 百 o?j24 o?j23 o`j13

378 千 p`M02 p`M13

379 都 st22 stM22

380 一些 sh`M31G`9t21 kh31sh`M31(东西)

381 多 k`9h12 k`9h13 k`h00

382 少 Sht33 Sht33 rht44

383 每 s?M13 s?M13s?M13

384 大 mt@j13 mt@j13

385 小 m`9h13 m`h13

386 长 p`h20 p`h30 yCh20

387 短 s=m33 s=m33 sLm44

388 高 S?M12 S?9M13 r`M00

389 矮 s`l13 s`l23 sCl13

390 圆 p`m20 p@m20, ih@m20 yCm20

391 扁 oh?m13 oh@m13

392 厚 m`12 m`13 m`00

393 薄 fa?m12 fa?M23 fa`M00

394 宽 jv?m14 jv?M24 ju`M13

395 窄 i`o22 i`o22 sr`m20

396 硬 fctnM31 fct`M31 fct`M42

397 软 ft=m13 ftm23 ftm13

398 直 sb`t22 sbh@t22 rn22

399 弯曲 j`t20 j`t20 jn20

400 快 F`m12 F@m13

401 慢 ptnM13, mtnM24 mtM33, v`h22

402 重 m`j13 m`j23 mCj13

403 轻 fa`9t12 fa`t13 faCt00

404 胖 l`M22, oh20, ohDh20 oh20, l@M22 oh20, lCM22

405 瘦 ot`l02 ot@l13 ot`l00

56 2.2.4. Transcription of Anshun Huangla word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

406 黑 v`m31 v@m31 ut`m42

407 红 fc=M12 fc=M13 fcLM22

408 白 F?t12 F?t13 F`t00

409 黄 iDm33 ih`m33 ih`m44

410 绿 i`t13 ih@t13 kt44

411 蓝 i`t13 o=j23

412 干的 pn20 pn20 Fdh13

413 湿 s=l20 s=l20 sLl22

414 空的 jvnM13 u?M13

415 满 p=l13 p=l13 yLl00

416 干净 S`9h13 S`h20, s`20sbh@M13 rCh00

417 脏（衣服） j=j22 j=j22

418 新 ln24 ln23 ln13

419 年轻 ot22k`12 ot31k`20 srn20

420 聪明 sr=m22 sr=m22S`m33 ju`h00

421 傻 sbt`M31 srt`M31

422 旧 j`t13 j`t13 jCt13

423 老 k?t31 k?t31 sbd13

424 聋的 pDh20mn=j24 pdh20mtj13 mtj13

425 热 ph`l33, srË=j13 p`t33 fcLs13, y`t44

426 冷 sbh`M31, sr`l31 sbh`M31 sbh`M42

427 好 fchDh12 fch12 fch00

428 坏 u`9h22 u?h22 u`h22

429 破 ot`M12 u?h22

430 深 k`j22 k`j22 kCj22

431 浅 fat`j13 fa`j13 fat`j13

432 斜 oh`m33, fa=s13 ¯@M22 faLs13

433 亮 pt`M22 pt`M22 yt`M22

434 暗 k`o24 k`o22

2. Phonology of data points 57

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

435 清 S`9h13 fct`M23

436 浑 ¯t`M20 ¯t@M20 ¯t`M20

437 壮 ph`M20 Mn22

438 弱 ft@h24 ftdh33, ot@M23pn20

439 淡 srË=s24 s`m102 sbLs13

440 累 m`9h13 m`9h13 m`h13

441 （捆）紧 fc`s13 fc`s23 fcCs13

442 松 ptnM13 ptM13 ytM13

443 滑 o`9s22 o`s22

444 贵 j`22 jth102 oh`M20

445 便宜 bh@M33iDm33 bh`M33ihm33

446 嫩 ft=m13, m=l22 ft=m23, m=l22

447 难 fi?23jn22 fi`j23

448 容易 fch12jn22 fch13

449 臭 F`9t12 F`9t13 FCt00

450 香 u`m12, F`t13fc`M02 u`m13 FCt00s`M00

451 忙 F`m12 F@m13

452 穷 vn24 Fn33 un44

453 富 u`33 u`33

454 热闹 fct=s13 fct=s13 lCh20

455 安静 Shm33ShDm12 sbhM33sbHM20

456 漂亮（女） fa?t13, fch12j`9h20 fch13j`h20, fa?t23 fa`t13

457 狡猾 sr@h12j`9t20 srDh12j`t20

458 勇敢 s?m13mT=f13 s`m23mt@23

459 懒 sbh=j13 sbHj13 sbhj13

460 努力 srnM13ph`M3131 jn23fch13

461 远 j`9h12 j`h13 jCh00

462 近 j`h33 j`h33 jCh44

463 里（面） fc`h12 fc`h101 fcCh00

58 2.2.4. Transcription of Anshun Huangla word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

464 外（面） pt`j22 pt`j22 yt`j22

465 右（边） jv`20 jv`30 ju`20

466 左（边） StDh31 StDh31 rth42

467 上面 o`9h13j=m20 j=m20, S?M13 jLm20

468 下面 o`9h13k`33 k`33, sh33 k`44

469 这里 srt`M20mhDh31 srt`M22mh31, kh`M13mh31 mh42

470 那里 srt`M20F`m31 srt`M22F`m31, kh`M31F`m31

471 这个 j?t22mhDh31 j@h20mh31

472 那个 j?t20F`t31 j@h20F`m31

473 哪里 kh`M23k`9h12 kH`M13k`h20, kCh20 srt`M22k`h20

474 谁 fc`9h12 fc`h102

475 什么 jDh20l?_f13 j=20l`13

476 怎么 i@t13jvn22 iHt23jB22

477 什么时候 sr=20sr@h31k`9h12 srX31fadh23k`h20

478 为什么 uDh13jd22l?f13 vh13j@h20l`20 l`20

479 在 srtn24 srn23 fht13

480 刚（来） sr`l31 sr`l31

481 马上（走） bhDm12 bh@m13

482 赶快（去） sr`22m@h20 jn22F@m23 'o@h12o`h12(F@m13

483 就 sr=20 bh`m13, srL20

484 先 jv`m13 sr`33, jt@m23 jt`m13

485 常常 w`t13w`t13 g`t13

486 最(快） st02kh@t31wn30

487 更（快） u`33…, M`m31F`m12 u`33F@m20

488 一起（作） jvn22o`h20 jn22o`h20

489 只（买五斤） …fctDh12 …ih33, …fctDh13

490 又（来） …s`l12 s`t23

491 再（说一遍） s@t13 s`t23

2. Phonology of data points 59

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

492 也 snM20 stM22

493 或者 lD22sr=20 l=22srX=31

494 好象 k=l31lD30 F`t13Sh=M13 kLl44

495 从 s`9h13 s`h23

496 和 k`M12 k`M12, phDt31 yhM20

497 因为 i`M20l?12 ihm22udh13

498 如果 M`23 M`22sB33

499 到 s`M20 s`M20 sCM20

500 是 bhDh02 bh13 rh00

501 不 lh20 lh20 lh20

502 没关系 lh20fi@t13jD33l?12 lh20fiht33j=22l`201

503 已经 jvn22jv`24 jv`23 2.3. Ceheng Hualong 2.3.1. Phone and phoneme inventory Initial consonants BiLab LaDe InDe Alv AlPal Pal Vel Glo Plos vl o, oi s j, jv f, fi, [fv] PreGlo fa fc Aff vl sb Fric vl e S b w, [wv] [g] vd u p [G] Nas vd l m ¯ M, Mv Lat vd k App vd [v] i Final consonants

o, s, j, l, m, M

60 2.3.2. Notes

Vowels Front Central Back unrd unrd rd Close h [X] t Near-close [H] [T] Close-mid [d] n, [n:] Mid = Open-mid D B, [B:] Near-open @ Open `, `: Tones Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7, 9 8, 10 Pitch value 24 31 53 42 45 44 45 44 2.3.2. Notes • [w] only occurs on two items. In this lect, the [w] and [v] phones are quite close together, sometimes falling somewhere in between. Different utterances of the same word with these phones often have some beginning with [w] and some with [v]. Therefore, [w] is considered an allophonic variation of [v], which is taken to be the phoneme. • [f] only occurs on words with even tones. [v] mainly occurs on words with odd tones (with three exceptions). They are viewed as dif- ferent phonemes, however, since the voicing distinction is quite clear. See minimal pairs. • [G] only occurs on three morphemes and there is no occurrence of [F]. There are only two occurrences of [h], but [x] occurs many times. [h] is, therefore, considered a variation of [x]. It is difficult to know whether [G] should be considered phonemic, or a variation of [x]. It seems that the voiced velar/glottal fricatives are becoming voiceless. [G] could arguably be considered phonemic, but because there are only three occurrences, it is considered an allophonic variation of [x]. Also, there is only one occurrence of [xw] and no occurrences of [xu] or [wT]. [xw] will be considered to have the UR (underlying representation) [xu]. • [¯] occurs on nine items and is distinct from [n]. [¯] occurs not only before high vowels, but others as well. See minimal pairs. • [fi] occurs on four morphemes and a [fh] + V combination occurs on one item. The palatal- ization is fairly easy to distinguish on three of the morphemes, so is considered phonemic. [j] occurs on 10 morphemes and is clearly separate from [fi]. However, one exception is 259 ‘to blink’ [i@o6]. This morpheme also occurs in 2 ‘lightning’ [fi@o6 oi`2], which is glottalized. It is possible that the [fi] initial is being lost. • [pj] occurs on seven morphemes and the palatalization is distinct. A [pi] + V combination occurs on one lexical item.

2. Phonology of data points 61

• [kw] occurs several times and the labialization is quite distinct. There is one occurrence of a [ku] + V combination. • There is only one occurrence of [Mv] and no occurrences of [Mt/T] + V. The labialization is quite easily distinguished, so is considered phonemic. • [fv] occurs once and [ft] + V occurs on two morphemes. The item transcribed [fv] sounds labialized, but not strongly. For this reason, [fv] is not considered phonemic. • [a:], [@], and [a] are all phonemically distinct. However, there is only one exact minimal pair and very few near minimal pairs between [a:] and [a]. See minimal pair sets. • There are six items with [H], all in the environment C__C (with one exception). [i] also occurs in this environment, so the sound change from [i] to [H] in that environment is inconsistent. • [e] occurs on four lexical items and [D] occurs numerous times. The vowel quality difference between these two sounds in this lect are slight, so [e] is not considered phonemic, but a variation of [D]. • [o:] occurs on three items and [B:] only occurs on one item. They are not considered phonemic. • [B] only occurs on four different morphemes. The vowel quality on those four morphemes is fairly distinct from [o], but it is difficult to know whether to include [B] in the phonology of this lect. [o] occurs numerous times. For now, [B] is included in the phonology. See minimal pairs. • The situation with [T] and [u] is the same as with [H] and [i]. See rule. • Whether [=] and [X] are distinct phonemes or allophones for this lect is a difficult question. [X] occurs several times and [=] occurs a bit more frequently. [X] generally occurs in the environment /C__# or /C__= and [=] generally occurs in the environment /C__(V)C# or /C__#σ. Exceptions to these are 204 ‘ghost’ [st1 eX`:M1], 3 213 ‘direction’ [oX@M0], and 266 ‘to hear’ [¯HD=0]. Since the occurrence of these two phones is in complementary distribution with only the above exceptions, [X] is taken as an allophone of [=]. For some of the items with the [X] sound, the vowel quality sounds distinct from [=], while for others it sounds rather close to [=]. 2.3.3. Minimal pairs [sb] and [t] 93 ‘egg’ [sb@h4], 495 ‘from’ [s@h4] 423 ‘old (person)’ [sbD4], 429 ‘broken/torn’ [sD4] [f] and [v] 31 ‘iron’ [e`1], 165 ‘pants’ [u`4] 351 ‘other people’ [eX=3], 7 ‘cloud’ [uX=2] [S] and [p] 367 ‘two (cardinal)’ [SnM0], 149 ‘to boil’ [pnM0] 369 ‘four’ [Sh4], 50 ‘field (dry)’ [ph5]

3 [=] never occurs before [a] or [@].

62 2.3.4. Allophonic rules

[x] and [b] 208 ‘dream’ [o`1 w@t1], 17 ‘early’ [b@t1] 141 ‘ginger’ [whM0], 241 ‘to lead (a cow, etc.)’ [bhM0] [¯] and [n] 56 ‘grass’ [¯`0], 392 ‘thick’ [m`0] 81 ‘rabbit’ [¯ts7 sn4], 424 ‘deaf’ [mtj6] [a:] and [@] 443 ‘smooth’ [w`:t1], 208 ‘dream’ [o`1w@t1] 381 ‘many’ [k`:h0], 239 ‘to flow’ [k@h0] [a:] and [a] 215 ‘to like’ [f`:M4], 425 ‘hot (weather)’ [f`M4] 222 ‘to weave a basket’ [S`:m0], 51 ‘paddy rice’ [w@t3 S`m0] [@] and [a] 201 ‘suona (musical instrument)’ [fa@M4 kD1], 380 ‘some’ [fa`M2] 258 ‘to search’ [s@t4], 283 ‘to return’ [s`t4 l`0] 2.3.4. Allophonic rules /i/ → [H]/C__C (with exceptions) → [i]/elsewhere

/u/ → [T]/C__C (with some exceptions) → [u]/elsewhere 2.3.5. Transcription of Ceheng Hualong word list 册亨县花冗乡90年代与50年代语音糸统比 汉语 布依语90年代 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

1 阳光 fc`s24bhDt24 fc`s24

2 闪电 fi@o24oi`42 fi@o24oi`42

3 雷（名） oi`42 oi`42 oi`42

4 月亮 pnM22fchDm13 ptM22fchDm13

5 星星 fc`t22fch24 fc`t22fch24

6 天, 天空 fa=m13 fa=m13 faLm02

7 云 uX=42 uXf42 uL=42

8 风 pTl20 pTl20 ytl20

9 雨 wv=m13 wnm13 gtm02

10 彩虹 st=20bnM20 btM20 btM20

11 雾 k@o13ln24 k`o22ln24 ln24

12 早上 sb`M22g`9s24 y`s24 gCs24

13 下午 jv`24phM20 jv`24phM20

2. Phonology of data points 63

汉语 布依语90年代 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

14 晚上 sb`M22g`l22 y`9l22 gLm20, gCl11

15 天, 日子 MB9m20 Mnm20 MBm00

16 年 oh13 oh13 oh02

17 早（来早） 'l`(b@t31 b@t31 bCt22, ynl11

18 晚（来晚） 'l`(jv`h20 jt`9h20 kns24

19 早餐 M`h31b@t31 w@t31b@t31

20 午饭 M`9h20 M`9h20 M`h20

21 下午的餐 phM20 phM20 yhM20

22 晚饭 b@t20 b@t20 bCt20

23 水 p`l31 p@l31 yCl22

24 井 fan24 faT24 fan24

25 土 m`9l22 m`9l22 m`l11

26 石头 phm13 phm13 yhm02

27 沙 pD24 pd24 yd24

28 尘土（路上） m`9l22lnm24 m`M22lt`m24 sCt11

29 金子 sbHL13 sbhl13 sbhl02

30 银子 M@m20 M@m20 MCm20

31 铁 e`20 e`20 e`20

32 河 s`22 s`22 s`11

33 岸 o@M20on24 o`M31 gCm20

34 湖 s@l20 s@l20

35 海 w`9h42 b`9h22 g`h42

36 山 on13 oT13 on02

37 路 pBm13 pnm13 yBm02

38 村子 fa`9m31 fa`9m31 fa`m22

39 房子 p`9m20 p`9m20 y`m20

40 房顶 mDM20p`9m20 mDM20Y`m20

41 门 st13 st13 st02

42 木板（板子） s`o22 s`o22 odm42

64 2.3.5. Transcription of Ceheng Hualong word list

汉语 布依语90年代 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

43 桌子 bnM20 bBM20 bBM20

44 凳子 s@M24 s`M24 sCM24

45 碗 snh31 snh31 snh22

46 筷子 sX22 sX22 sL11

47 扫把 sbHo24¯t20 ¯ht20o`s24 oCs24

48 猪圈 Gn22lt13 wT22lt13

49 田（稻田） m`20 m`20 m`20

50 地 ph22 ph22 yh11

51 大米 w@t31S`t13 w`t31S`m13

52 米饭 w@t31w`9t13btj22 w@t31btj22 gCt22

53 糯米 bTs22 bts22

54 糯米饭 w@t31m`M42 w@t31m`M42, w`t31bts22btj22

55 秧苗 sb`42 sb`42 sb`42

56 草（青嫩） ¯=13'ft=m13( ¯`22ft=m24 ¯hd22, ¯`02

57 甘蔗 fnh31 fnh31 fnh22

58 树 e@h31 e@h31 lCh22

59 （树）根 p`22e@h31 p`22 yu`11

60 竹子（总称） e@h31ktDh13 e`h31fa`M24 yBs22（金竹）

61 森林 fcnM13 fcnM13 fcBM02

62 叶子 fa@X13pnM13 fa`L13 fa`L02

63 刺（名） fnm13 fn9m13 fBm02

64 花 u`13 u`13 u`02

65 籽, 种子 wnm13 wn9m13 gBm02

66 水果 l`24 l`24 l`24

67 菜（蔬菜） oi`j24 oi`j24 oiDj24

68 动物（总称） st=20st=20 st=20st=20

69 猪 sn20lt13 lt13 lt02

70 羊 sn20it@M20 it=M20 it9M20

71 狗 l`13 l`13 l`02

2. Phonology of data points 65

汉语 布依语90年代 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

72 马 l`31 l`3 l`22

73 水牛 v`9h20 u`9h20 u`h20

74 黄牛 bh=20 bhd20 bhd20

75 尾巴 ph@M13 ph=M13 yL9M02

76 角（牛） j`t13'st=( j@t13 jCt02

77 老虎 jtj24 jtj24 jtj24

78 熊 st lnh13 l=h13 lnh02

79 猴子 khM20 khM20 khM20

80 蝙蝠 u`9t20 u`9t20

81 兔子 ¯ts22sn24 ¯ts22sn24

82 老鼠 uDt31 uDt31 u`t42

83 鸟 pBj22 pBj22 yBj22

84 鸟窝 pnM20pBj22 pnM20pnj22

85 鸡 j@h24 j@h24 jCh24

86 鸡冠 pt42j@h24 pt42j@h24

87 鸭子 ohs24 ohs24 ohs24

88 鹅 w`9m24 w`9m24 g`m24

89 猫头鹰 pBj20sb@t22lDt24 pnj22sb`t42lhDt24

90 翅膀 eX=s22 e=s22 eL9s22

91 羽毛 o=m13mTl22 o=m13 oLm02

92 爪子 pho222 pho22

93 蛋 sb@h24 sb@h24 sbCh24

94 鱼 oi`13 oi`13 oi`02

95 鱼鳍 sbh20 sb@o24o`13

96 蛇 MX=20 ML=20 MLd20

97 蚊子 mhM20¯nM30 md9M20 mdM20

98 苍蝇 mhM20¯Dm13 md9M20¯`m13

99 蚂蚁 lBs22 lBs22 lBs22

100 蜘蛛 jv`t13 jv`t13 ju`t02

66 2.3.5. Transcription of Ceheng Hualong word list

汉语 布依语90年代 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

101 跳蚤 l@s24 l@s24 lCs24

102 臭虫 ph=s22 ph=s22 yL9s22

103 蚯蚓 fchDm13 fchDm13 fcL9m02

104 虱子 sh20m@m20 m`m20 mCm20

105 身体 fc`9M13 fc`9M13 fc`M02

106 头 sb`t42 sb@t42 sbCt42

107 头发 o=m13sb`t42 o=m13sb@t42 oiBl02

108 脸 fa=13m`42 m`42 m`42

109 眼睛 k=j22s`13 s`13 s`02

110 鼻子 fc@M13 fc@M13 fcCM02

111 耳朵 fa@X ph=20 ph=20 yL=20

112 嘴巴 bnM22o`24 o`24 o`24

113 牙齿 wDt42 wD9t42 gdt42

114 舌头 khm31 khm31 khm22

115 下巴 w`9M20k`42 k`42w`M20 g`M20

116 胡子 lnl33 lTl22 ltl11

117 额头 m`42oi`13 m`42oi`24 oi`24

118 脖子 S`h13Gn20 wn20, fD9t13

119 肩膀 fa`24 wtM20fa`24 fa`24

120 手 e=M20 e=M20 eLM20

121 腿 o@M24j`13 j`13

122 膝盖 l`20wn13 l`20wnT24 gn24

123 脚 shm13 shm13 shm02

124 胸 m`31f`j24 f`j13 fCj24

125 背 o@h22k`M13 k@M13 kCM02

126 甲状腺肿 Gn20f`h14 wn20f`h13

127 心脏 snl24 snl24 snl24

128 肺脏 o=s24 o=s24 oLs24

129 脑子 ftj24 ftj24 ftj24

2. Phonology of data points 67

汉语 布依语90年代 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

130 肝 s@o24 s`o24 sCo24

131 肚子 stM31 stM31 stM22

132 肚脐 on42 bnM22on42 fcL=02

133 肠子 S@h42 r@h42 rCh42

134 血 khDs22 kh=s22 kL9s22

135 屎（牛屎） fD31 fD31 fD22

136 骨头 fcB24 fcn24 fcn24

137 皮肤 m`M13 m@M13 mCM02

138 肉 mn22 mn22 mn11

139 油（猪） k`t20 i=t20 k`t20

140 大蒜 Snh24 Snh24 rnh24

141 姜 whM13 whM13 ghM02

142 盐 jt=13 jt=13 juL=02

143 咬 w`o22 w`o22 gCo22

144 吃 j=m13 j=m13 jLm02

145 喝 fcns24 fcns24 fcBs24

146 酒 k@t42 k@t42 kCt42

147 醉（酒） k@t42eh20 eh20

148 呕吐 pt=22 pt=22 yuL=11

149 煮 pnM13 ptM13 ytM02

150 甜 u`9m13 u`9m13 u`m02

151 酸 Snl42 SBl42 rBl42

152 苦 w`l20 w`l20 gCl20

153 咸 w@m24 w@m24 fcCM24

154 辣 b`s22 b`s24 b`s22, l`m11

155 饿 stM31fh=24 fh=24, fc`s24 fhd24

156 黄瓜 sh=M13uDt13 sh@M13uD9m13 sh9M02

157 南瓜 k=j22jv`13 jv`13 ju`02

158 丝瓜 k=j22jvD13 jvD13 juD02

68 2.3.5. Transcription of Ceheng Hualong word list

汉语 布依语90年代 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

159 豆 st=22 st=22 kLj22suL=11

160 芋头 fc=j24oX=24 fc`j24oX=24 oL=24

161 芦苇 jt13fDs24 jn13fds24

162 衣服 oX=22 oX=22 oL=11

163 布 o`M20 o`M20 oCM20

164 棉 u`9h24 u`9h24 u`h24

165 裤子 u`24 u`24 u`24

166 袜子 l`s22 l`s22 l`s22

167 席子 S`s24 S`s24 fahm22

168 蚊帐 pho24 ph=o24 yh9o24

169 斗笠 sbno24 sbno24 sbBo24

170 刀 lhs22 lhs22 lhs22

171 把（刀） e`22'lhs22( e`22 e`11

172 锅 b@t24 b`9t24

173 锅盖 u`13b`t24 u`13b`9t24 u`02

174 三脚架 sbh@M20 sbh@M20 sbh9M20

175 背带 fc`13 fc`13 fc`02

176 扇子 oDm24oh20 oDm24oh20 oh20

177 秤 b`M22 b`M22 bCM11

178 锥子 e` MvDh31 Mth31

179 剪子 e` s`t13 s`9t13 s`t02

180 钱 bdm20 bhm20 bdm20

181 雨伞 kh`M31 kh@M42 kL9M42

182 锁 knM42 ktM42, rv`31 ktM42

183 钥匙 bhD20knM42 bD20ktM31

184 棍子 s=M31 s=M31

185 竹竿 S=m31S`t31 S`t31 r`t22

186 船 pt=20 pt=20 yuL=20

187 斧头 u`m13 u`9m13 u`m02

2. Phonology of data points 69

汉语 布依语90年代 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

188 犁 b@h13 b@h13 bCh02

189 锄头 e` fi`24 fi`24 fi`24

190 扁担 shDt31w`9m20 w`9m20 g`m20

191 麻 fc`9h31 fc`9h31 fc`h22

192 肥料 o=m22 o=m22 oLm11

193 石臼 'snh33( ptM13snh22 ytl02

194 杵 iD13bh20 fiD13bh20

195 筛子 p@M13 p@M13 yCM02

196 簸箕 fcnM31uh24 fcBM13uh24 fcBM22

197 织布机 bnM20pn24 bt`M20pn24 bt9M20

198 纸 S`13 S`13 r`02

199 墨水 p`l31l`j22 p`l31lCj22 lCj22

200 笔 ohdm14l`j22 ohm24l`j22

201 唢呐 fa`M24kD20 fa@M24kD20

202 网 pD13 pd13

203 钩子 M@j22M@t24 M`j22M@t24

204 鬼 st21eX`9M20 e`M20 e`M20

205 神 kh=31 bh=f31

206 力气 pdM20 pDM20 ydM20

207 影子 M@t20 M@t20 MCt20

208 梦 o`20w@m20 o`20w=m20

209 故事 k=m22bDt13jnm24 bDt22jn9m24

210 礼物 k@h31 s`M20i`M22 kCh22

211 错误 knM13 knM13 kBM02

212 闲空 fit24k`M24 fht24oi`M24, fht24fc`31 u`M24

213 方向 oX@M13 oX=M13, o`h31

214 缝 ¯ho22 uX=M24 ¯ho22

215 喜欢 fch13f`9M24 fch22l@h20, fch22wTm24 f`M24

216 爱 sb@h20 sb@h20, M@h24 sbCh20

70 2.3.5. Transcription of Ceheng Hualong word list

汉语 布依语90年代 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

217 剥（果皮） fah24 fah24 fah24, sLm42

218 抱（孩子） fTl31 fTl31 ftl22

219 背（孩子） fX13 fX13 fL02

220 加（饭） sHl20 shl20

221 裂开 sD24w`9h13 sD24 fato24

222 编（篮子） S`9m13 S`9m13 r`m02

223 补（衣服） uX=M13 uX=M13 uL9M02

224 插（秧） fc@l13 fc@l13 fcCl02

225 尝（菜） bhl20 bhl20 bhl20

226 穿（衣服） s@m42 s@m42 sCm42

227 漏（水） pn22 pn22 yn11

228 点（头） M@j24 M`j22

229 挂（在墙上） udm13 uD9m13 udm02

230 滚（在地上） sDt24 sD9t24 yhM22

231 过（河） jv`24 jv`22 ju`24

232 划（船） j`t13'pt( j`9t13, u`s22

233 继续 'jvn(snM31s`l13 stM31s`l13, o@h13m`42

234 借（钱） bhD24 bh=24 bhd24

235 砍（树） p@l31 p@l42 eCm20, yCl42

236 烤（火） S@t13eh20 S`t13 yh9M02, rCt02

237 咳嗽 p@t42f@h13 f@h13 fCh02

238 肿（腿） jX22 jL22 eBj22

239 流（水） k@h13 k@h13 kCh02

240 起（床） p=m24 p=l24 ytm24

241 牵（牛） bhM13 bhM13 bhM02

242 晒 s`24 s`24 s`24

243 筛（米） p@M13 p@M13

244 上（楼） G=m42 w=m42 gLm42

245 下（楼） pnM20 pnM20 yBM20

2. Phonology of data points 71

汉语 布依语90年代 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

246 伸（手） i@M31 i`M31, iDm22 fh9s24

247 梳（头发） ptDh13 pnh13 ynh02

248 （头）疼 'sb`t(sbDs24 sbds24 fhm02, sbds24

249 踢 shs24 shs24 shs24

250 提（篮子） pht42 phDt42 yht42

251 吞 k@l22 k`l22 fctm22

252 脱（衣） sns24 sns24 sns24

253 问 w`l13 w@l24 gCl24

254 回答 w`9m13 w`9m13 g`m02

255 忘记 kTL20 ktl20 ktl20

256 下（雨） s@t42'vDm( s@t42 sCt42

257 休息 iHs23m`9h24 fiDs24m`9h24

258 寻找 s@t24 s@t24 y`02

259 眨（眼） i@o24's`13( fi@o24 fiCo24

260 住 fit24'j= k@L( fit24

261 蒸（饭〕 m`M42 m@M42 mCM42

262 活 sb@t13 sb@t13 sbCt02

263 死 s`h13 s`9h13 s`h02

264 病 ohM22 oHM22 ohM11

265 呼吸 shDt24bX13 shDt24bX=13

266 听 fc=j24¯h=13, ¯HD=13 ¯h=13 ¯hd02

267 看 MDt24 MD9t24 kL=42, MDt24

268 说, 讲 m@t20, j`M42 m@t20 mCt20, j`M42

269 笑 pDt13 pD9t13 ydt02

270 骂 fc`24 fc`24 fc`24, bCm24

271 哭 s@h42 s@h42 sCh42

272 吹 on24 on24

273 打呵欠 p`t13pTl20 p`t13ptl20 yCt24mhm20

274 睡觉 p@t13mhm20 mhm20 mhm20

72 2.3.5. Transcription of Ceheng Hualong word list

汉语 布依语90年代 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

275 站 fct=m13 fcTm13 fctm02

276 坐 m`M22 m@M22 mCM11

277 走 oi`9h42 oi`9h42 oi`h42

278 爬（小孩） pt=m20 pt=m20 yt9m20

279 爬（树） ohm13'e`h( ohm13 ohm02

280 来 l`13 l`13

281 去 o@h13 o@h13 oCh02

282 进入 w@t42fc@X13 o@h13fc@L13 gCt42

283 回来 s`t24l`13 s`t24 s`t24

284 飞 fahm13 fahm13 fahm02

285 骑 jnh22 jnh22, m`M22 jnh11

286 游泳 khDt22's`( khDt22s`22

287 浮 et20 et20 et20

288 玩 bT=13 bT=13 bCl20

289 唱 S`M13 w@t20, wtM20

290 鼓 sbnM13m`M13, sbTM13, mhDm20 sbBM02, ¯h9m20 sbnM13¯Dm20

291 干活 jv=22wnM13 jt=22wn9M3 gnM02

292 担 p`o24 p`o24 y`o24

293 关（门） w@o24'st( w`s24 gCo24

294 开（门） w`h13'st( w`9h13 g`h02

295 开（嘴） w`9h13'o`( f`31 f`22

296 推 fcDM13 bTh13 fcdM02

297 拉 kt`t22 kn22

298 掉 snj24 snj24 sBj24

299 给 w`X42 w@L42 gCL42

300 拿 f@t13 pht42 sL20

301 选择 kD22 kD22 kd11

302 买 bX31 bL31 bL22

303 卖 j`9h13 j`9h13 j`h02

2. Phonology of data points 73

汉语 布依语90年代 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

304 偷 jv=33p@j22 p`j22 yCj22

305 想要 mX22f@t13 mL22f@t13

306 有 mh31 mh31 kh22

307 知道 pn31wD22 pn31 yn22

308 怕 k`9t13 k`9t13 k`t02

309 洗（手） p`24'e=M( p`24 rnh24, y`24

310 洗（衣服） S`j22'oX=( S@j22 rCj22

311 捆 w=s22 wX=s22

312 擦（桌） l`s22 ft=s24 bCs22, ft9s24

313 切（肉） b`o22'mn( b`o22 ynm24

314 绳子 shDt20b`22 b`22 b`11

315 割（草） jnm20'¯h=( jB9m20 jBm20

316 劈开（木头） o`24'e=m( o`24 knh11

317 木头 fc=j24e@h31 e@h31sb@M24

318 挖 o`22 o`22

319 人 wnm20 wTm20 gtm20

320 布依族 ot31fiCnh31 finh31 fnh22

321 汉族 ot31w`24 w`24

322 男人 bh20o@t24 S`9h13 r`h02

323 女人 bh20i`22 fa=j24 faLj24

324 巫师 o@t14ln13 ln13, i`20 ln02

325 媒人 ot31SX24 rq24 rL24

326 朋友 wn33sbh13 u=h24sbh24

327 祖宗 o@t24i`22 o`t24i`22

328 父亲 shD22 on22, sh=22 on11

329 母亲 lD22 lD22 ld11

330 小孩 bh20k`9m13 bh20k`9m13

331 丈夫 jv`m13 jt`m13

332 妻子 o`20 bh20i`22 i`11

74 2.3.5. Transcription of Ceheng Hualong word list

汉语 布依语90年代 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

333 兄姐 oh31, sbD31 oh31, sbD42 oh22

334 弟妹 mt@M31'faXj24, S`9h13( mt@M31 mt9M22

335 独子 k=j22sn22 k=j22sn22

336 孙子 k`9m13 k`9m13 k`m02

337 公公 o@t24 ihD20 oCt24

338 婆婆 m@h22 m@h22

339 外公 o@t24s`13 o@t24s`13

340 外婆 i`22s`h24 s`9h24

341 客人 ot31wD24 wD24 gd24

342 姓 sbnM24 u@h13

343 名字 bn22 bn22 bn11

344 我 jt13 jt13 jt02

345 你 l=M20 l=M20 lLM20

346 他 sD13 sD13 sd02

347 咱们 wn13p@t20 wn24p@t20 yCt20

348 我们 wn14st13 wn24st13

349 你们 wn14ph=13 wn24ph=13 rt02

350 他们 wn23sD13 wn24sD13

351 别人 ot31eX=31 eX=31, ot31f=m24 eL=22

352 柴 e=m20 e=m20 eLm20

353 火 eh20 eh20 eh20

354 火焰 mnj22eh20 mnj22eh20

355 烧 bTs24 fc`M31 oiCt02

356 烧（做饭） fc@M31 fc`M31 fcCM22

357 灰尘 s@t22 s@t22

358 烟 wnm20 wnm20 gBm20

359 弓 jBM13 jn9M13 jBM42

360 箭 m`24 ¯h=42, m`24 m`24

361 打猎 s=j24s@t24 s=j24s@t24

2. Phonology of data points 75

汉语 布依语90年代 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

362 杀 j`42 j`42 j`42

363 打架 snM31w`9h31 stM31w`9h31

364 一 fcDt13, fhs24 fhs24 fhs24

365 二 SnM13 Mh22 ¯h11

366 一（一个人） ot31vDm20fcDt13 fchDt13 fcdt02

367 两（两个人） SnM22ot31w=m20 SnM13 rnM02

368 三 S`9l13 S`9l13 r`l02

369 四 Sh24 Sh24 rh24

370 五 w`42 w`24 g`24

371 六 pnj24 pnj24 knj24

372 七 bDs24 bDs24 bCs24

373 八 oDs24 ods24 ods24

374 九 jt42 jt42 jt42

375 十 bho22 bho22 bho22

376 二十 Mh22bho22 Mh22bho22

377 百 o`24 o`24 o`24

378 千 bhDm13 bhDm13

379 都 'gn sD(sn22's`M( b@h20

380 一些 fa`M31 mnh22

381 多 k`9h13 k`9h13 k`h02

382 少 mnh24 mnh24 rdt42

383 每 fhs24 fhs24

384 大 k`9t31 k`9t31 k`t22

385 小 mh24 mh24

386 长 p@h20 p@h20 yCh20

387 短 shm42 shm42 shm42

388 高 S`9M13 S`9M13 r`M02

389 矮 s@l24 s@l24 sCl24

390 圆 o@t31 o@t31 oCt22

76 2.3.5. Transcription of Ceheng Hualong word list

汉语 布依语90年代 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

391 扁 oDm24 oDl42 faDo24

392 厚 m`13 m`13 m`02

393 薄 faDM13 fad9M13 faDM02

394 宽 jv`M24 jv`M24 ju`M24

395 窄 b@m20 bh@m20 bCm20

396 硬 fcnM31 fcnM31 fcnM22

397 软 ft=m24 ft=m24 ftm24

398 直 Snm22 Snm22 rn11

399 弯曲 j}nM24jn20 jtM20jn20 jn20

400 快 pht20 ph=t30

401 慢 m`9h22 m`9h22

402 重 m`j24 m`9j24 mCj24

403 轻 fa@t13 fa@t13 faCt02

404 胖 fnm24 fT=m24 oh20

405 瘦 oinl13 oin9l13 oinl02

406 黑 enm31 enm31 enm22

407 红 fchM13 fchM13 fchM02

408 白 w`9t13 w`9t13 g`t02

409 黄 wDm42 wDm42 gdm42

410 绿 knj22 knj22 kBj22

411 蓝 s@t22 s@t22

412 干的 wX24 wL24 gL24

413 湿 fchj24 'ktj24( kTo24 stl11

414 空的 jnm13 jn9m13, fc@h24

415 满 phl13 phl13 yhl02

416 干净 S@X13 S@X13 rCL02

417 脏（衣服） pn24 fc`9M31

418 新 ln24 lTn24 ln24

419 年轻 ot31bn20 bn20 bn20

2. Phonology of data points 77

汉语 布依语90年代 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

420 聪明 jv`9h13 jv`9h13 ju`h02

421 傻 fv`31 fv`31

422 旧 j@t24 j@t24 jCt24

423 老 sbD24 sbD24 sbd24

424 聋的 mtj24 mtj24 mtj24

425 热 f`M13 fc`s24 fc`s24, yCt42

426 冷 bdM31 bdM31 mhs24, bdM22

427 好 fch13 fch13 fch02

428 坏 u`9h22 u`h22 u`h11

429 破 sD24 pnh31, sD24

430 深 k@j22 k`j22 kCj22

431 浅 faDs24 faDs24 fanj24

432 斜 M`9M24 fahs24, M`M24, MDt24 fahs24

433 亮 pnM22 pnM22 ynM11

434 暗 u@l31 uX=l31, k`o24

435 清 S@X13 S@X13

436 浑 mnM20 mnM20, lL=24 mBM20

437 壮 j@m42 pdM20

438 弱 ptM24 ptM24, m`9h24

439 淡 bTs24 bTs24 bts24

440 累 m`9h24 m`9h24 m`h24

441 （捆）紧 fc@s24 fc`s24 fcCs24

442 松 kn9l13 ptM24, kn9l13 ytM24

443 滑 w`9t31 w`9t31

444 贵 odM20 oDM20 odM20

445 便宜 s=j22 s=j22

446 嫩 ft=m24 fTm24

447 难 ¯@s24 ¯hDs24

448 容易 f`9h22 M`9h22

78 2.3.5. Transcription of Ceheng Hualong word list

汉语 布依语90年代 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

449 臭 w@t13 w@t13 gCt02

450 香 wnl13 wn9l13 gnl02

451 忙 w@m13 w@m13

452 穷 wn42 wn42 gn42

453 富 o@m20fch13 o@m20fch13

454 热闹 fch13jnm24, fch13l@h20 l@h20, fch24wn9l24 lCh20

455 安静 oi@j22 oi`j22

456 漂亮（女） kt@l42 kt@l42 r`t02

457 狡猾 sb`42jv`9h13 sb`24jt`9h13

458 勇敢 fc@M24 fc@M24, s`o24k`t31

459 懒 sbHj24 sbhj24 sbhj24

460 努力 jvT33s`20p@h31 M@l20

461 远 sb@h13 sb@h13 sbCh02

462 近 sb@X42 sb@X42 sbCL42

463 里（面） 'o`h33(fc`X13 fc@L13 fcCL02

464 外（面） 'o`h33(pn22 o`9h22pn22 ynj22

465 右（边） 'o`h33(jv`20 jv`20 ju`20

466 左（边） 'o`h33(Snh31 r[nh31 rnh24

467 上面 'o`h33(j=m20 o`h22j=m20 jLm20

468 下面 'o`h33(k`42 o`h22k`42 k`42

469 这里 j=20mh31 o`h22mh31 mh22

470 那里 j=20sD13 o`h22sD13

471 这个 j@h24mh31 j@h24mh31

472 那个 j@h24sD13 j@h24sD13

473 哪里 j=20k@X20 j=31k@L20 kCL20

474 谁 ot31k@X20 ot31k@L20

475 什么 j=24l`20 j=24l`20

476 怎么 j@h13k@X20, s@M24k@X20 s`M24k`L20

477 什么时候 bX20k@X20 pD22k`L20

2. Phonology of data points 79

汉语 布依语90年代 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

478 为什么 vDh13j=33l`20 u=h13s`M24k@L20 l`20

479 在 fit24 fit24 fiht24

480 刚（来） 'sD(b`l20's`M( b@l20

481 马上（走） s`M24mh31bh22o@h13 s@M24mh31

482 赶快（去） o@h13s`20S`h31 pht20mnh22, p`9h31, pht20

483 就 MDt13bh22pn31 bh22

484 先 'l=M('o@h13(jnm13 jn9m24 jnm24

485 常常 'sD(bn20'l`13(p@X30 p=m22p=m22, pD22pD22

486 最(快) pht20b@X30 pht22mnh22, m=m31mnh22

487 更（快） pht20sn13 pht20m=m31

488 一起（作） 'jvT(o@h13's@t24(sn22 stM31b@l22

489 只（买五斤） b@l24'bX g` j@m( b@l42

490 又（来） i@t13's`M ot fcDt( ____…ln24

491 再（说一遍） 'm`t20s`t24fcDt13( sd9l13 sDl13 'ln24(

492 也 'jt(i`31'o@h( fi`22

493 或者 'S`L ot(lh20bh20'Sh lh20bh22 ot(

494 好象 kTl43ot31'`t s`t( kTl42ot31 ktl42

495 从 s@h24'sD g@m mh31( s@h24

496 和 'eD(Dl20'jt('fch31( mdl20 yL9M20

497 因为 s`M24mh30 w`20k@X20

498 如果 b`20fh24 w@t24k@X20

499 到 s`M20'S`m kdt( s@M20 sCM20

500 是 sDM13 sd9M13 sdM02

501 不 lh20 lh20 lh20

502 没关系 lh20mh31j=33l`30 lh20s@M24k@X20, lh20j=24l`20

503 已经 jv`13o@h24 fh=24, oi=j24, kDt31

80 2.4.1. Phone and phoneme inventory

2.4. Changshun Guyang 2.4.1. Phone and phoneme inventory Initial consonants BiLab LaDe Alv PoAl AlPal Pal Vel Glo Plos vl o, oi s j f, fi PreGlo fa fc Aff vl sb Fric vl r b vd u [y] Y F [G] Nas vd l, [li] m ¯ M, Mv Lat vd k App vd [v] i Final consonants

o, s, f, l, m, M Vowels Front Central Back unrd unrd unrd rd Close h [X] [L] t Near-close [H] Close-mid n Mid =, [=:] Open-mid D [B] Near-open [@] Open `, `: Tones Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7, 9 8 10 Pitch value 13 21 22 41 25 44 34 21 33 2.4.2. Notes • [s] and [b] are almost in complementary distribution, but for the examples cited in the minimal pairs section. [s] occurs before [i] only twice and [b] occurs before [i#] only three times. [b] occurs in the environment C__i(V)(C)# a number of times, but only occurs in the environment C__VC (where V ≠ [i]) only once in 445 ‘inexpensive’ [b@M22]. In listening to

2. Phonology of data points 81

the [b] words, in some cases it is difficult to distinguish [bV(V)(C)] from [biV(V)(C)], so some of the [biV(V)(C)] words could conceivably be [bV(V)(C)] instead. • [Y] occurs most frequently, with [z] occurring on only 10 items. However, both occur before front, mid, and back vowels, so they could be taken to be two separate phonemes. However, while transcribing the words with the speaker there seemed to be some sort of variation between [z] and [Y], with [Y] occurring in varying degrees of post-alveolar tongue position. So we view these two sounds as one phoneme, occurring in some degree of free variation. [Y] is taken as the phoneme. • [F] and [G] do not occur before high front vowels. [G] occurs only on seven items and seems to be in free variation with [F]. [F] occurs with varying degrees of “fricativeness” and is taken as the phoneme. • [w] and [v] seem to be variations of one phoneme. The speaker often used a sound that was a combination of the two sounds, sort of a labialized labiodental voiced fricative. This sound sometimes was pronounced as [vw], sometimes as [v], and sometimes as [w]. [v] is taken as the phoneme. • [fi] could be analyzed as being [fh-] phonemically, but on some lexical items it is strongly palatalized, as opposed to being pronounced as glottal plus vowel. [fi] occurs on five items. It is included in the phonemic inventory. • [li] only occurs once. The palatalization is not really all that strong and is not considered phonemic. • [Mv] only occurs on the word 15 ‘day’. The labialization is pronounced distinctively, as opposed to the words with Mt- (i.e., 161 ‘reed’ [Mtn31] and 228 ‘nod one’s head’ [Mt@20]). • [`] occurs very regularly as a long vowel, or as the last vowel of an open syllable. [@] occurs in complimentary distribution with [a]. See allophonic rules below. • [H] only occurs on two items, both in the environment ¯__# C__. [H] is considered a free variation form of /i/. • [B] only occurs on five items and is considered an irregular variation of /o/. • [=:] only occurs on one item and the length is not considered phonemic. • [X] and [L] are considered variations of the same phoneme, even though minimal pairs can be found for them in the data. This particular sound seems to occur anywhere in the vowel space from [X] to [L], in varying degrees. • In general, [=] does not occur in the environment C(V)__# except as the end of a diphthong, whereas [X] and [L] generally occur in that environment. There are only a few exceptions: 111 ‘ear’ [Yv=20], 8 ‘wind’ [yX=l20], and 13 ‘afternoon’ [rLh00]. [L] occurs in the environment Ci__f twice and [=] occurs in C__f once: 323 ‘women’ [fa=f24]. [X], [L], and [=] are considered as one phoneme, the [X] and [L] sounds occurring in complimentary distribution with [=] with only a few exceptions.

82 2.4.3. Minimal pairs

2.4.3. Minimal pairs m and ¯ 274 ‘to sleep’ [mhm31] or 471 ‘this’ [j=24 mh31], 35 ‘sea’ [¯h13] r and b 225 ‘to taste’ [bh=l20], 305 ‘to want’ [rh=l12 sb@h31 @t13] 369 ‘four’ [rh24], 183 ‘key’ [bh20 knM22] a: and @ 100 ‘spider’ [j`:t24], 76 ‘horn’ [j@t24] 105 ‘body’ [fc`:M13], 110 ‘nose’ [fc@M103] 2.4.4. Allophonic rules /a/ → [@]/C(V)__{(V),C} → [a]/elsewhere (/a:/ is always [`:])

/=/ → [X, L]/__# → [=]/elsewhere 2.4.5. Transcription of Changshun Guyang word list 长顺古羊（营盘）90年代与50年代音位糸统比较

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

1 阳光 fcCs24 fch`s24

2 闪电 fh`o24oi`22 fh`o24oi`22

3 雷（名） oi`22 oi`22 oi`22

4 月亮 YtCM24fcDm13 Yt`M24fc=m13

5 星星 fc`13fch31 fc`13fch31

6 天, 天空 fc=22fa=_m13 fc=22fa=m13 faLm02

7 云 vt22 vt22 ut22

8 风 yX=l20 y=l20 yLl20

9 雨 v=m13 v=m13 uLm02

10 彩虹 s=20stM20 s=20stM20 stM20

11 雾 k=22lB24 k=22lB24 lt`j24

12 早上 srhM22M=Cs24 srhM22M`s24 MCs24

13 下午 srhM22MvCm20, rLh00YhM20 srhM13Mv`m20, rLh00YhM20

14 晚上 srhM22MC9l22 sbhM22M`9l22 MLm20, FCl44

15 天, 日子 fc=m13Mt`m20 fc=m13Mv`m20 Mt`m20

16 年 oh13 oh13 oh02

17 早（来早） rC9t31 r`9t31 rCt42, yt`l44

2. Phonology of data points 83

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

18 晚（来晚） ktCs24 kt`s24 kt`s24

19 早餐 MC9h20YtCl31 M`9h20Yt`l31

20 午饭 FCt31M`9h31 F`t31M`9h31 M`h20

21 下午的餐 yhM20

22 晚饭 FCt31rC9t20 F`t31r`9t20 rCt20

23 水 YCl31 y`l31 yCl42

24 井 fan24 fan24 fan24

25 土 mC9l22 m`9l22 m`l44

26 石头 yhm13 yhm13 yhm02

27 沙 YD24 YD24 yd24

28 尘土（路上） ltCM13 lt`M13 sCt44

29 金子 sbh=l24 sbh=l24 sbhl02

30 银子 MCm20 M`m20 MCm20

31 铁 u`20 u`20 u`20

32 河 sC22 s`22 s`44

33 岸 jt`M24, GCm20 jt`M24, G`m20

34 湖 sCl20 s`l20

35 海 ¯h13 ¯h13 F`h22

36 山 on13 on13 on02

37 路 YtCm13 Yt`m13 yCm02

38 村子 fcCm31 fa`m31 fa`m42

39 房子 YC9m20 Y`9m31 y`m20

40 房顶 ¯ht20YC9m20 ¯ht20Y`m20

41 门 o`24st13 o`24st13 st02

42 木板（板子） YhCo22 Yh`o22

43 桌子 rtCM20 rt`M20 rt`M20

44 凳子 sCM24 s`M24 sCM24

45 碗 r`13 r`13 st`h42, r`02

46 筷子 sL22 sL22 sL44

84 2.4.5. Transcription of Changshun Guyang word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

47 扫把 sbh13oC9s24 sbh13o`s24 oCs24

48 猪圈 Y=M31lt13 Y=M31lt13

49 田（稻田） m`20 m`20 m`20

50 地 m`31YhCM31, Yh22 m`20Yh`M31, Yh22 yh44

51 大米 FC9t31rCm103 F`9t31r`m103 r`m02

52 米饭 FC9t31rn20 F`9t31rn20 FCt42

53 糯米 FC9t31rtns20fchCo24 F`9t31rtns20fch=o24

54 糯米饭 FC9t31rtn20rn20 F`9t31rtn20rn20

55 秧苗 sb`22 sb`22 sb`22

56 草（青嫩） ¯hL22, ¯h`13 ¯hL22 ¯L22

57 甘蔗 fvCh31ltCh22 ft`h31lt`h22 ft`h42

58 树 uCh31 u`h31 uCh42

59 （树）根 y`22 y`22 y`j44

60 竹子（总称） u`h31YtCf20 u`h31Yt`f20 yCs20（金竹）

61 森林 fc=22fctCM13 fc=22fct`M13 fct`M02

62 叶子 faC13YtCM13, faC13uCh31 fa`13Yt`M13, fa13u`h31 faCL02

63 刺（名） fvCm13 ft`m13 ft`m02

64 花 fcC9h24 fc`9h24 fc`h24

65 籽, 种子 vC9m13, mCs20 v`9m13 uCm02

66 水果 k=20uCh31 k=20u`h31

67 菜（蔬菜） oi`24 oi`24 oiCj24

68 动物（总称） st10mn22（家养）, st20mn22, iD22 st10iD22（非家养）

69 猪 lt13 lt13 lt02

70 羊 inM20 inM20 itM20

71 狗 l`13 l`13 l`02

72 马 l`31 l`31 l`42

73 水牛 u`9h20 u`9h20 u`h20

74 黄牛 rX20 rX20 rL20

75 尾巴 Y=M13 Y=M13 y=M02

2. Phonology of data points 85

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

76 角（牛） j`t24 j`t24 jCt02

77 老虎 jtn24 jtn24 jtj24

78 熊 lDh24 lDh24 lth02

79 猴子 kh=M20 kh=M20 khM20

80 蝙蝠 st00uC9t20 s=00u`9t20 u`t20

81 兔子 lCt22YX22 l`t22YX22

82 老鼠 mt24 mt24 u`t22

83 鸟 s=00YtC20 s=00Yt`20 yt`j44

84 鸟窝 YtCM20YtC20 Yt`M20Yt`20

85 鸡 s=00jCh24 s=00j`h24 jCh24

86 鸡冠 u=m102jCh24 u=m102j`h24

87 鸭子 s=00oh=s24 s=00oh=s24 ohs24

88 鹅 s=00GC9m24 s=00G`9m24 F`m24

89 猫头鹰 YtC20jCt13lhCt24 Yt`20j`t13lh`t24

90 翅膀 u=s22 u=s22 uLs44

91 羽毛 o=m13 o=m13 oLm02

92 爪子 Yh=o31 Yh=o31

93 蛋 sbCh24 sb`h24 sbCh24

94 鱼 oi`13 oi`13 oi`02

95 鱼鳍 u=m13 u=m13

96 蛇 ML20 ML20 ML20

97 蚊子 ¯hCM20 ¯h`M20 mh`M20

98 苍蝇 ¯hCM20ktn20 ¯h`M20ktn20

99 蚂蚁 lC9s20 l`9s20 lCs20

100 蜘蛛 s=00jC9t24 s=00j`9t24 j`t02

101 跳蚤 lCs24 l`s24 lCs24

102 臭虫 yt=s22 yt=s22 y=j44

103 蚯蚓 fc=m13 fc=m13

104 虱子 s=00mCm20 s=00m`m20 mCm20

86 2.4.5. Transcription of Changshun Guyang word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

105 身体 fc=22fc`9M13 fc=22fc`9M13 fc`M02

106 头 sbCt22 sb`t22 sbCt22

107 头发 o=m13sbCt22 o=m13sb`t22

108 脸 oCh22m`31 o`h22m`31 m`22

109 眼睛 mh22s`103 mh22s`103 s`02

110 鼻子 j= fc`M24 fc=22fc`M103 fcCM02

111 耳朵 faC22YL=20 fa`12Yt=20 yL20

112 嘴巴 rnM22o`24 rnM22o`24 o`24

113 牙齿 j=22ihCt20 j=22ih`t20 ih`t22

114 舌头 faC12khm31 fa`12kh=m31 khm42

115 下巴 j=24GCM20 j=24G`M20 F`M20

116 胡子 l=l22 l=l22 lLl44

117 额头 m`31oi`24 m`31oi`24 oi`j24

118 脖子 jCt22vn20 j`L22vn20

119 肩膀 jCt13faC24 j`t13fa`24 fa`24

120 手 u`22u=M20 u`22u=M20 uLM20

121 腿 j=31j`103 j=31j`103 j`02

122 膝盖 sbCt31Ftn24 sb`t31Ftn24 Fn24

123 脚 uC24shM13 u`24shm13 shm02

124 胸 oCM31fC24 o`M31f`24 fCj24

125 背 oCh22kCM13 o`h22k`9M13 kCM02

126 甲状腺肿 Fn31fC9h24 Fn31f`9h24

127 心脏 fc=m13k=M20 fc=13k=M20 st`l24

128 肺脏 o=s24 o=s24 oLs24

129 脑子 fn24 fn24 ftj24

130 肝 sCo24 s`o24 sCo24

131 肚子 stM31 snM31 stM42

132 肚脐 fch13on22 fch13on22 fcL02

133 肠子 rCh22 r`h22 rCh22

2. Phonology of data points 87

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

134 血 k=s22 k=s22 kts44

135 屎（牛屎） fD31 fD31 fd42

136 骨头 fctn24 fctn24 fct`j24

137 皮肤 m`M13 m`M13 mCM02

138 肉 mn44 mn22 mn44

139 油（猪） kCt20 k`t20 ih20

140 大蒜 vB24 vn24 un02

141 姜 ih=M13 ih=M13 ihM02

142 盐 sbt24 sbt24 sbt02

143 咬 FCo20 F`o20 FCo20

144 吃 j=m13 j=m13 jLm02

145 喝 fctCs24 fct`s24 fcCs24

146 酒 kCt22 k`t22 kCt22

147 醉（酒） uh20 uh20

148 呕吐 ftC20 ft`20 ytj44

149 煮 ynM13 ynM13 ytM02

150 甜 st=m31 st=m31 u`m02

151 酸 rC9l22 r`9l22 rCl22

152 苦 FCl20 F`l20 FCl20

153 咸 fcCM24 fc`M24 fcCM24

154 辣 rCs24 r`s22 r`s44, l`m44

155 饿 fiX=24 fiX=24 fLj24

156 黄瓜 k=00sh=M24 k=00sh=M24 sh9M02

157 南瓜 k=00uC20 k=00u`20

158 丝瓜 shM13Y`24rCt24 shM13Y`24r`t24

159 豆 k=00l@24 k=00l@24 kLj20l`24

160 芋头 k=00rCm22, k=00Y=l31 k=00r`m22, k=00Y=l31

161 芦苇 Mtn31 Mtn31

162 衣服 oL22 o=22 ot44

88 2.4.5. Transcription of Changshun Guyang word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

163 布 oCM20 o`M20 oCM20

164 棉 uCh24 u`h24 u`h24

165 裤子 rnM13 rnM13 rtM02

166 袜子 lCs22 l`s22 l`s44

167 席子 shCl31 sh`l31

168 蚊帐 Yh=o24 Yh=o24 yho24

169 斗笠 sbCo24 sb`o24 sbCo24

170 刀 uC22lhDs20 u`22lhDs20 lhs20

171 把（刀） u`22 u`22 u`j44

172 锅 rCt24 r`t24

173 锅盖 u`13jCo20rCt24 u`13j`o20r`t24 u`02

174 三脚架 rCM13j`13sbh=M31 r`M13j`13sbh=M31 sbLM20

175 背带 jCh24fc`13 j`h24fc`13 fc`02

176 扇子 u`22oh20 u`22oh20 oh20

177 秤 fc=13rCM22 fc=13r`M22 bCM44

178 锥子

179 剪子 u`22sbhCt20 u`22sbh`t20 sbh`t20

180 钱 oi`12, uCM20 oi`12, u`M20 bh9m20

181 雨伞 k=M22 k=M22 kLM22

182 锁 knM22 knM22 ktM22

183 钥匙 bh20knM22 bh20knM22

184 棍子 s=M31 s=M31

185 竹竿 rC9t31, uCh31YtCs20 u`h31Yt`s20, r`9t31 r`t42

186 船 fc=13yt20 fc=13yt20 yt20

187 斧头 u`24u`m103 u`24u`m103 u`m02

188 犁 u`24rCh103 u`24r`h103 rCh02

189 锄头 u`22fa`24 u`22fa`24 u`24l`44

190 扁担 shCt20FCm20 sh`t20F`m20 F`m20

191 麻 fcC9h31 fc`9h31 fc`h42

2. Phonology of data points 89

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

192 肥料 o=m22 o=m22 oLm44

193 石臼 fc=22stCh24 fc=21st`h24 yLl02

194 杵 shCt20fiX=24 sh`t20fiX=24

195 筛子 fc=22yCM13 fc=22y`M13 yCM02

196 簸箕 fc=22fctCM31 fc=22fct`M31 fct`M42

197 织布机 fc=22rnM20 fc=22rnM20 rtM20

198 纸 r`13 r`13 r`02

199 墨水 YCl31lC20 f`l31l`20 lCj20

200 笔 ohm24lC20 ohm24l`20

201 唢呐 s`13sh22 s`13sh22

202 网 YD13, uCM33 YD13, u`M33

203 钩子 ¯h24jB13 ¯H24jn13

204 鬼 s=00uCM20 s=00u`M20 u`M20

205 神 rL31 rL31

206 力气 YhCM20 Yh`M20 yh`M20

207 影子 s=20MCt20 s=20M`t20 MCt20

208 梦 uCM24M=m20 u`M24M=m20

209 故事 vCM31jtCM22 v`M31jt`M22

210 礼物 fa`9h24 fa`9h24 kCh42, faCh24

211 错误 ohCt13 oh`t13 kt`M02

212 闲空 uCM24 u`m24 u`M24

213 方向 jCf24 j`f24

214 缝 ¯h=o20, s=M13 ¯h=o20, s=m13 ¯ho20

215 喜欢 M`9h22 M`9h22 f`M24

216 爱 M`9h22 M`9h22

217 剥（果皮） fah24 fah24 fah24, sLm22

218 抱（孩子） f=l31 f=l31 fLl42

219 背（孩子） f=20 f=20 fL02

220 加（饭） ot22, shCl13 ot22, sh`l13

90 2.4.5. Transcription of Changshun Guyang word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

221 裂开 sh=24GCo24 sh=24G`o24

222 编（篮子） rCm103 r`m103 r`m02

223 补（衣服） vnM13 vnM13 utM02

224 插（秧） fcCl13 fc`l13 fcCl02

225 尝（菜） rX=22, bh=l20 rL22, bh=l20 bLl20

226 穿（衣服） sCm22 s`m22 sCm22

227 漏（水） Yn22 Yn22 yn44

228 点（头） MtC20 Mt`20

229 挂（在墙上） vC9h22 v`9h22

230 滚（在地上） Yh=M31 Yh=M31 sbhM42

231 过（河） jt`24 jt`24 ju`24

232 划（船） jC9t13 j`9t13 j`t02

233 继续 s=24jn22 s=24jn22

234 借（钱） bh24, fh=l13 bh`24, fi=l13 rh24

235 砍（树） uCm20 u`m20 uCm20, yCl22

236 烤（火） oht24, Yh=M13 oht24, Yh=M13 yhM02

237 咳嗽 fCh13 f`h13 fCh02

238 肿（腿） vn20 v`20

239 流（水） kCh13 k`h13 kCh02

240 起（床） yDm24 y=m24 yLm24

241 牵（牛） bh=M13 bh=M13 bhM02

242 晒 s`24 s`24 s`j24

243 筛（米） yCM13 Y`M13

244 上（楼） F=m22 F=m22 FLm22

245 下（楼） ytCM20 Yt`M20 yt`M20

246 伸（手） fhDs24 fhDs24 fhs24

247 梳（头发） YtC9h13 Yt`9h13 yt`h02

248 （头）疼 sbhDs24 sbhDs24 sbh`s24

249 踢 shCf24 sh`24 shs24

2. Phonology of data points 91

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

250 提（篮子） Yht22 Yht22 yht22

251 吞 fct=m31 fct=m31 fctm42

252 脱（衣） stCs24 st`s24 st`s24

253 问 FCl24 F`l24 FCl24

254 回答 FCm13 F`m13 F`m02

255 忘记 k=l20 k=l20 kLl20

256 下（雨） sCt22 s`t22 sCt22

257 休息 ih24m`9h24 ih24m`9h24

258 寻找 Y`22, rCh22 r`h22, Y`12 y`02

259 眨（眼） fiCo24 fi`o24 fiCo24

260 住 fiht24 fit24

261 蒸（饭〕 mC9M22 m`9M22 mCM22

262 活 fch=t24 fch=t24 sbCt02

263 死 s`9h24 s`9h24 s`h02

264 病 oh=M22 oh=M22 ohM44

265 呼吸 rnM24rth13, fctCs24rth13 rnM24rtDh13, fct`s24rtDh13

266 听 j`t22¯h13 j`t22¯h13 ¯h02

267 看 shCl24 sh`l24 MCM44, sd24

268 说, 讲 jCM22 j`M22 mCt20, j`M22

269 笑 Yht24 Yht24 yht02

270 骂 v=s24 v=s24 fc`24, sCm02

271 哭 sC9h22 s`9h22 sCh22

272 吹 on24 on24

273 打呵欠 Y`13mhm31 Y`13mhm31 yCt22mhm20

274 睡觉 mhm31 mhm31 mhm20

275 站 fct=m13 fct=m13 fcLm02

276 坐 YCM22 Y`M22 yCM44

277 走 oi`9h22 oi`9h22 oi`h22

278 爬（小孩） Yt=m20 Yt=m20 ytm20

92 2.4.5. Transcription of Changshun Guyang word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

279 爬（树） ohm13 ohm13 ohm02

280 来 lC13 l`13

281 去 oC9h13 o`9h13 oCh02

282 进入 oCh13fcC13 o`h13fc`f13 FCt22

283 回来 sC9t24lC13 s`9t24l`13 s`t24

284 飞 fahm13 fahm13 fahm02

285 骑 jt=h22 jt=h22 jth44

286 游泳 Yht20 Yht20

287 浮 vt20 vt20 ut20

288 玩 kCM24 k`m24 bCl20

289 唱 mCt20 m`t20

290 鼓 sbtCM13 sbt`M13 sbt`M02, ¯hm20

291 干活 jn22vCM13 jn22v`9M13 ut`M02

292 担 YCo24 Y`o24 y`o24

293 关（门） G`o24 G`o24 FCo24

294 开（门） GC9h13 G`9h13 F`h02

295 开（嘴） f`31 f`31 f`42

296 推 fchCM13 fch`M13 fch`M02

297 拉 k`33 k`13

298 掉 stB24 stB24 st`j24

299 给 G=C22 G=`22 FCl20

300 拿 sL20 sL20 sL20

301 选择 kD13 kD22 kd44

302 买 rX31 rL31 rL42

303 卖 jC9h24 j`9h24 j`h02

304 偷 YC20 Y`20 yCj20

305 想要 rh=l12sbCh31Ct13 rh=l12sb`h31`t13

306 有 kh20 kh20 kh42

307 知道 Yn31 Yn31 yn42

2. Phonology of data points 93

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

308 怕 kC9t13 k`9t13 k`t02

309 洗（手） rth24 rth24 rth24, y`24

310 洗（衣服） rC20 r`20 rCj20

311 捆 vCm22 v`m22

312 擦（桌） ft=s24 ft=s24 fts24, r`s24

313 切（肉） Yt`m24 yt`m24 yt`m24

314 绳子 r`22 r`22 r`j44

315 割（草） jt`m20 jt`m20 jtCm20

316 劈开（木头） o`24 o`24 o`24

317 木头 uCh31 u`h31

318 挖 o`22 o`22

319 人 s=20v=m20 s=20v=m20 uLm20

320 布依族 o=20fih31 o=20fih31 fh42

321 汉族 o=20F`24 o=20F`24

322 男人 o=20rC9h13 o=20r`9h13 r`h02

323 女人 k=20fa=f24 k=20fa=f24 faLj24

324 巫师 oCt24ln13(男), i`22i`20, o`t24ln13 ln02 i`22i`20(女）

325 媒人 ot31rX24 ot=31rL24 rL24

326 朋友 rC9t24st20 r`9t24st20

327 祖宗 k=20oCt24k=20i`22 k=20o`t24k=20i`22

328 父亲 on22 on22 on44

329 母亲 lD22 lD22 ld44

330 小孩 k=20mCh24 k=20m`h24

331 丈夫 oCt24 o`t24

332 妻子 i`22 i`22 i`44

333 兄姐 oh31(兄）, s`13（姐） oh31, s`13 oh42

334 弟妹 mtCM31 mt`M31 mt`M42

335 独子 k=00snC24 k=00sn`24

336 孙子 kCm13 k`m13 k`m02

94 2.4.5. Transcription of Changshun Guyang word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

337 公公 jnM24 jnM22 oCt24

338 婆婆 mCh22 m`h22

339 外公 oCt24s`13 o`t24s`13

340 外婆 i`22s`9h24 i`22s`9h24

341 客人 oDh20i`24 o=h20i`24 i`j24

342 姓 bh=M24 bh=M24

343 名字 rn22rX13 rn22rL13 rn44

344 我 jt13 jt13 jt02

345 你 l=9M31 l=9M31 lLM20

346 他 sD13 sD13 sd02

347 咱们 sbnM24YCt20mh31 sbnM24y`t20mh31 yCt20

348 我们 YCt20 Y`t20

349 你们 sbnM24rt13 sbnM24rt13 rt02

350 他们 sbnM24sD13 sbnM24sD13

351 别人 ot31fDm24 ot31f=m13 uL42, fLm24

352 柴 v=m20 v=m20 uLm20

353 火 uh20 uh20 uh20

354 火焰 oht13uh20 oht13uh20

355 烧 ohCt13 oi`t13 oiCt02

356 烧（做饭） fcCM24 fc`M24 fcCM42

357 灰尘 ltCM13 lt`M13

358 烟 vCm20 v`m20 uCm20

359 弓 m`24 m`24 jbt`M44

360 箭 mL22 mL22 m`24

361 打猎 k`h22fctCM13 k`h22fct`M13

362 杀 j`22 j`22 j`22

363 打架 stM31sh20 stM31sh20

364 一 fchC13, fhDs24 fch`t13, fhDs24 fhs24

365 二 rtCM13, ¯h22 rt`M13, ¯h22 ¯h44

2. Phonology of data points 95

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

366 一（一个人） v=m20kC13 v=m20m`13 fch`t02

367 两（两个人） rtCM13u=m31 rt`M13u=m31 rt`M02

368 三 rC9l13 r`9l13 r`l02

369 四 rh24 rh24 rh24

370 五 F`22 F`22 F`22

371 六 Ytn=24 Ytn=24 yt`j24

372 七 rCs24 r`s24 rCs24

373 八 ohDs24 ohDs24 oh`s24

374 九 jt22 jt22 jt22

375 十 bh=o20 bh=o20 bCo20

376 二十 ¯h22bh=o20 ¯H22bh=o20

377 百 o`24 o`24 o`j24

378 千 Yh`M13 Yh`M13

379 都 st22 st22

380 一些 j=20YCt13 j=20Y`t13

381 多 kC9h13 k`9h13 k`h02

382 少 bh=t22 bh=t22 rht22

383 每

384 大 kC9t31 k`9t31 k`t42

385 小 mCh24 m`h24

386 长 YCh20 Y`h20 yCh20

387 短 shm22 shm22 shm22

388 高 r`9M13 r`9M13 r`M02

389 矮 sCl24 s`l24 sCl24

390 圆 YCm20 Y`m20 yCm20

391 扁 oCl22 o`l22

392 厚 m`13 m`13 m`02

393 薄 faC9M13 fa`9M13 fa`M02

394 宽 jtCM24 jt`m24 ju`M24

96 2.4.5. Transcription of Changshun Guyang word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

395 窄 rCm20 r`m20 rCm20

396 硬 fctCM31 fct`M31 fct`M42

397 软 fT=m24 ft=m24 ftm44

398 直 rn22 rn22 rn44

399 弯曲 jn20 jn20 jn20

400 快 FCm13 F`m13

401 慢 mnM22 mnM22

402 重 mCf24 m`f24 mCj24

403 轻 faCt13 fa`t13 faCt02

404 胖 oh20（动物）, lCM22（人） l`M22 oh20

405 瘦 oinl13 oinl13 oit`l02

406 黑 vCm31 v`m31 ut`m42

407 红 fch=M24 fch=M24 fchM02

408 白 FC9t24 F`9t24 F`t02

409 黄 ihCm22 ih`m22 ih`m22

410 绿 ktB20 ktB20 kt`j20

411 蓝 ohLf24 ohLf24

412 干的 FL24（衣服）, Yn20（柴）, FL24 fL24 YhCM（天干）

413 湿 fcB24 fcn24

414 空的 jtCm13（竹）, oht24 oht24

415 满 Yh=l13 Yh=l13 yhl02

416 干净 bhCt24 bh`t24 rCL02

417 脏（衣服） fCl31 f`l31

418 新 ln24 ln24 ln24

419 年轻 o=20Sn20 o=20rn20 rn20

420 聪明 rC9M22, jC9t20 r`9m22, j`9t20 ju`h02

421 傻 ftC31 ft`31

422 旧 jCt24 j`t24 jCt24

2. Phonology of data points 97

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

423 老 MCt24（人）, M`t24 sbd24 sbhD24（植物）

424 聋的 mn24 mn24 mtj24

425 热 YCt22, fcCs24 Y`9t22, fc`s24 fc`s24, yCt22

426 冷 sbtDs24 sbtDs24 bh`M42, sbt`s24

427 好 fch13 fch13 fch02

428 坏 u`9h22（东西）, m`t22, u`9h22 u`h44 mCt22（人）

429 破 u`9h22 u`9h22

430 深 kCf20 k`f20 kCj20

431 浅 fatBf24 fatBf24 fat`j24

432 斜 ¯hCM24, oCm20 ¯h`M24, o`m20 fahs24

433 亮 YtCM22 Yt`M22 yt`M44

434 暗 kCo24 k`o24

435 清 fctCM24 fct`M24

436 浑 ¯tCM20 ¯t`M20 ¯t`M20

437 壮 fcCM24 fc`M24

438 弱 YCM31 Y`M31

439 淡 rC13 r`13 rts24

440 累 mCh24 m`h24 m`h24

441 （捆）紧 fcCs24 fc`s24 fcCs24

442 松 YnM24 YnM24 ytM24

443 滑 li`20, yC9t20 li`22, y`9t20

444 贵 oiCM20 oi`M20 oh`M20

445 便宜 bCM22ihm22 b`M22ihm22

446 嫩 ft=m24 ft=m24

447 难 mCm31 m`m31

448 容易 fch13jtn24 fch13jn24

449 臭 FCt13 F`t13 FCt02

98 2.4.5. Transcription of Changshun Guyang word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

450 香 uCm13, FCt13sCM13 u`m13 u`m02

451 忙 FCm13 F`m13

452 穷 vn22 vn22 Fn22

453 富 kh20, oCm31fch13 kh20, o`m31fch13

454 热闹 fc=s24 fc=s24 lCh20

455 安静 oi`20 oi`20

456 漂亮（女） jCm22, fcC9t24 j`m22fa`9t24

457 狡猾 jC9t20 j`9t20

458 勇敢 sCm31kCt31 s`m13k`t31

459 懒 sbhLf24 sbhLf24 sbhj24

460 努力 fCt13YhCM31 f`t13Yh`M31

461 远 sbCh13 sb`h13 sbCh02

462 近 sbC22 sb`22 sbCL22

463 里（面） fcC103 fc`103 fcCL02

464 外（面） Yn22 Yn22 yt`j44

465 右（边） jt`20 jt`20 ju`20

466 左（边） rth31 rth31 rth42

467 上面 oCh22j=m20 o`h22j=m20 jLm20

468 下面 oCh22k`21, oCh22sh21 o`h22k`21, o`h22sh21 k`22

469 这里 j=24mh31 j=m20mh31 mh42

470 那里 j=24sD103 j=20sD13

471 这个 j=24mh31 j=24mh31

472 那个 j=24sD103 j=24sD103

473 哪里 j=20k`20 j=20k`20 kC20

474 谁 vtCM24k`20 vt`M24k`20

475 什么 j=20lC20 j=20l`20

476 怎么 jn22sht24 jn22sht24

477 什么时候 ih24k`20 ih24k=20

478 为什么 j=22sht24 j=22sht24 l`20

2. Phonology of data points 99

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

479 在 fht24 fit24 fiht24

480 刚（来） sCl31 s`l31

481 马上（走） bhCm24shCt20 bh`m24sh`t20

482 赶快（去） bhCM24lhCM20 bh`M24lh`M20

483 就 bh20rn22 bh20rn22

484 先 jtCm24 jt`m24 jt`m24

485 常常 ihD24ihD24 ih24ihD24

486 最(快)

487 更（快）

488 一起（作） jt24oCh20k`02, snM31r`02 jt24o`h20k`02, snM20r`02

489 只（买五斤） ohCm31 oh`m31

490 又（来） sC9t24 s`9t24

491 再（说一遍） sC9t24 s`9t24

492 也 ih20 ih20

493 或者 lh20bh20 lh20bh20

494 好象 jB20mC20 gB20m`20 kLl22

495 从 sC9h24 s`9h24

496 和 Y=M20 Y=M20 yLM20

497 因为 vDh12j=31lC20 vDh12j=31l`20

498 如果 iCM20mC20 i`M20m`20

499 到 sCM20 s`M20 sCM20

500 是 sC9h22 s`h22 sCh22

501 不 lh20 lh20 lh20

502 没关系 lh20fht24j=31lC20 lh20fht24j=31l`20

503 已经 sCh31shCm31oCh13 s`h31sh`m31o`h13

100 2.5.1. Phone and phoneme inventory

2.5. Dushan Nanzhai 2.5.1. Phone and phoneme inventory Initial consonants BiLab LaDe Alv PoAl AlPal Pal Vel Glo Plos vl o, oi s j, jv f, [fi] PreGlo fa fc Aff vl sb Fric vl e [r[], r b [w] g vd [u] [y[], y Y, [Yv] [G] Nas vd l m ¯ M, Mv Lat vd k App vd v, [x] i Final consonants

o, s, j, f, l, m, M Vowels Front Central Back unrd unrd unrd rd Close h [X] L, [L:] t Near-close [H] [T] Close-mid [d] n Mid = Open-mid D, [D:] Near-open @ Open `, [`:] Tones Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7, 9 8, 10 Pitch value 34 41 43 453 35 34 23 44 2.5.2. Notes • [f] occurs a number of times, all on even tones. [v] only occurs on four lexical items. However, the pronunciation of [v] and [w] is generally somewhat blurred—most of the time approximating [w], but sometimes with fricativeness. The [v] is really a labiodental approximate, and here is considered a variation of [w]. • [s] and [r[] occur about the same number of times and seem to be variants of each other—the place of articulation being anywhere between the two. We count these two as one phoneme /s/.

2. Phonology of data points 101

[b] occurs before [i], [H], [u], [e], and [D]. [s] and [r[] also occur before these vowels, as well as before others. There is not strong enough evidence that [b] is an allophone of [s], so it will be considered phonemic. See minimal pairs. • [z] occurs on eight lexical items, before a wide range of vowels. [y[] occurs only once and [Y] occurs numerous times, before a wide range of vowels. [Yv] occurs on four items and can be considered a variation of [Yt]. [y[] should be considered a variation of [z], but [z] and [Y] act as two separate phonemes. Their pronunciation is quite different and both occur before rounded and unrounded vowels. See minimal pairs. • [¯] occurs on 11 lexical items (before [i], [e], [D], [a], and [u]) and is considered phonemic. • [h] occurs on 11 lexical items, [x] occurs on eight items, and [G] occurs a number of times. [h] and [x] seem to be variants, differing slightly on the scale of velar fricativeness, from none to a little bit. This sound, when transcribed as [x], has only a light degree of velar fricativeness. 4 Also, the voicing on [G] varies, so [G] does not function phonemically different from [h]/[x]. These three phones are considered as one phoneme, taken to be /h/. • [pj] occurs on 11 items and is considered phonemic. [pi] + V only occurs once: 160 ‘taro’ [k=j ohd0]. The palatalization is rather distinct. • [fi] occurs on three lexical items. The palatalization is distinct and [fi] is considered phonemic. • [y] occurs only once: 448 ‘easy’ [rhM4 xh2]. The sound is rather distinct, but it occurs on [xh2], which may well be a Chinese loan word. It is unclear why this phone occurs on this particular word, but since we are not including loan words in this analysis, [y] is not considered phonemic. • [kw] occurs on seven lexical items and is considered phonemic. [ku] + vowel occurs on two items. The [u] in these two items can be considered as borderline labialization. • [Mv] occurs on five lexical items and is considered phonemic. [Mt] does not occur. • [a:] only occurs on two items and is considered phonemic. • [a] and [@] are both phonemic. See minimal pairs. As usual for these phones, there are some morphemes that are pronounced in some instances with [@] and in others with [a], but this happens infrequently. • [H] only occurs twice, both times in a CVC environment, and [i] also occurs in this environ- ment numerous times. The occurrence of [H] is viewed here as an exception rather than phonemically distinct from [i]. • [e] occurs on nine items and [D] occurs numerous times. Some of the occurrences of [e] are on items that normally have [i] or [H] (items 92, 214, 246, and 376). The others are on items that

4 The morpheme ‘white’ which was pronounced [h] in isolation (418 in the data), was pronounced [G] elsewhere. Also the morpheme for ‘neck’ was pronounced with [G] (118) as well as [x] in other items.

102 2.5.3. Minimal pairs

are generally [D]. [e] is viewed as a variation of [i] and [D], rather than a separate, distinct phoneme. [D:] occurs only once and is not considered phonemic. • [T] only occurs on two items and is considered an allophonic variation of [u]. [o] occurs numerous times and is definitely phonemic. • [L] and [L:] occur in the environment C__([=])C and [=] occurs in the environment C__C. [X] occurs in the environments C__# and C__([=])C. In the environment C([=])C, [L] can be viewed as a free variation of [X], so [L] can be viewed as an allophone of [X]. See rule below. [L] varies with [=] on the morpheme which is a classifier for small living things [kLf/j, k=f/j], but this variation only occurs on this frequently used classifier. Though [X] could possibly be viewed as a variation of [=], for this analysis it is considered phonemic. See minimal pairs. 2.5.3. Minimal pairs [sb] and [t] 106 ‘head’ [sb@t2], 256 ‘to rain’ [s`t2] 29 ‘gold’ [sbhl0], 123 ‘foot’ [shm0] [z] and [Y] 59 ‘root’ [y`5], 297 ‘to pull’ [Y`5] 245 ‘to go down’ [ynM1], 84 ‘bird nest’ [YnM1 Yn2] [b] and [s] 486 ‘the most’ [bhM4], 448 ‘easy’ [rhM4 xh2] 296 ‘to push’ [bth0], 466 ‘left (side)’ [rtdh3] [@] and [a] 63 ‘thorn’ [v@m0], 150 ‘sweet’ [v`m0] 99 ‘ant’ [l@s7], 166 ‘socks’ [l`s7] [L]/X/ and [=] 128 ‘lungs’ [oLs6], 101 ‘flea’ [l=s6] 208 ‘dream’ [eL=1 GLm1], 486 ‘most’ [bhM4 G=m0] 2.5.4. Allophonic rules /X. → [L]/C__([=])C (in free variation) → [X]/elsewhere 2.5.5. Transcription of Dushan Nanzhai word list 独山麻尾南寨90年代与50年代语音糸统比

汉语 布依语音90年代 布依语50年代 1 阳光 fchDs13

2 闪电 fi@o13oi`f22

3 雷（名） oi`22 oi`22

4 月亮 l`42stDh13

5 星星 fc`t22fch24

2. Phonology of data points 103

汉语 布依语音90年代 布依语50年代 6 天, 天空 fa=m13 fa=m00

7 云 uT22 uL22

8 风 y[=L20 yLl20

9 雨 u=m13 uLm00

10 彩虹 st20stM20 stM20

11 雾 k@o13ln13 ln24

12 早上 bh42G`s13 gCs02

13 下午 bh42Mt@m20

14 晚上 bh42G@l22 gLm20, gCl44

15 天, 日子 Mt@m20 Mnm20

16 年 oh13 oh00

17 早（来早） Yt@l34 ynl44

18 晚（来晚） Mt@m42, h@M13 kns02

19 早餐 YhM20

20 午饭 M`9h20 M`h20

21 下午的餐 YhM20 yhM20

22 晚饭 sb@t20 sbCt20

23 水 Y@l42 yCl42

24 井 fan24 fan24

25 土 m`l33 m`l44

26 石头 ihm13 ghm00

27 沙 YDh24 yd24

28 尘土（路上） lt42l=m42 sCt44

29 金子 sbhl13 sbhl00

30 银子 M@m20 MCm20

31 铁 e`20 e`20

32 河 s`33 s`44

33 岸 w@m20 gCm24

34 湖 s`l20

104 2.5.5. Transcription of Dushan Nanzhai word list

汉语 布依语音90年代 布依语50年代 35 海 ¯h22 g`h22

36 山 on13

37 路 Yv@m13 ynm00

38 村子 fa`m42 fa`m42

39 房子 y`m20 y`m00

40 房顶 ¯Dt20y`m20

41 门 st13 st00

42 木板（板子） o`m22 o`m44

43 桌子 sbnM30 sbnM20

44 凳子 s@M24 sCM24

45 碗 stDh42 sth42

46 筷子 sX33 sL44

47 扫把 sb@h13¯@t20 oCs02

48 猪圈 YX=M33lt13

49 田（稻田） m`20 m`20

50 地 Yh22 yh44

51 大米 G`t42r`m13, G@t42G`t13 gCt42g`t00

52 米饭 l@M42G@t42G`t13 gCt42

53 糯米 G@t42fch13

54 糯米饭 fa`9h24

55 秧苗 sb`21 sb`22

56 草（青嫩） ¯hD22 ¯d22

57 甘蔗 s=M20vDh42

58 树 e@h42 eCh42

59 （树）根 y`22 y`44

60 竹子（总称） e`h42rDhf13 yns22（金竹）

61 森林 fcnM13 fcnM00

62 叶子 fa@X13 faCL00

63 刺（名） v@m13 u`m00

2. Phonology of data points 105

汉语 布依语音90年代 布依语50年代 64 花 v`13 u`00

65 籽, 种子 v@m13 uCm00

66 水果 k=20s`t20

67 菜（蔬菜） oi`X02 oi`L22

68 动物（总称） stDh44st=20

69 猪 lt13 lt00

70 羊 it=M20 it9M20

71 狗 l`13 l`00

72 马 l`42 l`42

73 水牛 v`h20 u`h20

74 黄牛 bh=20 bhd20

75 尾巴 Yh=M12 yh9M00

76 角（牛） j@t13 jCt00

77 老虎 jt13 jt24

78 熊 lDh13 ldh00

79 猴子 khM20 khM20

80 蝙蝠 ut42u`t20 u`t20

81 兔子 st20st24

82 老鼠 st20YDh22 jth22

83 鸟 Yn22 yn22

84 鸟窝 YnM20Yn22

85 鸡 j@h24 jCh24

86 鸡冠 Yt31j@h24

87 鸭子 oiDs02 ohs02

88 鹅 G`m24 g`m24

89 猫头鹰 st20j`t02

90 翅膀 eL9=s33 eL9s44

91 羽毛 o=m13 oLm00

92 爪子 Yvdo33

106 2.5.5. Transcription of Dushan Nanzhai word list

汉语 布依语音90年代 布依语50年代 93 蛋 sb@h24 sbCh24

94 鱼 oi`13 oi`00

95 鱼鳍 sbh20

96 蛇 MX=20 ML20

97 蚊子 ¯`=f02

98 苍蝇 ¯tM20

99 蚂蚁 l@s33 lCs22

100 蜘蛛 sbt@t13 sbu`t00

101 跳蚤 l=s12 lCs02

102 臭虫 YDs33 yh9s44

103 蚯蚓 fchDm13 fch9m00

104 虱子 m@m20 mCm20

105 身体 fc`M13 fc`M00

106 头 sb`t22 sbCt22

107 头发 l`t20sb@t22, oinl13 oinl00

108 脸 m`22 m`22

109 眼睛 s`13 s`00

110 鼻子 fc@M13 fcCM00

111 耳朵 YhD20 yhd20

112 嘴巴 o`f02 o`24

113 牙齿 wDt22 gdt22

114 舌头 khm42 khm42

115 下巴 w`M20j`t24 g`M20

116 胡子 l=l24 lLl44

117 额头 m`31oi`13 oi`24

118 脖子 wn20iDt22

119 肩膀 fa`24 fa`24

120 手 e=M20 eLM20

121 腿 'jv`h42(j`13 j`00

2. Phonology of data points 107

汉语 布依语音90年代 布依语50年代 122 膝盖 sb@t42Gn24 gn24

123 脚 shm13 shm00

124 胸 o`24f@f02 fCL20

125 背 k@M13 kCM00

126 甲状腺肿 Gn20f`h13

127 心脏 r[@l13 snl24

128 肺脏 oLs02 oLs02

129 脑子 ft13 ft24

130 肝 s@o02 sCo02

131 肚子 stM42 stM42

132 肚脐 r@h31fch13 fchd00

133 肠子 r[@h31 rCh22

134 血 khDs22 kh9s44

135 屎 fDh42 fd42

136 骨头 fcn02 fcn24

137 皮肤 m@M13 mCM00

138 肉 mn33 mn44

139 油（猪） i=t20 G`22

140 大蒜 khX31Gn24 gn00

141 姜 ihM13 ghM00

142 盐 sbt=13 sbuL00

143 咬 w`o32 gCo22

144 吃 j=m13 jLm00

145 喝 fct=s02 fcns02

146 酒 k@t22 kCt22

147 醉（酒） eh20

148 呕吐 rt=m13, fn22

149 煮 YtM13 ytM00

150 甜 v`m13 u`m00

108 2.5.5. Transcription of Dushan Nanzhai word list

汉语 布依语音90年代 布依语50年代 151 酸 fc`s02 rnl22

152 苦 w@l20 gCl20

153 咸 fc@M24 fcCM24

154 辣 l`m33 r`s02, l`m44

155 饿 oih=13 ih24

156 黄瓜 k=f22sh=M22 sh9M00

157 南瓜 k=f22jv`21

158 丝瓜 k=f22Y`24

159 豆 v@=13st=33 kL20stL24

160 芋头 k=j ohd13 ohd24

161 芦苇 e@h42Mn42

162 衣服 oX33 oL44

163 布 o@M20 oCM20

164 棉 v`h24 u`h24

165 裤子 v`24 u`24, rt9M00

166 袜子 l`s22 l`s44

167 席子 fahm42 fahm42

168 蚊帐 ih@o13 ih9o02

169 斗笠 sbt@o13 sbno02

170 刀 lhDs22 lhs22

171 把（刀） e`33 e`44

172 锅 jv`22

173 锅盖 v`22jv`22 u`00

174 三脚架 sb=M20 sbh9M20

175 背带 fc`13 fc`00

176 扇子 oh20 oh20

177 秤 r@M33 srCM44

178 锥子 sbHl13Mvh42

179 剪子 sbDt20 sbdt20

2. Phonology of data points 109

汉语 布依语音90年代 布依语50年代 180 钱 bDm20 srdm20

181 雨伞 kh=M22 kh9M22

182 锁 ktM22 ktM22

183 钥匙 fih44rh20

184 棍子 e@h42s=M42

185 竹竿 e@h42r[`t42 r`t42

186 船 Yt=20 yuL20

187 斧头 v`m13 u`m00

188 犁 sbt@h13 sbuCh00

189 锄头 jv`20 'jvX13( juL24fadm00

190 扁担 w`m20 g`m20

191 麻 fc`h42 fc`h42

192 肥料 o=m34 oLm44

193 石臼 Y=l13stDh24 yLl00

194 杵 s=M44sbt12bh20

195 筛子 Y@M13 yCM00

196 簸箕 fcnM42 fcnM42

197 织布机 rt=M20 rtM20

198 纸 r[`13 r`00

199 墨水 l@X21 lCL22

200 笔 ohm13l@X21

201 唢呐 ih20sbh24

202 网 YDh23 yd00

203 钩子 Mn22

204 鬼 e`M20 e`M20

205 神 ot42r[hDm13

206 力气 YDM20 ydM20

207 影子 Yt20Y@t20

208 梦 eL=20GLm21 209 故事

110 2.5.5. Transcription of Dushan Nanzhai word list

汉语 布依语音90年代 布依语50年代 210 礼物 kDh42 kd42, k`h42

211 错误 knM13 knM00

212 闲空 v`M24 u`M24

213 方向 lhDm33, o`h34

214 缝 ¯do22 ¯ho22

215 喜欢 f`M24i@t13 f`M24

216 爱 l`h24, sb@h20 sbCh20

217 剥（果皮） fhm42 sLm22

218 抱（孩子） f=l42 fLl42

219 背（孩子） fDh13 fd00

220 加（饭） sb`13…sDl13

221 裂开 sDh13G`o13 fat9o02

222 编（篮子） r[`m13 r`m00

223 补（衣服） v=M13 uL9M00

224 插（秧） fc@l22 fcCl00

225 尝（菜） r[h24

226 穿（衣服） s@m21 sCm22

227 漏（水） kn33 kn44

228 点（头） M@X13

229 挂（在墙上） MvDm22

230 滚（在地上） YvhM42 yhM42

231 过（河） v`h24, r[t`22 ju`24

232 划（船） j`t13

233 继续 …o@h13m`22

234 借（钱） bh24 rhd24

235 砍（树） Y@l21 eCm20, yCl22

236 烤（火） oi=t24 ghM00, oin24

237 咳嗽 f@h13 fCh00

238 肿（腿） fanM24

2. Phonology of data points 111

汉语 布依语音90年代 布依语50年代 239 流（水） k@h13 kCh00

240 起（床） Yt=m24 yLm24

241 牵（牛） bhM13, ihM13 bhM00

242 晒 s`13 s`24

243 筛（米） y@M13

244 上（楼） w=m22 gLm22

245 下（楼） YnM20 ynM20

246 伸（手） iDs02 ih9s22

247 梳（头发） YtDh13 ynh00

248 （头）疼 sbDs13 sbds02

249 踢 sDh24 shs02

250 提（篮子） idt22 yht22

251 吞 ft=m44 fctm42

252 脱（衣） st@s13 sns02

253 问 g@l24 gCl24

254 回答 g`m13 g`m00

255 忘记 k=l20 kLl20

256 下（雨） s@t31vDm sCt22

257 休息 ih13m`h24

258 寻找 Y`13, rt`42

259 眨（眼） fi@o13 iCo02

260 住 ih24

261 蒸（饭〕 m@M31 mCM22

262 活 kh31, sb@t13 sbCt00

263 死 s`h13, lL9s23 s`h00

264 病 ohM33 ohM44

265 呼吸 f@t13ih24

266 听 ¯h=22 ¯h00

267 看 fct@l13, sDh24, k@X24 fcnl00, sd24

112 2.5.5. Transcription of Dushan Nanzhai word list

汉语 布依语音90年代 布依语50年代 268 说, 讲 sb`h42, m@t20, j`M22 mCt20, j`M22

269 笑 iD=t13 iht00

270 骂 jnM20, v=s13 fc`24, jnm20

271 哭 s@h31 sCh22

272 吹 on24

273 打呵欠 Yv`t13s`13mhm20

274 睡觉 mhm20, mDm24 mhm20

275 站 r[nM20

276 坐 Y@M33 yCM44

277 走 oi`h22 oi`h22

278 爬（小孩） Yt=m31 yt9m20

279 爬（树） ohm13 ohm00

280 来 l`13, s@t33

281 去 o@h13 oCh00

282 进入 s@t42…fc@X

283 回来 sn20s@t42, s`t13s@t42, s`t24 o=m13s@t42

284 飞 fahm13 fahm00

285 骑 jDh33 jdh44

286 游泳 iht20Y@l42

287 浮 et20 et20

288 玩 r@l30, kt`9t24 rCl20

289 唱 bh=M24

290 鼓 sbnM13, ¯Dm20 sbnM00, ¯h9m20

291 干活 jth34GnM13 gnM00

292 担 Y`o13 y`o02

293 关（门） g`o13 gCo02

294 开（门） g@h13 g`h00

295 开（嘴） f`42 f`42

296 推 bth13

2. Phonology of data points 113

汉语 布依语音90年代 布依语50年代 297 拉 sbt@t22, Y`33

298 掉 snf13 sn24

299 给 g@X22 gCL22

300 拿 idt22, f@t13 sL20

301 选择 kDh33 kd44

302 买 rX42 rL42

303 卖 j`h13 j`h00

304 偷 Y@X22 yCL22

305 想要 rh@M42f@t13, sb`h20

306 有 kh42 kh42

307 知道 Yn42 yn42

308 怕 k`t13 k`t00

309 洗（手） r[Dh13 rdh24, y`24

310 洗（衣服） r[@X31 rCL22

311 捆 fc`33, s`t20

312 擦（桌） sbht20, l`m33 fts22, rCs22

313 切（肉） r`o33

314 绳子 r`33 r`44

315 割（草） jt@m20 jnm20

316 劈开（木头） o`33 o`44

317 木头 sb@t20e@h42

318 挖 s=L13

319 人 v=m20 uLm20

320 布依族 ot42i@h42

321 汉族 ot42jtm13

322 男人 o@t24, shD20, sbnM13r`h13 r`h00

323 女人 sbnM13m@h22, bh20i`02, faL24 k=j22faLf13

324 巫师 r`M33ln13 ln00

325 媒人 ov42l`h20

114 2.5.5. Transcription of Dushan Nanzhai word list

汉语 布依语音90年代 布依语50年代 326 朋友 v`22sbh24, st44sb@h20

327 祖宗 o@t13i`33

328 父亲 on33 on44

329 母亲 lh33 lh44

330 小孩 kLf20m@h24

331 丈夫 sb`t22

332 妻子 i`33

333 兄姐 jn22, rDh24 oh42

334 弟妹 mt=M42 mt9M42

335 独子 kLf20sn22

336 孙子 k`m13 k`m00

337 公公 o@t24 oCt24

338 婆婆 m@h22

339 外公 o@t24s`13

340 外婆 i`33s`h24

341 客人 GDh13 gn22

342 姓 v@h13

343 名字 rn33 rn44

344 我 jt13 jt00

345 你 l=M20 lLM20

346 他 sDh13 sd00

347 咱们 sbnM24Y@t20 yCt20

348 我们 sbnM24Y@t20

349 你们 on20rt13 rt00

350 他们 on20sDh13

351 别人 sb`42'ot42(f=m24, …k@=13 eL42

352 柴 e=m20 eLm20

353 火 eh20 eh20

354 火焰 oi@t13eh20

2. Phonology of data points 115

汉语 布依语音90年代 布依语50年代 355 烧 oi@t13 oiCt00

356 烧（做饭） rn24

357 灰尘 s@t33

358 烟 v@m20 uCm20

359 弓 jBM13 jnM24

360 箭 m`24 m`24

361 打猎 svf13fa=24

362 杀 j`221 j`22

363 打架 st44sh20, st44lX20

364 一 fcDt13 fhs02

365 二 r[nM13

366 一（一个人） fiDs13 fcdt00

367 两（两个人） ¯h33 rnM00

368 三 r[`l13 r`l00

369 四 rh24 rh24

370 五 g`22 g`22

371 六 Yn02 yn24

372 七 r=s02 rCs02

373 八 oDs02 ods02

374 九 jt22 jt22

375 十 bHo22 bho22

376 二十 ¯h34bDo22

377 百 o`f13 o`24

378 千 bDm13

379 都（都来了） …jt33kDt42

380 一些 fa@M42

381 多 k`h13 k`h00

382 少 r[Dt221 rht22

383 每 o@h20

116 2.5.5. Transcription of Dushan Nanzhai word list

汉语 布依语音90年代 布依语50年代 384 大 k`t42 k`t42

385 小 m@h33

386 长 Y@h20 yCh20

387 短 fct34 shm22

388 高 r[`M13 r`M00

389 矮 s@l24 sCl24

390 圆 fctm13 fct9m00

391 扁 o`m20 odo22

392 厚 m`13 m`00

393 薄 fa@M13 fa`M00

394 宽 jv`M24 ju`M24

395 窄 gDo22

396 硬 fcnM42 fcnM42

397 软 ft=m24 uLm24

398 直 r[n33 rn44

399 弯曲 jnM24j}@t20

400 快 Yht20

401 慢 ln221

402 重 m@X02 mCL24

403 轻 fa@t13 faCt00

404 胖 oh20 oh20

405 瘦 oinl22 oinl00

406 黑 enm42 enm42

407 红 fchM13 fchM00

408 白 g`t13 g`t00

409 黄 GDm221 gdm22

410 绿 kn221 kn20

411 蓝 GDt13

412 干的 gX24 gL24

2. Phonology of data points 117

汉语 布依语音90年代 布依语50年代 413 湿 s=l42 sLl44

414 空的 oiht24

415 满 ihl13 ghl00

416 干净 r[Dt24 rCL00

417 脏（衣服） r[`l20

418 新 ln24 ln24

419 年轻 rn20 rn20

420 聪明 jv`h13 ju`h00

421 傻 Mv@M42

422 旧 j@t24 jCt24

423 老 sbdh24 sbd24

424 聋的 mt13 mt24

425 热 Y@t22, f`M33 fchs02, yCt22

426 冷 khDs42 mhs02, sbdM42

427 好 fch13 fch00

428 坏 v`h33 u`h44

429 破 YtDh42

430 深 k@=22 kCL22

431 浅 eD9t33 fan24

432 斜 MDM22, fa`s13 fahs02

433 亮 YnM22 ynM44

434 暗 k@o13, eX=l42

435 清 r[@X13

436 浑 mt=M20 mnM20

437 壮 G@m24, YDM20

438 弱 m`h24

439 淡 bhDs13 bh9s02

440 累 m`h24 m`h24

441 （捆）紧 l@m44 mCs02

118 2.5.5. Transcription of Dushan Nanzhai word list

汉语 布依语音90年代 布依语50年代 442 松 YtM24 ytM24

443 滑 Y@t20

444 贵 oDM20 odM20

445 便宜 YtM13

446 嫩 v=m24

447 难 m`m20

448 容易 vh22v`M24, rhM24xh22

449 臭 g@t13 gCt00

450 香 g@t13s`M13 gCt00s`M00

451 忙 enM42

452 穷 gn221 gn22

453 富 sbt`M13

454 热闹 fch13l@h20 lCh20

455 安静 r`l22s=o13, jt33Mv`M42

456 漂亮（女） fch13sb@h20 fch00sbCh20

457 狡猾 Y@t20

458 勇敢 bhM13G@m13

459 懒 sbX13, sbh13 sbh24

460 努力 inM33YDM20

461 远 sb@h13 sbCh00

462 近 sb@X221 sbCL22

463 里（面） o`h fc`X13 fcCL00

464 外（面） Yn33 yn44

465 右（边） jv`20 ju`20

466 左（边） rtDh42 rnh20

467 上面 j=m20 jLm20

468 下面 k`221 k`22

469 这里 sbh@20mh31 mh42

470 那里 sbh@20sDh13

2. Phonology of data points 119

汉语 布依语音90年代 布依语50年代 471 这个 jhd33mh31

472 那个 lh44sDh13

473 哪里 sbh=20k@X20 kCL20

474 谁 ot42k@=20, sbC42k@=20

475 什么 jX20l@X20

476 怎么 'jX33, jt33, s@M42(k@X20

477 什么时候 rX20k@X20

478 为什么 iX=M22l@=20 l`20

479 在 fD24 ihd24

480 （他）刚（来） s@l42, r@h42

481 马上（走） Yh@M20rX20

482 赶快（去） …Yht20m`h34

483 （一看）就（知道） …sbh20…

484 （你）先（去） …jt@m24 jnm24

485 （他）常常（来） rH20rH20, j@m42

486 最(快) bhM24G=m13, Yht20

487 更（快） …sn13

488 一起（作） jt33o@h20

489 只（买五斤） j`33

490 又（来了一个人） s`t13s@t22

491 再（说一遍） sDl13

492 （我）也（去） …st24…

493 （三个）或者（四个） …l=22…, …Yn42m@t20…

494 好象（要下雨） st22k=l31, ih=M34f@t13 kLl22

495 从（这里开始） s@h24, ih24

496 （他）和（我） k@M13, ¯Dl13 yh9M20

497 因为 j`22r@h22j=20l@X20, j`22sbn13 498 如果

499 到（家了） s@M20 sCM20

500 是 sX22, bhM13 bhM24, sL22

120 2.6.1. Phone and phoneme inventory

汉语 布依语音90年代 布依语50年代 501 不 lh20 lh20

502 没关系 lh20M`h22l@=20

503 已经 v`h20kDt42 2.6. Dushan Shuiyan 2.6.1. Phone and phoneme inventory Initial consonants BiLab LaDe InDe Alv PoAl AlPal Pal Vel Glo Plos vl o, oi s j, [jv] f, [fi] PreGlo fa fc Aff vl sr sb Fric vl [r[], r [b] w vd u p [y[], y Y Nas vd l m ¯ M, Mv Lat vd k App vd v i Final consonants

o, s, f, l, m, M Vowels Front Central Back unrd unrd unrd rd Close h [X] [L] t Near-close [H] Close-mid [n], [n:] Mid = Open-mid D, [D:] [B] Near-open @ Open `, `: Tones Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7, 9 8 10 Pitch value 24 41 33 51 35 55 35 32 44

2. Phonology of data points 121

2.6.2. Notes • Both [ts] and [sb] occur before a wide range of vowels, including [i] and [u]. These two sounds are each phonemic. See minimal pairs. • [v] only occurs on three lexical items. All other items that often have the [v] initial in other lects have a [w] initial here. [v] is largely merged with [w]. There is not a single occurrence of [f]. Though [v] seems to be merging with [w], the occurrences of [v] are not pronounced similar to [w], but are rather distinct. The morpheme for ‘fire’ [uh1] occurs three times throughout the data, and each time the initial is distinctly [v]. For these reasons, though [v] is merging with [w], [v] is not considered an allophonic variation of [w], but as phonemic. • [p] only occurs once and is seen here to be a phonetic variation of [z]. Both [z] and [y[] occur about the same number of times and the pronunciation of these phones actually ranges anywhere between [z] and [y[]. Some items were pronounced the majority of times with fronted or unfronted [z], but there was some variation. For these reasons, these two phones are not distinct phonemically. • [s] and [r[] both occur a number of times, and the situation with these two phones is the same as that with [z] and [y[]. They are not considered distinct. • [Y] occurs before both rounded and unrounded vowels. It does not, however, occur before high front vowels. There is inconsistent pronunciation of the morpheme ‘water’.5 However, the pronunciation of [Y] rarely fluctuates with [z]. Therefore, [Y] is taken to be distinct with [z]/[y[]. See minimal pairs. • [b] only occurs on four items: two of these occurrences are before [i] and [b] also occurs before [D] and [=]. [s] does not occur before [i], occurs two times before [D], and never before [=]. [b] is viewed as an allophone of [s] before [i], and as an allophonic variation elsewhere. • [x] occurs numerous times in a wide range of environments and there is no doubt it is phonemic. There are no occurrences of [F], [h], or [G], as in other lects. • [¯] occurs on nine lexical items (before the vowels [i], [u], [a], [D], and [o]) and is phonemic. [n] occurs before [u] and [i], though only a few times. See minimal pairs with [n]. • [j] occurs on 10 lexical items, and the pronunciation is fairly distinct. Note that the lexeme for ‘blink’ in 259 ‘to blink’ [fi@o6 s`0] is pronounced without a glottal in 2 ‘lightning’ [i`o6 oi`2]. [fi] is not phonemic. It only occurs two times, and on one of the lexical items fluctuates with [j]. • [pj] occurs on 11 lexical items: before [a], [o], and [@]. [pi] + u occurs two times. The palatalization is distinct from the more vowel-like sound in [pi] + u. The two times that [pi] occurs is viewed here as an allophonic variation of [pj].

5 That is, 11 ‘water’ [y[`l3], 23 ‘mist/fog’ [y`l3 ln4], 199 ‘ink’ [Y@l3 l`f7], and 286 ‘to swim’ [vt1 Y`l3])

122 2.6.3. Minimal pairs

• [kw] occurs on seven items and [ku] + V occurs on four lexical items. The labialization on the [kw] sounds is not very distinct, so it is not considered phonemic, but rather an allophonic variation of [ku]. • [Mv] occurs on three lexical items and is considered phonemic. [Mt] + V does not occur. • [H] only occurs three times and is considered a variation of [i]. • [D:] and [o:] both occur on four items. For this analysis they are not considered phonemic, though this warrants further investigation. • [B] occurs on five items, but the pronunciation is not significantly different from [o]. A few items were pronounced more often as [B], but at times with [o]. Therefore, [B] is not considered phonemic. • [X] occurs on two items, [L] occurs on eight items, and [=] occurs numerous times. [X] and [L] are considered variations of each other and allophones of [=]. See rule. 2.6.3. Minimal pairs [ts] and [sb] 17 ‘early’ [sr`t5], 297 ‘to pull’ [sb`t5] 419 ‘young’ [srn1], 122 ‘knee’ [sbn1 wn4] [Y] and [z] 240 ‘get up (from bed)’ [Yt=m4], 278 ‘crawl’ [yt=m1] 347 ‘we (incl.)’ [Y@t1], 443 ‘smooth’ [y@t1] [¯] and [n] 97 ‘mosquito’ [¯`f6], 402 ‘heavy’ [m`f6] 290 ‘drum (brass)’ [¯Dm1], 496 ‘and’ [mDl0] [a:], [a], and [@] 105 ‘body’ [fc`:M0], 110 ‘nose’ [fc`M0], 210 ‘gift’ [fc@M0] 441 ‘tight’ [s`:t1], 256 ‘to rain’ [s`t2], 280 ‘to come’ [s@t2] 2.6.4. Allophonic rules /s/ → [b]/__[i] → [s]/elsewhere (with two exceptions)

/pj/ → [pi]/#__[u] → [pj]/elsewhere

/=/ → [L] or [X]/__[=] → [L] or [X]/__# → [=]/elsewhere

2. Phonology of data points 123

2.6.5. Transcription of Dushan Shuiyan word list 独山县水岩乡水岩村90年代与50年代语音糸统比较

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

1 阳光 fchs24 fchs24

2 闪电 f`o24oi`22 fi`o24oi`22

3 雷（名） oi`22Y`h20 oi`22 oi`22

4 月亮 YnM24fcDm13 YnM33fc=m13

5 星星 fch13fch24 fchs02fchs24 fc`t02fch24

6 天, 天空 fa=m13 fa=m13 fa=m02

7 云 vt=22 vX22 uL=22

8 风 y=l20 Y=l20 yLl20

9 雨 vDm13 v=m13 uLm02

10 彩虹 st=20stM20 st=20stM20 stM20

11 雾 y`l31ln24 Y@l31lnf24 lnf24

12 早上 sb`13w`s24 w`s34 gCs24

13 下午 oinM24Mv@m20 Mnm20

14 晚上 sb`20w`l24 g`l44 gLm20gCl44

15 天, 日子 Mv@m20 Mn=m20 MCm20

16 年 oh13 oh13 oh02

17 早（来早） sr`t33 sb@t24 ynl44

18 晚（来晚） k@o24 k`o44, Mnm30

19 早餐 M`h20sr`t33 M`9h20sb@t31

20 午饭 j=m13M`h20 M`h20 M`h20

21 下午的餐 j=m13phM20 y[hM20 yhM20

22 晚饭 j=m13sr@t20 sb@t20 sbCt20

23 水 y[`l31 y[@l31 yCl42

24 井 fan24 fan24 fan24

25 土 m`l33 m@l44 m`l44

26 石头 y[hm13 YHm13 yhm02

27 沙 jD24 yHd24 yd24

124 2.6.5. Transcription of Dushan Shuiyan word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

28 尘土（路上） l`m24 m@l44 sCt44

29 金子 sbHl13 sbhl13 sbhl02

30 银子 M`m20 M@m20 MCm20

31 铁 v`20 u`20 u`20

32 河 s`33 s`44 s`44

33 岸 jn9M24 jBM24 gCm24

34 湖 s@l20 s`l20

35 海 w`h22 w`9h22 g`h22

36 山 on13 on13

37 路 Yn9m13 Yn9m13

38 村子 fa`m31 fa`9m31 fa`m42

39 房子 Y`m20 y`9m20 y`m20

40 房顶 fct13Y`m20 ¯hDt13y`9m20, y`9m20fct13

41 门 st13 st13 st02

42 木板（板子） s`o24 s`9o44u@h31 odm24

43 桌子 sbnM20 sbnM20 sbnM20

44 凳子 s@M24 s@M44 sCM24

45 碗 stDh31 snh31 sth42

46 筷子 sL33 sX44 sL44

47 扫把 sbhs24¯t20 sbhs44¯ht20 oCs24

48 猪圈 y[h=M33lt13 yX=M44lt13

49 田（稻田） m`20 m`20 m`20

50 地 y[h33 yh44 yh44

51 大米 w`t31 w@t31r`m13 gCt42g`t02

52 米饭 w`t31M`h20 M`9h20 gCt42

53 糯米 w`t31fch13 w@t31fch13

54 糯米饭 M`h20fch13 M`9h20fch13

55 秧苗 sb`22 sb`22 sb`22

56 草（青嫩） Y=l13, ¯h=22 ¯h=22ft=m24 ¯hd22

2. Phonology of data points 125

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

57 甘蔗 fnh31 fnh31 fnh42

58 树 v@h31 v@h31 uCh42

59 （树）根 Y`24 y`f44 y`f44

60 竹子（总称） v@h31wL20 u@h31wX20 yns20（金竹）

61 森林 fcnM13v`h31 fct@M13 fcnM02

62 叶子 fa@h13 fa@h13 faCh02

63 刺（名） fnm13 fBm13 fnm02

64 花 fcn24v`13 fcn24v`13 u`02

65 籽, 种子 wnm13 wnm13 gnm02

66 水果 fc`m13s`t20

67 菜（蔬菜） oh`f24 oi`f44 oiCf24

68 动物（总称） st=20ihD24 st=20fct@M13

69 猪 lt13 lt13 lt02

70 羊 it=M20 it=M20 it9M20

71 狗 l`13 l`13 l`02

72 马 l`31 l`31 l`42

73 水牛 v`9h20 v`9h20 u`h20

74 黄牛 sbh=20 srh=20 srhd20

75 尾巴 y[h=M24 yh=M13 yL9M02

76 角（牛） j@t13 j@t13 jCt02

77 老虎 jtf13 jTj24 jtf24

78 熊 lLh02

79 猴子 khM20 khM20 khM20

80 蝙蝠 j=m22v`t20 st=20u`9o33 u`t20

81 兔子 s=20st24 st=20st24

82 老鼠 l`31w`20 ln24w`31 l`42g`20

83 鸟 Ynf20 ynj22 ynf20

84 鸟窝 YtM20Ynf20 YnM20ynj22

85 鸡 j@h24 j@h24 jCh24

126 2.6.5. Transcription of Dushan Shuiyan word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

86 鸡冠 Yt22j@h24 yt22j@h24 yt22

87 鸭子 ohs24 oHs44 ohs24

88 鹅 w`m24 w`9m24 g`m24

89 猫头鹰 st=20j@t13 j@t13 suL=20jCt22

90 翅膀 v=s24 uXs24 uL9s44

91 羽毛 o=m13 oLm13 oLm02

92 爪子 yHo22 yho22

93 蛋 sb@h24 sb@h24 sbCh24

94 鱼 oi`13 oi`13 oi`02

95 鱼鳍 fnh13oi`13 khM31oi`13

96 蛇 ML=20 MH20 ML=20

97 蚊子 ¯`f24 ¯`f24

98 苍蝇 ¯`j33k`t31 ¯`f24M`9h20

99 蚂蚁 lns20 lBs20 lns20

100 蜘蛛 YtM20sb@t13 sb`9t13 sb`t02

101 跳蚤 l@s24 l@s24 lCs24

102 臭虫 st=20ihDs24 k=s33 kL9s44

103 蚯蚓 st=31fcDm13 fc=m13 fcL9m02

104 虱子 st=31m@m20 m@m20 mCm20

105 身体 j=24fc`9M13 fc`9M13 fc`M02

106 头 sb`t22 sb@t22 sbCt22

107 头发 oinl13 oiB9l13 oinl02

108 脸 m`22 m`22 m`22

109 眼睛 Mvh33s`13 s`13 s`02

110 鼻子 fc`M13 fc@M13 fcCM02

111 耳朵 y[h=20 sX33yX20 yL=20

112 嘴巴 s`t24o`f24 o`24 o`f24

113 牙齿 wD9t22 wDt22 gdt22

114 舌头 khm31 khm31 khm42

2. Phonology of data points 127

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

115 下巴 k`22w`M20 w`M20faD24 g`M20

116 胡子 l=l33 l=l34 lLl44

117 额头 m`22oi`f24 m`22oi`33 oi`f24

118 脖子 wn20 wn20

119 肩膀 fa`24 fa`24 fa`24

120 手 v=M20 u=M20 uLM20

121 腿 j`13 j`13 j`02

122 膝盖 sbn20wn24 sb@t22wn24 gn24

123 脚 shm13 shm13 shm02

124 胸 v=M31'm`22( m`22f`9j33 fCf24

125 背 k@M13 kCM02

126 甲状腺肿 wn31f`h13 wn20f`9h13k`9t31

127 心脏 k=l20 k=l30

128 肺脏 o=s24 oLs24 oLs24

129 脑子 ftf24 ftj44 ftf24

130 肝 s@o24 s`o44 sCo24

131 肚子 stM31 stM31 stM02

132 肚脐 r@h22fL=13 r@h22fcX=13 fcL=02

133 肠子 r[@h22 r@h22 rCh22

134 血 kL=s22 kL=s33 kL9s44

135 屎（牛屎） fD31 fD31 fd42

136 骨头 fcnf24 fcnf44 fcnf24

137 皮肤 m` M13 m@M13 mCM02

138 肉 mn33 mn44 mn44

139 油（猪） i=t20 iht20

140 大蒜 wn13 wn13 gn02

141 姜 whM13 wd9M13 ghM02

142 盐 sbt=13 sbT=13 sbt02

143 咬 w@o20 g`o11 gCo20

128 2.6.5. Transcription of Dushan Shuiyan word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

144 吃 j=m13 j=m13 jLm02

145 喝 fcns24 fctns24 fcns24

146 酒 k@t22 k@t22 kCt22

147 醉（酒） uh20k@t22 uh20

148 呕吐 rt=m13 fBf31 yt9s44

149 煮 YnM13 ytM13 ytM02

150 甜 v`m13 v`9m13 u`m02

151 酸 fc`s24 fc`9s24 rnl22

152 苦 w`l20 w`l20 gCl20

153 咸 fc`M24 fc@M24 fcCM24

154 辣 l`9m33 l`9m44 r`s24, l`m44

155 饿 fihDf24, sb` M24 ih=f44 fh9f24

156 黄瓜 sh=M13 fchdM13 sh9M02

157 南瓜 jv`22 jv`22

158 丝瓜 k=s20Y`24 fc=m13y`f34

159 豆 st=33 st=44 kLf20suL=44

160 芋头 oh`f24ltM20 oi`j44ltl20

161 芦苇 'Y`M20(Mn31 u@h31Mn31

162 衣服 oL=33 oX=33 oL=44

163 布 o`M20 o`M20 oCM20

164 棉 v`9h24 v`9h24 u`h24

165 裤子 sbt@M13 srt@M13 srt9M02

166 袜子 l`s33 l`9s44 l`s44

167 席子 fahm31 fahm31 fahm42

168 蚊帐 y[h=o23 yhDo24 yh9o24

169 斗笠 sbBo13 sbt@o24 sbno24

170 刀 lHs22 lhs21 lhs20

171 把（刀） v`24 v`44 u`44

172 锅 jv`13 jv`13

2. Phonology of data points 129

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

173 锅盖 v`13jv`13 v`13jv`13 u`02

174 三脚架 sbhDM20 sbhDM20 sbh9M20

175 背带 fc`13 fc`13 fc`02

176 扇子 oh20 oh20 oh20

177 秤 sr`M33 sr@M44 qCM44

178 锥子 sbhl13srtDh22 sbhl13srth22

179 剪子 sbDt20 sbhDt20 sbdt20

180 钱 sbD9m20, M`m20 srDm20 srh9m20

181 雨伞 kh=M22 kX=M22 kL9M22

182 锁 ktM22 ktM22 ktM22

183 钥匙 vDh24sbh22 sbhD22

184 棍子 s=M31 s=M31

185 竹竿 v`h31wL20 r`t31 r`t42

186 船 Yt=20 yt=20 yuL=20

187 斧头 v`m13 v`m13 u`m02

188 犁 sbt@h13 sbv@h13 sbnh02

189 锄头 jt=f24 jvX=f44 juL=24

190 扁担 v`h31w`m20 w`9m20 g`m20

191 麻 fc`h31 fc`h31 fc`h42

192 肥料 o=m33 o=m44 oLm44

193 石臼 Y=l13st@h24 yX=l13sv@h24 yLl02

194 杵 v`h31ih=13 v@h31ih13

195 筛子 Y`9M13 y@M13 yCM02

196 簸箕 fcnM31 fct@M31 fcnM42

197 织布机 sb`13s`M22Yn24 yn24 srt9M20

198 纸 sbh22 sbH22

199 墨水 Y@l31l`f31 y@l31l?f20 lCf20

200 笔 ohm24l`f31 ohm24l?f20

201 唢呐 sr`M31on24 sr`M44on24

130 2.6.5. Transcription of Dushan Shuiyan word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

202 网 y[D13 yD13 yd02

203 钩子 v`h31jn13 v@h31jn13

204 鬼 st=20v`M20 v`9M20 u`M20

205 神 rh=13

206 力气 yDM20 yDM20 ydM20

207 影子 y=20y@t20 y[@t20

208 梦 v`M20w=m20 u`M20w=m20 209 故事

210 礼物 m`22fc@M13 m`22fc@M13, kDh31 kd42fa`h24

211 错误 v`M32r`h22, knM13 knM13 knM02

212 闲空 v`9M24 v`9M24 u`M24

213 方向 v`M24k@h20 o`9h44

214 缝 ¯ho22 ¯Ho20 ¯ho20

215 喜欢 f`M24y[ht13 f`9M24, sb@h20 f`M24

216 爱 sb@h20 sb@h20 sbCh20

217 剥（果皮） bh31 fah44

218 抱（孩子） f=l31 f=l31 fLl42

219 背（孩子） fD13 fD13 fd02

220 加（饭） sb`22 jX=20

221 裂开 sD24 sDf44 faLo24

222 编（篮子） r`m13 r`9m13 r`m02

223 补（衣服） vt=M13 u=M13 uL9M02

224 插（秧） sDl22 o`f31, sDl22

225 尝（菜） r[h24 ih@l24

226 穿（衣服） s@m22 s@m22 s`m22

227 漏（水） Yn33 yn44 yn44

228 点（头） M`24 M`f31, sDl22

229 挂（在墙上） jvDm13 jvD=m13

230 滚（在地上） y[hm31 jvhm31 yhM42

231 过（河） v@h22 v`9h22 ju`24

2. Phonology of data points 131

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

232 划（船） j`t13 j`9t13 j`t02

233 继续 …o@h13m`22

234 借（钱） sbhD33 sbhD34 srhd24

235 砍（树） y@l22 y@l22 uCm20, yCl22

236 烤（火） oin24, whM13 wD9M13 ghm02

237 咳嗽 f@h13 f@h13 fCh02

238 肿（腿） ot13 ot13

239 流（水） k@h13 k@h13 kCh02

240 起（床） Yt=m24 y[t=m24 ytm24

241 牵（牛） sbhM13 sr=M13 srhM02

242 晒 s`f24 s`f24 s`f24

243 筛（米） y`M13 y@M13

244 上（楼） w=m22 w=m22 gLm22

245 下（楼） YnM20 y[t@M20 ynM20

246 伸（手） itDm33 xt@M33 ih9s24

247 梳（头发） Yt@h13 y[v@h13 ynh02

248 （头）疼 sbDs24 sbhDs24 sbds24

249 踢 sD24 sDf24 sdj24

250 提（篮子） y[ht22 yhDt22 yht22

251 吞 fct=m31 fctm31 fctm42

252 脱（衣） sBs24 st@s24 sns24

253 问 w`l24 w@l24 gCl24

254 回答 w`m13 w`m13 g`m02

255 忘记 k=l20 k=l20 kLl20

256 下（雨） s@t22 s@t22 sCt22

257 休息 rt13m`9h24 rt24m`9h13 rt24m`h24

258 寻找 y[`13 y`13 y`02

259 眨（眼） fi@o24s`13 i`o44 iCo24

260 住 ih=24 ihD24

132 2.6.5. Transcription of Dushan Shuiyan word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

261 蒸（饭〕 m` M22 m@M22 mCM22

262 活 oh24 oH24 sbCt02

263 死 s`9h13 s`9h13 s`h02

264 病 o@m20sbDs24 sbDs24 ohM02

265 呼吸 fcns24wh24 f@t13rth13

266 听 jt=24¯h=13 ¯h=13 ¯hd02

267 看 fct@M13 fct@l13 fcnl02, jCt22

268 说, 讲 j`M22 m@t20, j`M22 mCt20, j`M22

269 笑 f`M24 yhDt13 yht02

270 骂 jtD22 jvD22 jud22

271 哭 s@h22 s@h22 sCh22

272 吹 on24 on24

273 打呵欠 Mvnm22s`13mhm20 y[BM44s`13mhm20

274 睡觉 mhm20 mhm20 mhm20

275 站 rnM20 bv@M20

276 坐 y@M33 y@M24 yCM44

277 走 oi`h22 oi`9h22 oi`h22

278 爬（小孩） yt=m20 l`9m44, yt=m20 yt9m20

279 爬（树） ohm13 oHm13 ohm02

280 来 s@t22 s@t22

281 去 o@h13 o@h13 oCh02

282 进入 s@t22k=31 w@t22fc@h13 gCt22

283 回来 s`t24s`t22 s`9t24s@t22 s`t24

284 飞 fahm13 faHm13 fahm02

285 骑 j=h24 jDh44 jLh44

286 游泳 vt20Y`l31 ut20y@l31

287 浮 vt20 ut20 ut20

288 玩 jt33sr@l20 sr@l20 srCl20

289 唱 sbh=M24 sbhDM u=m13

2. Phonology of data points 133

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

290 鼓 ¯Dm20, sbnM13 sbt@M13, ¯Dm20 sbBM02, ¯h9m20

291 干活 jt=32wnM13 jt=44wBM13 gnM02

292 担 Y`o24 y`9o24 y`o24

293 关（门） w`o24 w`9o33 gCo24

294 开（门） w`h13 w`h13 g`h02

295 开（嘴） w`h13, f`31 f`42, w`h13 f`42

296 推 sbn9M22 sbvBM31

297 拉 sb`t33 sb`9t44

298 掉 shDt24 snf24 snf24

299 给 rnM24 w@h22 g`L22

300 拿 f@t13 jX=20, f@t13 sL20

301 选择 kD33 kD44 kd44

302 买 srX31 srX31 srL42

303 卖 j`h13 j`9h13 j`h02

304 偷 y[`f31 y[`f11 yCf20

305 想要 sb`h20f@t13 sb`20f`t13

306 有 kh31 kh31 kh42

307 知道 Yn31 yn31 yn42

308 怕 k`9t13 k`9t13 k`t02

309 洗（手） rtDh24 rv=h13, rnX24 rth24

310 洗（衣服） r`f20 rv=h13r`f32 rCf20

311 捆 fc`13 fc`9t20, sbv`9s24

312 擦（桌） sr`s24 l`9s24 sr`s24, uL9s24

313 切（肉） j@s24 j=s22 ynm24

314 绳子 sr`24 sr`f44 sr`f44

315 割（草） jn9m20 jB9m20 jnm20

316 劈开（木头） o`24 o`f44 o`f24

317 木头 v@h31 v@h31

318 挖 jtDs24 jvDs24

134 2.6.5. Transcription of Dushan Shuiyan word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

319 人 st20v=m20 v=m20 uLm20

320 布依族 ot31i`h31 i@h31 iCh42

321 汉族 sb`31w`24 w`24 g`f24

322 男人 ot31r[`h13 r`9h13 r`h02

323 女人 k=f13fa=f24 faLf33 faLf24

324 巫师 sb`M33i`20, sb`M33ln13 ln13 ln02

325 媒人 lnh20 lt@h20

326 朋友 sbh13 327 祖宗

328 父亲 on33 on33 on44

329 母亲 lD33 lD33 ld44

330 小孩 k=f20m@h24 sb@t22

331 丈夫 sb`t22 i`34

332 妻子 i`33 i`44 i`44

333 兄姐 oh42

334 弟妹 mt=M31 mt=M31 mt9M42

335 独子 k=f20sn33 k=f20snf44

336 孙子 k`m13 k`9m13 k`m02

337 公公 jtM22 oCt24

338 婆婆 m@h22

339 外公 o@t24s`13 o@t24s`13

340 外婆 l`22s`h24 l`22s`9h24

341 客人 wD24 wD24 g`f24

342 姓 rD=M24

343 名字 srn33 srn24 srn44

344 我 jt13 jt13 jt02

345 你 l=M20 l=M20 lLM20

346 他 sD13 sD13 sd02

347 咱们 Y@t20 y@t20 yCt20

348 我们 sbnM24st13 sbtBM24st13 st02

2. Phonology of data points 135

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

349 你们 sbnM24rt13 sbtBM24rt13 rt02

350 他们 sbnM24sD13 sbtBM24sD13

351 别人 sb`31f=m24 fc=h13

352 柴 v=m20 u=m20 uLm20

353 火 uh20 uh20 uh20

354 火焰 oht13uh20 oiht13uh20

355 烧 sr`t31, oi@t13 oi`9t13 oiCt02

356 烧（做饭） sr`t31 sr`9t31

357 灰尘 s@t33 s@t34 lLm44lnm20

358 烟 vBm20 wB9m20

359 弓 jBM13 jnM02

360 箭 m`24 m`24 m`f24

361 打猎 s=24on13 sLf44fctBM13

362 杀 j`22 j`22 j`22

363 打架 stM31sh20 sh20

364 一 fcDt13 fhs24 fhs24

365 二 rnM13 ¯h44 ¯h44

366 一（一个人） fcDt13 fcdt02

367 两（两个人） rtBM13 rnM02

368 三 [r`l13 r`9l13 r`l02

369 四 r[h24 rh24 rh24

370 五 w`22 w`22 g`22

371 六 Ynf24 yBj24 ynf24

372 七 sr@s24 sr=s24 srCs24

373 八 oDs24 oDs24 ods24

374 九 jt22 jt22 jt22

375 十 sbho22 srHo22 srho20

376 二十 ¯h33sbho22 ¯h24srHo22

377 百 o`f24 o`f44 o`f24

136 2.6.5. Transcription of Dushan Shuiyan word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

378 千 yDM13 yhDM13

379 都 st22 st22

380 一些 shM20fcDt13 fa`9M31

381 多 k`h13 k`9h13 k`h02

382 少 bDt22 r[Dt22 rht22

383 每 ohDM24

384 大 k`9t31 k`9t31 k`t42

385 小 m@h24 m@h24

386 长 y@h20 y@h20 yCh20

387 短 shm22 sHm22 shm22

388 高 r[`9M13 r`9M13 r`M02

389 矮 s@l24 s@l24 sCl24

390 圆 fct=m13 fct=m13 fct9m02

391 扁 o`9m22 o`9m22 odo20

392 厚 m`13 m`13 m`02

393 薄 fa`9M13 fa`9M13 fa`M02

394 宽 jt`9M24 jv`9M24 ju`M24

395 窄 wDo24 wD9s24

396 硬 fcnM31 fctBM31 fcnM42

397 软 ft=m24 ft=m24 ftm24

398 直 rn33 bn44 rn44

399 弯曲 j@t20 j`9t20

400 快 Yht20 yh=t20

401 慢 l`m33 l`9m24

402 重 m`f24 m`f33 mCf24

403 轻 fa@t13 fa@t13 faCt02

404 胖 oh20 oh20 oh20

405 瘦 oinM13 oiB9l13 oinl02

406 黑 vnm31 uB9m31 unm42

2. Phonology of data points 137

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

407 红 fchM13 fcHM13 fchM02

408 白 w`9t13 w`9t13 g`t02

409 黄 wDm22 wDm22 gdm22

410 绿 kt20 kn31 kt42

411 蓝 s@t33 s@t24

412 干的 wL24 wX24, r`9t22 gL24

413 湿 s=l20 s=l31 sLl20

414 空的 oht24 oi=t24

415 满 y[hl13 yHDl13 yhl02

416 干净 rDt13 r[dt24 rCh02

417 脏（衣服） uhs24 uhs24

418 新 ln24 ln24 ln24

419 年轻 srn20 srn20 srn20

420 聪明 khm22 jv`h13, khm22 ju`h02

421 傻 rn24, k@o33 rn24, k=s44

422 旧 j@t24 j@t24 jCt24

423 老 sbD24 sbD24 sbd24

424 聋的 mtf24 mtf44 mtf24

425 热 y[@t22, yDl22 y[@t22, yDl22 yCt22

426 冷 mhs24 mhs24 mhs24, sbds42

427 好 fch13 fch13 fch02

428 坏 v`h33 u`9h24 u`h44

429 破 v=13, kBl24, bhf24 v`h33, uX=24, yv@h31, rh24

430 深 k`f22 k`f31 kCf20

431 浅 uD9t33 uhDt24

432 斜 MDM33 ff`9s24, MD9M24 fahs24

433 亮 YnM33 ytBM24 ynM44

434 暗 k@o24 k`o24

435 清 rD9t24 r@h13

138 2.6.5. Transcription of Dushan Shuiyan word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

436 浑 ¯nM20 mt@M20, uhs24 mnM20

437 壮 oh20

438 弱 oinM13 oiB9l13

439 淡 sbhs24 sbhs24 srhs24

440 累 m`h24 m`9h24 m`h24

441 （捆）紧 s`9t20, l`m33 s`9t20, l@m44

442 松 rtM22 ytM24

443 滑 y@t20 y@t20

444 贵 jvDh13 oDM20 odM20

445 便宜 oh20sËn20

446 嫩 ft=m24 ft=m24

447 难 m`m20 m`9m20

448 容易 oËh20sËn20 fch13jt

449 臭 w@t13 w@t13 gCt02

450 香 w@t13s`M13 w`t13fc`9M13 g`m02s`M02

451 忙 w@m13 w=m13

452 穷 wn22 wn22 gn22

453 富 sb`M13, kh31 kh31

454 热闹 fch13l@h20 fch13l@h20 lCh20

455 安静 b=22fh=24 rDs44ihD24

456 漂亮（女） fch13fct@M13 fch13fct@l13 fch02sbCh20

457 狡猾 fcho24, fahs24 fahs33

458 勇敢 sb`31j@m31, sDt31jt=22 srt31jt=44

459 懒 sbhf24 sbhf24 sbhf24

460 努力 j@m31 inM22yDM20

461 远 sb@h13 sb@h13 sbCh02

462 近 sb@h22 sb@h22 sbCh22

463 里（面） fc@h13 fc@h13 fcCh02

464 外（面） Yn33 ynf44 ynf20

2. Phonology of data points 139

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

465 右（边） jv`20 jv`20 ju`20

466 左（边） rtDh31 rtDh31 rth42

467 上面 j=m20 j=m20 jLm20

468 下面 k`22 k`22 k`22

469 这里 w=20mh31 mh31 mh42

470 那里 sD13 sD13

471 这个 j`h24mh31 j`9h24mh31

472 那个 j`h24sD13 j`h24sD13

473 哪里 sbh=20k@h20 sbh=20k@h20 kCh20

474 谁 srtDh20sbth31 sbhD3k@h20, srt=h20

475 什么 jt20l`20 jX20l`20

476 怎么 jt=33k@h20 jt=44l`20

477 什么时候 jt20l`20srX20 jX20l`20srX20

478 为什么 jDh13j=20l`20 uvDh13jt20l`20 l`20

479 在 i=24 ihD24 id24

480 刚（来） sr`t31 sb`9t31 481 马上（走）

482 赶快（去） ¯h@l20 ¯h@l20 483 就

484 先 jn`m24, jBm24 jvBm24 jnm24

485 常常 sb@l20 sb@l31 486 最(快）

487 更（快） sn13 …sn13

488 一起（作） jt33o@h20fcDt13 jt44o@h20

489 只（买五斤） j`33 j`22 490 又（来）

491 再（说一遍） sDl13 s`9t44s`t22, …sDl13

492 也 ot24 ot22

493 或者 …lX=22…

494 好象 o`h31j@t13 fct@l13mh31`t13… kLl22

140 2.7.1. Phone and phoneme inventory

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

495 从 w@t22 ihD24

496 和 mDl13 ¯D9l13, k@M13, yh@M20 yL9M20

497 因为 ihm22uvh22 498 如果

499 到 s@M20 s@M20 sCM20

500 是 rh02

501 不 lh20 lh20 lh20

502 没关系 lh20kh20j=31l=20 lh20kh31j=20l`20

503 已经 kDt31 sb`9t33…kD9t31 2.7. Duyun Fuxi 2.7.1. Phone and phoneme inventory Initial consonants BiLab LaDe Alv PoAl AlPal Pal Vel Glo Plos vl o, [oi] s, [sv] j, [jv] f, [fi] PreGlo fa fc Aff vl sr sb Fric vl [r[], r R vd u [y[], y [Y] F [G] Nas vd l m ¯ M Lat vd k App vd v i Final consonants

o, s, j, f, l, m, M

2. Phonology of data points 141

Vowels Front Central Back unrd unrd unrd rd Close h [X] [L] t Near-close [H] [T] Close-mid [d] n, [n:] Mid =, [=:] Open-mid D, [D:] [B] Near-open @ Open `, `: Tones Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Pitch value 24 33 31 41 44 35 45 33 44 25 2.7.2. Notes • [tw] only occurs one time and is not considered phonemic. • [ts] occurs several times and [sb] occurs numerous times. Both occur before a wide range of vowels, therefore, are contrastive. See minimal pairs. • [v] and [w] both occur a number of times, but the pronunciation often varies in the degree of fricativeness between the two phones. The actual transcription should be something like [vw] or [wv]. This sound is considered one phoneme, /w/. • The situation regarding voiced and unvoiced fricatives in the alveolar region is difficult to assess. [r[] occurs on 11 items and [s] occurs a number of times. Both occur before a fairly wide range of vowels. [R] occurs on five lexical items: before [a] and [i], and the one occurrence of [y]. Much the same situation holds for [z], [y[], and [Y], though there is more of a tendency for [y[] to occur before [i] and for [Y] to occur before [u]. The fronting is not very strong in most cases, so [s] and [r[] are considered allophones, as are [z] and [y[]. [s] and [R] are considered as phonemically distinct. However, [z] and [Y] are regarded as allophones, as [Y] almost always occurs before rounded vowels and [z] rarely does. See minimal pairs. The beginning morpheme for 347 ‘we (incl.)’ and 348 ‘we (excl.)’ starts once with [y[] and once with [Y]. This is regarded as an exception. • [G] only occurs on one lexical item and [F] occurs numerous times. [G] is considered here as an allophone of /F/. • [¯] occurs on five lexical items: before [i] and once before [u]. [n] occurs on two lexical items: before [i] and only once before [u]. However, the pronunciation for [¯] is always quite distinct from [n], even when [n] occurs before [i] and [u]. Based on this, [¯] is considered phonemic.

142 2.7.3. Minimal pairs

• [pj] occurs about the same number of times that [pi] + V occurs. The palatalization is not very strong, so it is not considered phonemic. • [kw] also occurs about the same number of times that [ku] + V occurs. The labialization is not very strong, so it is not considered phonemic either. • [fi] occurs on seven lexical items, but [fh] + V occurs a few times. Also, the morpheme for ‘blink’ occurs once as [fi] and once as [fh]. The palatalization is not very strong, so it is not considered phonemic. • [@], [a:], and [a] are all phonemically distinct. See minimal pairs. • [H] only occurs on five items, in the environment C__C, and is not considered phonemic. [i] also occurs in the environment C__C many times. • [D] and [e] each only occur a few times and [D:] only occurs once. These phones are considered variations of one phoneme, /D/. • [T] only occurs two times, in the environment C__C, and is not considered phonemic. [u] also occurs many times in the environment C__C. • [B] only occurs on three items, in the environment C__C, and [o:] occurs once. These two phones are considered variations of /o/. • [X] and [L] both occur a few times, all in the same environment, and are allophones of /=/. [=:] only occurs once and is not considered phonemic. See rule. • The difference between the 7th tone (pitch value [45]) and the 9th tone (pitch value [44]) is not great, but is very consistent. 2.7.3. Minimal pairs [ts] and [sb] 267 ‘to see’ [sr`:t0], 100 ‘spider’ [sb`:t0] 417 ‘dirty’ [srt@s0/], 270 ‘to scold’ [sbt`s8] s] and [R] 500 ‘to be’ [Rh0], 369 ‘four’ [rh4] 225 ‘to taste’ [R`M3], 222 ‘to weave (basket)’ [r`m0] [¯] and [n] 365 ‘two (ordinal)’ [¯h5], 469 ‘here’ [i=5 mh3] 436 ‘muddy’ [¯t`M1], 334 ‘younger’ [mt`M3] [@], [a:], and [a] 432 ‘slanted’ [k@h1], 381 ‘many’ [k`:h0], 239 ‘to flow’ [k`h0] [@] and [a:] 299 ‘to give’ [F@h2], 35 ‘sea’ [F`:h2] [a:] and [a] 105 ‘body’ [fc`:M0], 110 ‘nose’ [fc`M0] 2.7.4. Allophonic rules /=/ → {[X]/[L]}/__(=)# (with one exception) → [=]/elsewhere

2. Phonology of data points 143

2.7.5. Transcription of Duyun Fuxi word list 都匀市江洲富溪村90年代与50年代语音糸统比较

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

1 阳光 fchs24 fchs44

2 闪电 fi`o24oi`20 fi@o44oi`f10

3 雷（名） oi`20 oi`f02 oi`20

4 月亮 Yt`M24fchDm13 yt`M24fchDm13

5 星星 fc`h22fch=31 fc`9h22fchD41

6 天, 天空 fa=m13 fa=m13 faLm02

7 云 v=20 uX=f20 uL=20

8 风 kn9l22 k=l20 ktl00

9 雨 u=m13 u=m13 uLm02

10 彩虹 st22stM22 st=20stM20 stM00

11 雾 k`o24lt@24 k@o44lnj44 lt`f22

12 早上 sb`M22F`s24 sb@M32F@s44 FCs24

13 下午 jv`33khM22 jv`22khM21

14 晚上 sb@M22F`l24 F`9l44 FLm00, FCl24

15 天, 日子 Mt`9m22 Mt@m11 MtCm00

16 年 oh13 oh13 oh02

17 早（来早） kt`l24 kt@l24 srCt42kt`l24

18 晚（来晚） kns24 kns44 kt`s22

19 早餐 M`9h22kt`l24 M`9h20kt`l44

20 午饭 j=m12M`9h20 M`9h20 M`h00

21 下午的餐 j=m12khM20 khM30 yhM00

22 晚饭 j=m12sb`t20 sb@t30 sbCt00

23 水 y`l31 y@l42 yCl42

24 井 fan33 fan33 fan22

25 土 m`9l24 m`9l24 m`l24

26 石头 y[hm13 yhm13 yhm02

27 沙 yD33 yhm13yD24 yd22

144 2.7.5. Transcription of Duyun Fuxi word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

28 尘土（路上） l=m33m`9l24 l=m31m`9l24 sCt24

29 金子 sbhl13 sbhl13 sbhl24

30 银子 M`m21 M@m20 MCm00

31 铁 u`22 u`30 u`00

32 河 s`24 s`24 s`24

33 岸 jt`M33 st`M31s`24

34 湖 s`l22vtM24 s`l22'Gn9l13(

35 海 F`9h20 F`9hf10 F`h20

36 山 on13 on13

37 路 Yt`m13 yt@m13 ytCm02

38 村子 fc@m13fa`m31 fa`9m42 fa`m42

39 房子 Y`m22 y`9m22 y`m00

40 房顶 ¯h`t24Y`m22 ¯Dt22y`9m22

41 门 st13 st13 st02

42 木板（板子） sbh@24u@h31 u@h31

43 桌子 fc@m13sbn20 sbnf20 sbn20

44 凳子 fc`24s`M22 s@M22 sCM22

45 碗 stDh31 stDh42 sth42

46 筷子 jt24sL24 sX24 sL24

47 扫把 sbhs24o`s24 sbho24o`s24 oCs24

48 猪圈 kh=M24lt13 kX=M42lt13

49 田（稻田） m`22 m`22 m`00

50 地 y[h24 yh24 yh24

51 大米 F`t31r`m13 G`t42r`9m13 FCt42r`m02

52 米饭 F`t31srtf20 G`t42F`9t13 FCt42

53 糯米 m`24r`m13 G`t42m`24

54 糯米饭 m`24srtf20 m`24srtj22

55 秧苗 sb`20 sb?f20 sb`20

56 草（青嫩） ¯h=20ft=m33 ¯h=f20 ¯hd20

2. Phonology of data points 145

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

57 甘蔗 j`f20sh=M22 ft`h42

58 树 v@h31 u@h42 uCh42

59 （树）根 y`j24 y`j24 y`f22

60 竹子（总称） u@h31GL22 u@h42FX24

61 森林 fcnM13v`h31 fctBM13 fctCM02

62 叶子 fa`h13 fa@h13 faCh02

63 刺（名） ft`m13 fn=m13 ftCm02

64 花 fc`h33 fc`9h22 fc`h22

65 籽, 种子 u`9m13 u=m13 uCm02

66 水果 k=j33v@h31 fc=m13'k=j22(s`9t20

67 菜（蔬菜） oh`j24 oi`j24 oiCf24

68 动物（总称） st=22st=20 st=21st=21

69 猪 lt13 lt13 lt02

70 羊 it=M21 xt@M22 it9M00

71 狗 l`13 l`13 l`02

72 马 l`31 l`42 l`42

73 水牛 u`9h22 u`9h21 u`h00

74 黄牛 srh=22 srhD21 srL=00

75 尾巴 y[h=M13 yh=M13 yL9M02

76 角（牛） j`t13 j@t13 jCt02

77 老虎 st=22jtj24 jtj24 jtf24

78 熊 st=22lnh24 l=h13 lth02

79 猴子 st=22khM21 khM11 khM00

80 蝙蝠 oh24o@t22oh`20 ut24u`9t22oi`f20 u`t00

81 兔子 st=22l`9t20 l`9tf20

82 老鼠 st=22v`9t20 u`9tf11 u`t20

83 鸟 st=22Ynj13 ynj11 ytCf02

84 鸟窝 Yt@M22Ynj13 ynM11

85 鸡 st=22j`h33 j?h24'j`h24( jCh22

146 2.7.5. Transcription of Duyun Fuxi word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

86 鸡冠 v=m13j`h33 v=m13

87 鸭子 st=22ohs24 ohs24 ohs24

88 鹅 st=22f`m33 f`9m34 F`m22

89 猫头鹰 Ynj22sbh@t20lhCt22 ynj22sb@t13lhDt24

90 翅膀 fch13v=s24 uts24 uL9s24

91 羽毛 o=m13 o=m13 oLm02

92 爪子 jv`h31 kho22

93 蛋 sb@h33 sbDh22 sbCh22

94 鱼 oi`13 oi`13 oi`02

95 鱼鳍 oi`13sbh20 sbih11oi`13

96 蛇 ML=220 MX22 ML=00

97 蚊子 st=22mh`M221 ¯@M11 mh`M00

98 苍蝇 mh`M20F`t31 ¯@M11G`9t42

99 蚂蚁 st=22l`s22 l@s22 lCs02

100 蜘蛛 st=22sb`9t24 sbh`9t13 sb`t02

101 跳蚤 st=22l`s24 l@s24 lCs24

102 臭虫 st=22kh=s33 yh@o24 yL9s22

103 蚯蚓 st=22fcDm13 fcD9m13 fcL9m02

104 虱子 st=22m`m220 m@m22 mCm00

105 身体 fch13fc`9M13 fc`9M13 fc`M02

106 头 sb`t20 sb@tf20 sbCt20

107 头发 oi`l13sb`t20 oi?l13 oiCl02

108 脸 m`20 m`20 m`20

109 眼睛 s`13 s`13 s`02

110 鼻子 fc`M13 fc@M13 fc`M02

111 耳朵 u`M31y[h=220 yhD22 yL=00

112 嘴巴 srnM24o`f33 oi`j24

113 牙齿 ih`t20 j=13ihDt21 ih`t20

114 舌头 u`M22khm31 u@M13khm42 khm42

2. Phonology of data points 147

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

115 下巴 k`20F`M22 k`f20G`9M22 F`M00

116 胡子 ltl24 ltl24 ltl24

117 额头 m`20oi`j24 m`f10oi@j24 oi`f22

118 脖子 jtM24Mtn220 jtM42Mn22

119 肩膀 o`M31fa`33 fa`22 fa`22

120 手 fc`m13u=9M22 u=M22 uLM00

121 腿 j`13 j`13 j`02

122 膝盖 sbh`m20Fn24 sbi@t13Gn24 Fn22

123 脚 shm13 shm13 shm02

124 胸 o`24f`j24 f`j24 fCf24

125 背 o`h24kCM13 k@M13 kCM02

126 甲状腺肿 vn31f`h13 Mnf21f`9h24

127 心脏 st`l33 fct@l22 st`l22

128 肺脏 o=s24 oLs24 oLs24

129 脑子 ftj24 ftj24 ftf24

130 肝 s`o24 s@o24 sCo24

131 肚子 stM31 stM42 stM42

132 肚脐 sb`M24fch=13 fcX=13 fcL=02

133 肠子 r`hf20 r@hf10 rCh20

134 血 khns24 k=9s24 kL9s24

135 屎（牛屎） fD31 fD42 fd42

136 骨头 fc`j24fct@f33 fctBj24 fct`f22

137 皮肤 m`M13 m@M13 mCM02

138 肉 mn24 mn24 mn24

139 油（猪） ihnt221 i=t11lt13 iht00

140 大蒜 Fn13 Fn13 Fn02

141 姜 ihM13 ihM13 ihM02

142 盐 sbt=13 sbT13 sbtL=02

143 咬 F`o31 G@o22 FCo02

148 2.7.5. Transcription of Duyun Fuxi word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

144 吃 j=m13 j=m13 jLm02

145 喝 r=s22 rLs22 fctCs24

146 酒 k`t20 k@t20 kCt20

147 醉（酒） fihl33k`t20 fhl24

148 呕吐 Yt=f24 yt=j24 yt9f22

149 煮 ynM13 ytM13 ytM02

150 甜 sh=M221 sh=M22

151 酸 fc`s33 s`9s24 rCL20

152 苦 F`l220 G`l22 FCl00

153 咸 fc`M33 fc@M33 fcCM24

154 辣 l`9m24 l@m24 l`m24

155 饿 fi=f33 fhDj33

156 黄瓜 sh=M13 k=j22sh=M13 sh9M02

157 南瓜 u`f22 k=j22u@j22

158 丝瓜 sh=m13F`l220 sh=l13G@l22

159 豆 k=j13l`j33 k=j22l?j24 kLf02l`f22

160 芋头 k=j13v=f24

161 芦苇 j`m20fh`M24 j@mf10fi@l13

162 衣服 sbnM22ot=24 ot=24 oL=24

163 布 o`M22 o@M22 oCM00

164 棉 u`9h33 lh@m22 u`h22

165 裤子 sbnM22srt=m13 srD9M13 srt9M02

166 袜子 l`s24 l`9s24 l`s24

167 席子 sh`}31 oX=m22sh@l42 fahm42

168 蚊帐 fc`m13y[[h@o24 yhDo24 yh9o22

169 斗笠 fc`m13sb`o24 sb@o24 sbCo24

170 刀 lhs22 lhs22 lhs02

171 把（刀） v`j24 u`j24 u`f24

172 锅 jt`13 jv`13

2. Phonology of data points 149

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

173 锅盖 u`13sr`M20 u`13sr@lf20 u`02

174 三脚架 sbh=M33 j`13sbhDM11 sbh9M00

175 背带 sb`22fc`24 fc`13 fc`02

176 扇子 u`j24oh20 oh11 oh00

177 秤 fchDt33 fchDt33

178 锥子 sbHl13 sbhl13

179 剪子 u`j24sbh`t220 sbDt21 sbh`t00

180 钱 sbhDm221 lhm42sbËDm22 srh`m00

181 雨伞 fc`m13kh=M20 khDMf21 kL9M20

182 锁 knM20 ktM20 ktM20

183 钥匙 sbh20knM20 sbh20ktM20

184 棍子 r`m20s=M31 s=M42

185 竹竿 r`t31GL22 r`9t42 r`t42

186 船 Yt=221 yt=22 yuL=00

187 斧头 u`j24v`m13 u`9m13 u`m02

188 犁 sb`h13 sbi@h13 sbCh02

189 锄头 u`j24jt=24 jt=j22 jt9f22

190 扁担 mnj20F`m220 mn22G`9M20 F`m00

191 麻 fc`h31 fc`9h42 fc`h42

192 肥料 o=m24 o=m24 oLm24

193 石臼 fc`h13fch=m33 st@M24yhl13 ytl02

194 杵 fih=13sbh220 fiD13sbh21

195 筛子 fc`m13Y`M13 y@M13 yCM02

196 簸箕 fc`m13fcBM31 fcBM42 fctCM42

197 织布机 fch13srt@M220 yvnl22ynj24 srt9M00

198 纸 sbh20 sbh20 r`02

199 墨水 y`l31l`j20 y@l42l@j22 lCf02

200 笔 ohm22l`j20 ohm42l@j22

201 唢呐 sb`M24on33 sr`9M13on22

150 2.7.5. Transcription of Duyun Fuxi word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

202 网 y[d24 yD24

203 钩子 u`j24jtf13 u@j24jn13

204 鬼 u`M22 u`9M22 u`M00

205 神 ot310r[hDm13 oL42rhDm13

206 力气 y[h`M220 yh@M22 yh`M00

207 影子 vt24u`t220 utj24u`9t22 MCt00

208 梦 u`M22M=m220 u`9M22G=m22

209 故事 jt24k`9t24

210 礼物 kh24rhM13 fa`h22

211 错误 srn13jn13 rn24 kt`M02

212 闲空 v`M33 u`M33 u`M22

213 方向 o`h24 o`9h24

214 缝 ¯ho20 ¯ho23 ¯ho02

215 喜欢 f`M33k`j24 f`9M22 f`M22

216 爱 M`h24 M`9h24 sbCh00

217 剥（果皮） v@s33 vt=s24 sLm20, fah22

218 抱（孩子） fTl31 f=l42 ftl42

219 背（孩子） fX=20 o=20 fL=42

220 加（饭） ot20F`t31

221 裂开 sh`j24y`o33 rhs24, sh@o24F`o24 fato24

222 编（篮子） r`m13 r`9m13 r`m02

223 补（衣服） vtM13 vX=M13 uL9M02

224 插（秧） sh`M20 shDl13 fcCl02

225 尝（菜） R`M31 b@l30 srhl00

226 穿（衣服） s`9m20 s@mf30 sCm20

227 漏（水） Yn24 yn24 yn24

228 点（头） M`j22 M@j22

229 挂（在墙上） v`9h20 u@hf20 uh`m02

230 滚（在地上） sbhM31 khm42

2. Phonology of data points 151

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

231 过（河） jv`33 G@lf20 ju`22

232 划（船） j`9t13 j`9t13 j`t02

233 继续 svdh12sbh22o`h13m`20 ____…o@h13m`f12

234 借（钱） sbhD=44 sbhD33 sbh22

235 砍（树） Yt`m33 y@l20, yt@m24 uCm00, yCl20

236 烤（火） y[hM13uh20, oht44uh220 oiht33 yhM02

237 咳嗽 f`h13 f@h13 fCh02

238 肿（腿） vnf220 v@j22 FtCf02

239 流（水） k`h13 k@h13 kCh02

240 起（床） y=m33 y=m34 yLm22

241 牵（牛） sbHM13 srHM13 srhM02

242 晒 s`j33 s`j34 s`f22

243 筛（米） y`M13 y@M13

244 上（楼） F=m20 G=m20 FLm20

245 下（楼） kn9M22 knM22 ktCM00

246 伸（手） fh=s33 ihDm24 fh9s22

247 梳（头发） yt@h13 yv@h13 yt`h02

248 （头）疼 sbhDs33 sbDs24 fhm02, sbh`s22

249 踢 sh`j33 sh@j24

250 提（篮子） yht20 yht20 yht20

251 吞 fc=m31 fc=m42 fcLm42

252 脱（衣） st`s33 st@s33 st`s22

253 问 F`l33 G`l23 FCl22

254 回答 F`m13 G@13 F`m02

255 忘记 ktl220 k=l22 ktl00

256 下（雨） s`t20 s@tf20 sCt20

257 休息 rt24m`h33 rt24m`9h24

258 寻找 o`h3y`j13 y`13 y`02

259 眨（眼） fh`o24s`12 i@o24 fiCo24

152 2.7.5. Transcription of Duyun Fuxi word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

260 住 fhDt24 fhDt34

261 蒸（饭〕 m`M20 m@M13 mCM20

262 活 fch13 fiDt34 sbCt02

263 死 s`9h13 s`9h13 s`h02

264 病 sbhDs33 o@m11sbDs24 ohM24

265 呼吸 srt=m24rtDh13 r-s24rtDh13

266 听 j`M20¯h=13 ¯h=13 ¯h02

267 看 sr`9t13 sr`9t13 fin42, sr`t02

268 说, 讲 j`M20, m`t221 m@t11, j`9M20 mCt00, j`M20

269 笑 yhDt13 yDt13 yht02

270 骂 sbt`s33 sbv@s22 fc`22

271 哭 s`h20 s@hf20 sCh20

272 吹 on33 on34

273 打呵欠 sbh?m13 f`42s`13m=m11

274 睡觉 m=m220 m=m22 mLm00

275 站 rnM22 rt@M22

276 坐 y`9M24 y@M24 yCM24

277 走 oi`h20 oi@hf20 oi`h20

278 爬（小孩） ohm13 khDm22 kL9m00

279 爬（树） ohm13 ohm13 ohm02

280 来 l`13 l`13

281 去 o`9h13 o@h13 oCh02

282 进入 mt@m31o`h13fc@h13 G@tf20fc@h13 FCt20

283 回来 s`t33l`13 s`9t24l`13 s`t22

284 飞 fahm13 fahm13 fahm02

285 骑 jtDh24 jvDh24 jth24

286 游泳 y=s24fc`9M13 uhDt22y@l42

287 浮 vt221 ut22 ut00

288 玩 jt=24sr`l22 sr@l22 srCl00

2. Phonology of data points 153

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

289 唱 m`t220 m@t22

290 鼓 mhDm220j`t33, srt`M13 sbvBM13 sbt`M02, ¯h9m00

291 干活 jt=24v`M13 jt=24Gt@M13 ut`M02

292 担 y`o33 y`o24 y`o22

293 关（门） F`o24 G@o24 FCo24

294 开（门） v@h13 v@h13 u`h02

295 开（嘴） vt`h13 f`42, v@h13 f`42

296 推 fchD31 fch@M42

297 拉 k`j24 k@j24

298 掉 uhDm13 snj24 stCf24

299 给 F@h20 G@Xf20 FCh20

300 拿 sL11 f@t13 sL00

301 选择 f`t13sbh24k@h220 rh=m22 kd24

302 买 srX31 srX42 srL42

303 卖 j`9h13 j`9h13 j`h02

304 偷 k`j22 k`j22 kCf02

305 想要 bD9m24f`t13 r[h=M24f@t13

306 有 kh31 kh42 kh42

307 知道 yn31 yn42 yn42

308 怕 k`9t13 k`9t13 k`t02

309 洗（手） rtDh33 rDh34 rth22, y`22

310 洗（衣服） r`j22 rDh34, r@j22 rCf02

311 捆 fc`13 fc`13, jtm24

312 擦（桌） ft=s33 ft=s24 sr`s24, ft9s22

313 切（肉） sb`o22 sb@o22 yt`m22

314 绳子 r@m20sr`j24 sr`j24 sr`f22

315 割（草） jt@m220 jt@m22 jtCm00

316 劈开（木头） o`j24 o`j24 o`f24

317 木头 fc`j24u=m220 st@mf20u@h42

154 2.7.5. Transcription of Duyun Fuxi word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

318 挖 fa=s24 faLs24

319 人 u=m220 u=m22 uLm00

320 布依族 finh31 fivnh42 fith42

321 汉族 F`33 G`j22

322 男人 ot13r`h13 k=j22r`9h13 r`h02

323 女人 k=j22fa=j24 k=j22faLj24 faLf24

324 巫师 sb`M24v`M220 sb`9M24ln13 ln02

325 媒人 u=m220rX33 u=m11rq22 rL22

326 朋友 rH9l13 G`9t24st22

327 祖宗 o`t33i`24 o@t22i`24

328 父亲 k`t31ih=31 on24 on24

329 母亲 ld24 liD24 ld24

330 小孩 k=j22r`h33 bh@t24r@h24

331 丈夫 k=j22jtDh220 k`9t42

332 妻子 i`24 i`24 i`24

333 兄姐 oh31 oh42 oh42

334 弟妹 mt`M31 mt@M42 mt`M42

335 独子 k=j22st`j24 k=j22st@j24

336 孙子 k=j22k`9m13 k`9m13 k`m02

337 公公 o`t33 shD22 oCt22

338 婆婆 m`h33 m@h22

339 外公 k`t31s`13 on24s`13

340 外婆 i`24s`h33 i`24s`9h34

341 客人 i`j33 ih@j24 ih`f22

342 姓 r[hM20 rHm13

343 名字 srn24r[X13 sbn24 srn24

344 我 jt13 jt13 jt02

345 你 l=M221 l=M220 lLM00

346 他 shD13 shD13 sd02

2. Phonology of data points 155

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

347 咱们 y[`t220 y@t13 yCt00

348 我们 R`t33Y`t22 st02

349 你们 R`t33rt13 rt13 rt02

350 他们 R`t33shD13 sbt@M24sD13

351 别人 fctDh13 jX22sh@j24

352 柴 u=m220 u=m22 uLm00

353 火 uh220 uh21 uh00

354 火焰 oht13uh221 oiDt13uhf21

355 烧 oi`t13 oiD9t13, sr`9t42 oiCt02

356 烧（做饭） fc`M33 fc@M42 fcCM22

357 灰尘 v`9t31 u@t42

358 烟 v`m220 u@m22 uCm00

359 弓 mX=31 sbt@M13 sbtM22

360 箭 m`j24 m`33 m`22

361 打猎 k`h24fcBM13 'k@h31( ¯h@o24fct@M13

362 杀 j`20 j`f30 j`20

363 打架 stM31sh220 s`M42shf21

364 一 fhs24, fch`t13 fhs24 fhs24

365 二 ¯h24 ¯h24 ¯h24

366 一（一个人） fch@t13 fch`t02

367 两（两个人） rnM13 rt@M13 rt`M02

368 三 r`l13 r`9l13 r`l02

369 四 rh33 rh33 rh22

370 五 F`20 G`20 F`20

371 六 ynj24 yBj24 yt`f24

372 七 sr`s24 srXs24 srCs24

373 八 ohDs33 ohDs23 oh`s22

374 九 jt20 jt20 jt20

375 十 sbho11 sbho22 sbho02

156 2.7.5. Transcription of Duyun Fuxi word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

376 二十 ¯h24 ¯hsrho22

377 百 o`j33 o`j33 o`f22

378 千 y[h`M13 yh@M13

379 都 st22 s=t22…khDt42

380 一些 R`t33fch`t13 m@h24, bh@t24ch@t13

381 多 k`h13 k`9h13 k`h02

382 少 r[hDt20 rh=t30 rht20

383 每 fch`t13 s@M24

384 大 fct@M33 fct=l22 k`t42

385 小 m@h33 m@h24

386 长 Y@h221 y@h22 yCh00

387 短 shm20 shm20 shm20

388 高 r[`9M13 r`9M13 r`M02

389 矮 s`l33 s`9l24 sCl22

390 圆 k`9m220 k=m22

391 扁 o`m20 o`9m20 oh9m22

392 厚 m`13 m`13 m`02

393 薄 fa`M13 fa`9M13 fa`M02

394 宽 jv`M33 jv`M33 ju`M22

395 窄 i@o24 i@o24 srCm00

396 硬 fct`M31 fct@M31 fct`M42

397 软 ft=m33 ft=m33 ftm22

398 直 sbh`t24 sbhDt24 rn24

399 弯曲 j`t220 j@t22 jn00

400 快 F`m13 G=m13

401 慢 lhDm31 ¯h=o24, lhDm42

402 重 m`j24 m@j24 mCf24

403 轻 fa`t13 fa@t13 faCt02

404 胖 oh220, otDh220 oh20 oh00

2. Phonology of data points 157

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

405 瘦 oi`l13 oi@l13 oi`l02

406 黑 u@m31 u@m42 u``m42

407 红 fchM13 fchM13 fchM02

408 白 F`9t13 G`9t3 F`t02

409 黄 i`9m20 ihDmf21 ih`m20

410 绿 kt31 kn42 kt42

411 蓝 ft33 ihDt13

412 干的 yn220, jX13FX33 GX34, yn11, r`9tf20 FL22

413 湿 stl22 s=l22 stl00

414 空的 r[h@t22 jt@t13, oiDt24

415 满 y[hl13 yhl3 yhl02

416 干净 r[h`t33 rD9t33 rCh02

417 脏（衣服） st@s24 yvns24

418 新 ln33 ln34 ln22

419 年轻 sbnM24srn220 sbnf11 srn00

420 聪明 khm20 khm22

421 傻 Rt@h31, otj24 bv`9h42

422 旧 j`t33 j@t34 jCt22

423 老 k`9t31 k`9t42, sbhD24 sbd22

424 聋的 mTj24 mtj24 mtf24

425 热 y`t20 y@tf20, yh@lf20 fc`s22, yCt20

426 冷 sbh`M31 jihDl42 mhs24

427 好 fch13 fch13 fch02

428 坏 v`9h24 v`9h24 u`h24

429 破 oi`j33 oi@j33

430 深 k`j221 k`j22 kCf02

431 浅 faBj24 fanj24 fatCf24

432 斜 knh220 fahs24, ¯@M24 fahs24

433 亮 Yt`M24 yt@M24 yt`M24

158 2.7.5. Transcription of Duyun Fuxi word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

434 暗 k`o24 k@o24

435 清 r[@h13 rD9t33

436 浑 ¯t`M220 ¯n9M22 ¯tCM00

437 壮 oh221, l`M24 l@M24

438 弱 oh@l13 oi@l13

439 淡 sbhs24 sbHs24 srhs24

440 累 m`h33 m`9h44 m`h22

441 （捆）紧 fc`s24 fc@s24 fcCs24

442 松 rtM33 rtM22

443 滑 k`t220 k@t22

444 贵 jtDh13 oh`M00

445 便宜 r[h`M22ihm22

446 嫩 ft=m33 ft=m44

447 难 fh`j33jt=24 m`9m13jt

448 容易 oi=220sn220 fch13jt

449 臭 F`t13 F@t13 FCt02

450 香 u`9m13 F@t13s`9M13 u`m02

451 忙 F`m13 F=m13

452 穷 vn20 wnf20 Fn20

453 富 kh31 kh31

454 热闹 fch13l@h220 fch13l@h22 lCh00

455 安静 rhm24rhm13 r[hm22rHM13

456 漂亮（女） srHs22 sbhs11 fch02sbCh00

457 狡猾 sh`t33Rh`t20 k@t22

458 勇敢 s`9m33fct`M33 s`o44st@l24

459 懒 sbhj24 jihs24 sbhf24

460 努力 f`t13yh`M22 sr`20sbihm13

461 远 sb`h13 bi@h13 sbCh02

462 近 sb`h20 bi@h20 sbCh20

2. Phonology of data points 159

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

463 里（面） fc`h13 fc@h13 fcCh02

464 外（面） kt`j24 knj24 kt`f24

465 右（边） jt`220 jv`22 ju`00

466 左（边） rtDh31 rvDh42 rth42

467 上面 j=m220 j=m22 jLm00

468 下面 k`20 k`f20 k`20

469 这里 i=24mh31 ihD24mh42 mh42

470 那里 i=24shD13 ft=m42, …sD13

471 这个 fch`t13mh31 fch@t13mh42

472 那个 fch`t13sD13 fch@t13sD13

473 哪里 sbh=220k@h220 sbh=22k@h22 kCh00

474 谁 u=m220k@h220 u=m22k@h22

475 什么 i`M220l`220 ih@M22l`22

476 怎么 jt=24m`h22 jt=24m@h22

477 什么时候 sbht24k`h220 sbDt24k@h22

478 为什么 uDh13i`M220l`220 vDh13ih@M22l`22 l`00

479 在 fht331 ihDt24 fht22

480 刚（来） M`h13 M`9hf13l`13

481 马上（走） sbh=20o`h13 mh24mh42

482 赶快（去） F@m13m@h24 G=m13m@h24

483 就 sbh20 sbh30

484 先 jt`m31 jt=m24 jt`m22

485 常常 M`h24 o@h22o@h22

486 最(快) F`m13lh20fc`h31kh`t31

487 更（快） F`m13jt`31

488 一起（作） s`13rh30 jX20yv@m13

489 只（买五斤） sb`20 j`j24

490 又（来） s`30 s=j22

491 再（说一遍） s`330 s=j22, sr@h13

160 2.8.1. Phone and phoneme inventory

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

492 也 F`20 F@f20

493 或者 ln30 lhD22sbhf20

494 好象 wn33k`h33ktl20'knl20( wn22k@h22 ktl20

495 从 fit33 fhDt33

496 和 sh`l13 y@M24 yL9M00

497 因为 u=h13l`22 vDh13l`22 498 如果

499 到 s`M221 s@M12 sCM00

500 是 Rh13 bh13 rh02

501 不 lhD221 lhD22 lh00

502 没关系 lh20kh31l`221 lh22kh42l`22

503 已经 jt`33kh`t31 fh24, jv`33khDt42 2.8. Guiding Gonggu 2.8.1. Phone and phoneme inventory Initial consonants BiLab LaDe Alv PoAl AlPal Pal Vel Glo Plos vl o, oi s j, jv, f, [ji] [fi] PreGlo fa fc Aff vl sr, [srv] [sb] A, Ai Fric vl [r[], r [w] vd u [y[], y [Y] F Nas vd l m ¯ M Lat vd k App vd v i Final consonants

o, s, f, l, m, M

2. Phonology of data points 161

Vowels Front Central Back unrd unrd unrd rd Close h [X] [L] t Near-close [H] [T] Close-mid [d] n, [n:] Mid =, [=:] Open-mid D [B] Near-open @ Open `, [`:] Tones Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Pitch value 35 23 14 32 44 42 45 13 33 or 44 34 2.8.2. Notes • [tsw] occurs one time and is considered an allophone of [tsu]. [sb] is more accurately transcribed as [sR] and is considered a variation of [ts]. See minimal pairs between [t] and [ts]. • [c] occurs a number of times, before a wide range of vowels, and is distinct from the sound [k]. See minimal pairs. [kj] is not considered distinct from [cj]. The palatalization of [cj] is easily distinguishable. See minimal pairs. • [w] only occurs on eight lexical items and [v] occurs numerous times. However, the pronun- ciation is relatively distinct, neither phone approximating the sort of [wv] mixed phone common in many other Bouyei lects. Both sounds are viewed as phonemic. See minimal pair. • [r[] and [s] are not very distinct and are considered allophonic variations of each other. • [z] and [y[] are also not very distinct and will be considered variations of each other. The pronunciation of voiced fricatives in the alveopalatal and palatal area range widely, over the entire word list, and for individual morphemes. Though the difference in pronunciation between [z] and [Y] is fairly distinct in some cases, it is varied in others. The morphemes for ‘water’ (in items 199 ‘ink’, 286 ‘to swim’, and 23 ‘water’) are transcribed both ways. For this analysis, [y[], [z], and [Y] are considered one phoneme, /z/. This needs further investigation. • [x] only occurs once and is considered an exceptional pronunciation of [F]. • [¯] occurs on nine lexical items: before [i], [o], and [@]. It is distinct from [n]. See minimal pair. • [pj] occurs on 10 lexical items and its pronunciation is clearly distinct from [pi] + V, which occurs a few times. For the items with [pi] + V, the [i] sound is very vocalic, almost length- ened. At this point, for this lect, [pj] and [pi] are both phonemic. See minimal pairs. • [kw] occurs a number of times. [ku] + V occurs three times and is considered a variation of [kw].

162 2.8.3. Minimal pairs

• [fi] occurs on four lexical items and is not considered phonemic here. [fh] + V occurs on three lexical items. These two sounds are considered variations of each other. • [`:] only occurs on six lexical items and only with a following vowel. Also, [o:] and [=:] only occur once each. For this analysis, vowel length is not considered phonemic. • [a] and [@] are both phonemic. See minimal pairs. • [H] occurs 11 times, always in the environment C__C. However, [i] also occurs in that environment several times. [H] is clearly a phonetic variation of /i/ in that environment. See rule. • [e] only occurs three times and is only a variation of [D]. [D] occurs numerous times. • [T] only occurs two times and is considered a variation of [u]. • [B] occurs on eight lexical items, is not very distinct from [o] in this lect, and is not considered phonemic. [o] occurs numerous times. • [X] occurs a number of times in the environments C__#, C__(=), and C__C. However, it only occurs in the last environment on two items: one of these occurring as [=] elsewhere in this list. So actually, only the first two environments apply. [=] only occurs in the environments C__# and C__C. However, it only occurs in C__# on one lexical item, clearly an exception. Therefore, the tendency is for [X] to occur in C__# and C__(=), and for [=] to occur in C__C. These are not functioning as separate phonemes, but are allophones. See rule. 2.8.3. Minimal pairs [ts] and [t] 45 ‘bowl’ [sr`0], 109 ‘eye’ [s`0] 302 ‘to buy’ [srX3], 46 ‘chopsticks’ [sX5] [c] and [k] 43 ‘table’ [An0], 203 ‘hook’ [jn0] 93 ‘egg’ [A@h4], 85 ‘chicken’ [j@h4] [Ai] and [A] 179 ‘scissors’ [Ai@t1], 22 ‘dinner’ [A@t1] 426 ‘cold (weather)’ [Ai@M3], 12 ‘morning’ [A@M3 F@s6] [w] and [v] 294 ‘to open (door)’ [v`h4], 164 ‘cotton’ [u@h4] [n] and [¯] 137 ‘skin’ [m@M0], 97 ‘mosquito’ [¯@M1] [pj] and [p] 236 ‘broken/torn’ [oin4], 272 ‘to blow’ [on4] 429 ‘broken/torn’ [oiDf8], 373 ‘eight’ [oh=s8] [@] and [a] 65 ‘seed’ [u@m0], 187 ‘axe’ [u`m0] 110 ‘nose’ [fc@M0], 105 ‘body’ [fc`M0]

2. Phonology of data points 163

2.8.4. Allophonic rules /i/ → [H]/C__C (with exceptions) → [i]/elsewhere

/=/ → [X]/C__(=) → [X]/C__# (with one exception) → [=]/elsewhere (with two exceptions) 2.8.5. Transcription of Guiding Gonggu word list 贵定县巩固乡石板寨90年代与50年代语音糸统比较 汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

1 阳光 fcHs24fct@M22 fchs34

2 闪电 fi@o24oi`13 fi@o34oi`13

3 雷（名） oi`13 oi`13 oi`02

4 月亮 YBM42fc=m24 Yt`M31fc=m24

5 星星 fc`t22fch22 fc`t22fch20

6 天, 天空 fa=m24 fa=m24 faLm24

7 云 vt13 vt24 ut24

8 风 ytl02 Yt=l113 ytl00

9 雨 u=m24 u=m24 uLm24

10 彩虹 st20stM02 snM13 stM00

11 雾 k`o33ln22 ln33 lt`f22

12 早上 A@M22F@s24 sb`M22G@s24 FCs24

13 下午 jv@22YhM02 sb`M22M`l31

14 晚上 A@M22F`l42 sb`M22M`l31 FLm00, FCl42

15 天, 日子 Mt@M12 Mt`m112 MtCm00

16 年 oh24 oh24 oh24

17 早（来早） Yt@l42 Yt@l31 srCt20yt`l42

18 晚（来晚） kns22 kt@s33 kt`s22

19 早餐 G`t20Yt@l31

20 午饭 M`9h02 M`h112 M`h00

21 下午的餐 YhM02 YhM102 yhM00

164 2.8.5. Transcription of Guiding Gonggu word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

22 晚饭 A@t02 sb`t102 sbCt00

23 水 Y@l20 y`l31 yCl20

24 井 fan22 fan33 fan22

25 土 m`l42 m`l31 m`l42

26 石头 m[hm24 yHm24 yhm24

27 沙 y[D22 YD33 yd22

28 尘土（路上） ln42l=m22 m`l31l=m22 sCt42

29 金子 AiHl24 sbHl24 sbhl24

30 银子 M@m02 M`m201 MCm00

31 铁 u`02 u`112 u`00

32 河 s`42 s`31 s`42

33 岸 oBM22s`42 jt`M22s`31

34 湖 s`l02 s`l112

35 海 F`h13 G`h13 F`h02

36 山 on24 on24

37 路 Y@m24 yt@m24 ytCm24

38 村子 fa`m20 fa`m31 fa`m20

39 房子 Y`m02 Y`m103 y`m00

40 房顶 ¯ht24, oi`h22 r`M24y`m103

41 门 st24 st24 st24

42 木板（板子） s`h22u@h20 yh@o31

43 桌子 An24 fc`m24sbn13 sbn02

44 凳子 s@M22 s`M22 sCM22

45 碗 sr`24 sr`24 sr`24

46 筷子 sX42 sL31 sL42

47 扫把 jh22o=s24 sbHs23o@s14 oCs24

48 猪圈 Y=9M42lt24 y=M31lt24

49 田（稻田） m`02 m`103 m`00

50 地 Yh42 yh31 yh42

2. Phonology of data points 165

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

51 大米 F@t20r[Cm24 F`t20r`m24 FCt20r`m24

52 米饭 F@t20F`t24 FCt20M`M13 FCt20

53 糯米 F@t20m`42 m`31

54 糯米饭 m`42srnf02 m`31srn13

55 秧苗 sb`13 sb`13 sb`02

56 草（青嫩） ¯hX13ft=m22 ¯hX13 ¯L02

57 甘蔗 j@m13sX=M02 j`m13sX=M13

58 树 u@h21 u`h20 uCh20

59 （树）根 y`f42 y`f31 y`f42

60 竹子（总称） u@h20kht24 kht24 ytCs02（金竹）

61 森林 fcnM24 fct@M24 fctCM24

62 叶子 fa@X24 fa@L24 faCL24

63 刺（名） fBm24 ft=m24 ftCm24

64 花 fc`h22 fc`h22 fc`h22

65 籽, 种子 u@m24 u@m24 uCm24

66 水果 kXf02u@h20 k=11u@h20

67 菜（蔬菜） oi@f24 oi@j24 oiCf24

68 动物（总称） st12st02 st21st103

69 猪 lt24 lt24 lt24

70 羊 it=M02 inM103 it9M00

71 狗 l`24 l`24 l`24

72 马 l`20 l`20 l`20

73 水牛 u`h02 u`9h103 u`h00

74 黄牛 srX02 srX103 srL00

75 尾巴 jBM13YX=M24 jt`M13Y=9M24 yL9M24

76 角（牛） j@t24 j`t24 jCt24

77 老虎 jTf24 jnf24 jtf24

78 熊 lDh24 lDh24 lth24

79 猴子 khM02 khM103 khM00

166 2.8.5. Transcription of Guiding Gonggu word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

80 蝙蝠 Ynf02uC22u`t02 faD24fa`M24 u`t00

81 兔子 Ynf02l@t13 l@t24

82 老鼠 Ynf02mt24 mt24 u`t02

83 鸟 YBf02 yt`j23 ytCf02

84 鸟窝 YnM02YBf02 Yt`M201yt`j23

85 鸡 j@h22 j`h24 jCh22

86 鸡冠 u=m24 u=m24

87 鸭子 ohs24 ohs24 ohs24

88 鹅 F`m22 F`m22 F`m22

89 猫头鹰 Ynf02Ah@t13lhDt22 yt`f20sb`t22lh`t24

90 翅膀 u=s22 u=s31 uL9s42

91 羽毛 o=m24 o=m24 oLm24

92 爪子 yHo12 yDo13

93 蛋 A@h22 sb@h223 sbCh22

94 鱼 oi`24 oi`24 oi`24

95 鱼鳍 jh20oi`24 j@h22oi`24

96 蛇 MX02 ML102 ML00

97 蚊子 ¯@M02 mh`M102 mh`M00

98 苍蝇 ¯@M02F@t20 mh`M201fD31

99 蚂蚁 l@s12 l`s23 lCs02

100 蜘蛛 bi@t24 sb`t24 sb`t24

101 跳蚤 l@s24 l@s24 lCs24

102 臭虫 k=s22 k=s22 kL9s42

103 蚯蚓 fc=m24 fc=m24 fcL9m24

104 虱子 m@m02 ¯h`_m13 mCm00

105 身体 fc`M24 fc`M24 fc`M24

106 头 Ai@t13 sb`t13 sbCt02

107 头发 oi@l24Ai@t13 oh@l24 oitCl24

108 脸 m`13 m`13 m`02

2. Phonology of data points 167

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

109 眼睛 s`24 s`24 s`24

110 鼻子 fc@M24 fc`M24 fcCM24

111 耳朵 YX=02 yX103 yL00

112 嘴巴 o`22 o`22 o`f22

113 牙齿 iDt13u=m02 i@t24u@m13 ih`t02

114 舌头 khm31 khm20 khm20

115 下巴 F`M02 k`13F`M13 F`M00

116 胡子 ltl42 l=l31 ltl42

117 额头 m`13oi`24 m`13oi`22 oi`f22

118 脖子 Fn02 Fn103

119 肩膀 fa`22 j`t13fa`22 fa`22

120 手 u=M02 u=M103 uLM00

121 腿 j`13 j`24 j`24

122 膝盖 Ai@t13Fn22 jt`M13Fn22 Fn22

123 脚 sHm24 shm24 shm24

124 胸 f`f24 f`j24 fCf24

125 背 k@M24 o`h31k`M24 kCM24

126 甲状腺肿 Fn02f@h24 Fn20f`h24

127 心脏 st@l22 st@l23 st`l22

128 肺脏 oLs24 o=s24 oLs24

129 脑子 ftf24 fnf24 ftf24

130 肝 s@o24 s@o24 sCo24

131 肚子 stM20 snM20 stM20

132 肚脐 fc@m23fc`h24 snM20fc=m24 fcL24

133 肠子 stM20fc@X24 snM20fc`L24 rCh02

134 血 k=s42 k=s31 kL9s42

135 屎（牛屎） fD20 fd20 fd20

136 骨头 fct`f22 fct`f22 fct`f22

137 皮肤 m@M24 m`M24 mCM24

168 2.8.5. Transcription of Guiding Gonggu word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

138 肉 mn42 mn31 mn42

139 油（猪） it02 it103 iht00

140 大蒜 Fn23 Gn24 Fn24

141 姜 ihM24 ihM24 ihM24

142 盐 At24 sbt24 sbt24

143 咬 F@o02 F`l13 FCo02

144 吃 j=m24 j=m24 jLm24

145 喝 r=s02 r=s13 fctCs24

146 酒 k@t13 k`t14 kCt02

147 醉（酒） fHl22 fhl23

148 呕吐 YTf42, faX24 ytB31 yt9f42

149 煮 YtM24 ytM24 ytM24

150 甜 sX=M02 s=M13 u`m24

151 酸 r[@l13 rt`l24 rtCl02

152 苦 F@l02 F`l103 FCl00

153 咸 fc@M22 fc`M22 fcCM22

154 辣 l`m42, Ai@s42 sb`s31 l`m42, sb`s42

155 饿 fhD22 fh=23 fh9f22

156 黄瓜 k=f02sh=M24 k=11shDM24 sL9M24

157 南瓜 k=f02u`f02 u`f13

158 丝瓜 sh=M23F`22jv`24 shDM13Y`22jt`24 jud24

159 豆 k=f02l`f22 k=11l`23 kLf02l`f42

160 芋头 mn42srX13m@h42 mn31srX20m@h31 oL9f22

161 芦苇 j@m13Mn20 Mn20

162 衣服 ot42 ot31 ot42

163 布 o@M02 o`M103 oCM00

164 棉 u`h22 v`9h22 u`h22

165 裤子 srt@M24 srtnM13 srt9M24

166 袜子 l`s42 l`s31 l`s42

2. Phonology of data points 169

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

167 席子 o=m02sh@l20'fahm20( fahm31, sh`M31 fahm20

168 蚊帐 y[h@o22 yHo23 yh9o22

169 斗笠 b@o24 sb@o24 sbtCo24

170 刀 lHs02 lHs13 lhs02

171 把（刀） u`42 u`31 u`f42

172 锅 jv`24 jt`24

173 锅盖 u@22sr@l24 u`24sbt`l24 u`24

174 三脚架 AhM20 sbh=M103 sbh9M00

175 背带 fc`24 sb`20fc`24 fc`24

176 扇子 oh02 v`31oh103 oh00

177 秤 fchDt22 fch=t23 178 锥子

179 剪子 Ai@t02 sbh`t103 sbh`t00

180 钱 lh42srdm02 sbhDm10 sbh`m00

181 雨伞 kX=M13 kX=M13 kL9M02

182 锁 ktM13 ktM13 ktM02

183 钥匙 jh02ktM13 sbD13ktM13

184 棍子 rDm13s=M20 s=M20

185 竹竿 rDm13r`t20 bDM kht24 r`t20

186 船 Yt02 Yt103 yt00

187 斧头 u`42u`m24 u`m24 u`m24

188 犁 u`42ji@h24 sb@h24 sbCh24

189 锄头 u`22fa`22 fa`22 fa`22

190 扁担 rdm13F`m02 F`m103 F`m00

191 麻 fc`h20 fc`h20 fc`h20

192 肥料 o=m42 o=m31 oLm42

193 石臼 srt@M42YTl24 fchDm13fc=M22 ytl24

194 杵 sh@t02fihD24 'fc=M22( sh`t20fhL24

195 筛子 y@M24 y@M24 yCM24

196 簸箕 fcBM20 fct`M20 fct`M20

170 2.8.5. Transcription of Guiding Gonggu word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

197 织布机 srt@M02 srnM103 srt9M00

198 纸 srhD13 sbh24 r`24

199 墨水 y`l20l`f02 Y`l20l`f13 lCf02

200 笔 ohm22l`f022 ohm22l`f13

201 唢呐 sCt22sh13 s`02sh24

202 网 yD24 o=m20yD24 yd24

203 钩子 u`42jn24 u`31jn24

204 鬼 u`M02 st20u`M103 u`M00

205 神 ot20r[h@m24 bhm24

206 力气 yh@M02 yh`M13 yh`M00

207 影子 otl44o@l20 oh31o`m20 MCt00

208 梦 u@M42F=m02 u`M31F`m20

209 故事 vX=M02 GnM13

210 礼物 wn24 wn24 fa`h22

211 错误 rn24 rn24 kt`M24

212 闲空 u`M22 u`M22 u`M22

213 方向 ot@M24, o@h42 o`h31

214 缝 ¯hDo02 ¯Ho13 ¯ho02

215 喜欢 f`M22 M`h31 f`M22

216 爱 M`h42, A`h02 M`h31 sbCh00

217 剥（果皮） fah22 fah22 sLm02, fah22

218 抱（孩子） ftl20 fTl20 ftl20

219 背（孩子） fX=24 f=24 fL24

220 加（饭） ot24 shDl13

221 裂开 shD22F`o22 v`h24, sh`f22 fato24

222 编（篮子） r`m24 r`m24 r`m24

223 补（衣服） vn9M24 unM24 uL9M24

224 插（秧） fc@l13 fc`l13 fcCl24

225 尝（菜） sbHl02 srHl13 srhl00

2. Phonology of data points 171

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

226 穿（衣服） s@m13 sh@m13 sCm02

227 漏（水） Yn42 Yn31 yn42

228 点（头） M@f02 M@j13

229 挂（在墙上） v@h13 v`h13 uh`m24

230 滚（在地上） YhM20 yhDM31 yhM20

231 过（河） jv`22 jt`22 ju`22

232 划（船） j`t24 j`t24 j`t24

233 继续 …o@h24m`13

234 借（钱） fHL24, srh22 fHl24 srh22

235 砍（树） Y@l13 u`m103, srnM23, ¯h`l13 uCm00, yCl02

236 烤（火） oin22 srnM24, ohn22 yhM24, oin22

237 咳嗽 f@h24 f`h24 fCh24

238 肿（腿） Fnf02 v`j13

239 流（水） k@h24 k@h24 kCh24

240 起（床） y=m22 y=m22 yLm22

241 牵（牛） srhM24 sbhM103, y`31 srhM24

242 晒 s`f22 s`22 s`f22

243 筛（米） Y@M24 y`M24

244 上（楼） F=m13 G=m13 FLm02

245 下（楼） YnM02 Yt`M103 yt`M00

246 伸（手） fihs22 ihm31 fh9s22

247 梳（头发） Yt@h22 Yt@h24 yt`h24

248 （头）疼 bDs22 sbDs23 fhm24, sbh9s22

249 踢 sh@f22, Yt@h22 sh`f24 shs24

250 提（篮子） YhDt13 yh=t13 yht02

251 吞 fc=m20 fc=m20 fcLm20

252 脱（衣） s=s22 st`s22 st`s22

253 问 F@l22 F`l22 FCl22

254 回答 F`m24 F`m24 F`m24

172 2.8.5. Transcription of Guiding Gonggu word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

255 忘记 ktl02 kTl103 ktl00

256 下（雨） s@t13 s`t13 sCt02

257 休息 ih13m`9h22 ih13m`h22

258 寻找 Y`24 y`24 y`24

259 眨（眼） fi@o24 fi@o34 fiCo24

260 住 fht22 fit22

261 蒸（饭〕 m@M13 m`M13 mCM02

262 活 kh20fch24, s`9t13 fit22, fch24 sbCt24

263 死 s`9h24, l=s42 s`h24 s`h24

264 病 o@m20bDs24, oh=M42 ohM31 ohM42

265 呼吸 r=s42rtDh24 srn9M22rth24

266 听 ¯h24 ¯h24 ¯h24

267 看 Mt@M42 Mt@M22 MtCM42, sr`t24

268 说, 讲 j`M13, m@t02 m`t102, j`M13 mCt00, j`M02

269 笑 YhDt24 yhDt24 yht24

270 骂 uX42 uD31 fc`22, sCm24

271 哭 s@h13 s@h13 sCh02

272 吹 on22 on22

273 打呵欠 Y`t13m=m02 y`t13m=m102 y`t24mLm00

274 睡觉 mn22m=m02 m=m103, mn23 mLm00

275 站 rnM02 rt@M13

276 坐 Y@M42 y@M31 yCM42

277 走 oi`h13 oi`h13 oi`h02

278 爬（小孩） Y=m02 y=m103 yL9m00

279 爬（树） ohm24 ohm24 ohm24

280 来 l=24 l`24

281 去 o@h24 o`h24 oCh24

282 进入 l=24fc@X24 l`24fc`L24 FCt02

283 回来 s`t22l=24 s`t23 s`t22

2. Phonology of data points 173

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

284 飞 fahm24 fahm24 fahm24

285 骑 jtDh42 jtDh31 jth42

286 游泳 yht02YCl20 yht21y`l31

287 浮 vt02 yht33 ut00

288 玩 sr@l02 sr`l103 srCl00

289 唱 m@t20u=m24 m`t103

290 鼓 ¯hDm02, At@M24 sbt@M24, ¯Dm13 sbt`M24, ¯h9m00

291 干活 jn20FnM24 jn20v@M24 ut`M24

292 担 YCo22 y`o23 y`o22

293 关（门） F`o24 F`o24 FCo24

294 开（门） v@h22 v`h24 F`h24

295 开（嘴） f`20 v`h24, f`20 f`20

296 推 fcX=M20 fc=M20 fch`M24

297 拉 y`f42 y`31

298 掉 sBf24 st`f24 st`f24

299 给 o=m24, F@X13 F@L13 FCL02

300 拿 j@l24, f@t24 j`9l24, f@t24 sL00

301 选择 khD42, Aho24 sbho24 kd42

302 买 srX20 srX20 srL20

303 卖 j`h24 j`h24 j`h24

304 偷 y`f02 y`j13 yCf02

305 想要 M`h42f@t24, r=m22f@t24 r=m22f@t24

306 有 kh20 kh20 kh20

307 知道 Yn20 yn20 yn20

308 怕 k`t24 k`t24 k`t24

309 洗（手） r[dh22 rtDh22 rth24, y`22

310 洗（衣服） r@f02 r`13 rCf02

311 捆 fc`22, srnf02 jt=m22, fc`24

312 擦（桌） ft=s22, l@s42 ft=s23 sr`s42, ft9s22

174 2.8.5. Transcription of Guiding Gonggu word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

313 切（肉） Yt@m22 yt@m23, sb@o13 yt`m22

314 绳子 sr@f42 sr`31 sr`f42

315 割（草） jv=m20 jt@m102 jtCm00

316 劈开（木头） o`42 o`22 o`22

317 木头 fctM22u@h20 u@h31

318 挖 faXs24 faXs24

319 人 u=m02 u=m103 uLm00

320 布依族 ot20finh20 fitDh20 fith20

321 汉族 ot20F`22 F`22

322 男人 ot20r`h24 r`h24 r`h24

323 女人 k=f02faLf24 fa=Lf24 faLf24

324 巫师 sr`M42u`M02, ln24 sb`M31ln24 ln24

325 媒人 i`42r[X34 rX22 rL22

326 朋友 r`t42st02 bHl24

327 祖宗 ot20k`t02 o`t22s@h31

328 父亲 on42 on31 on42

329 母亲 lhD42 lD31 ld42

330 小孩 k=f02r@h22 k=12

331 丈夫 jtDh02 k`t20

332 妻子 fa@X20, i`42 i`31 i`42

333 兄姐 k`t20jv`24, oh20 jt`24, i`31o`13 oh20

334 弟妹 k`t20mt@M20, F=s22 mt`M31, i`31m`20 mt`M20

335 独子 k=f02stn42 k=f12stBf31

336 孙子 k`m24 k`m24 k`m24

337 公公 o@t22 k`t20o`t23 oCt22

338 婆婆 m@h22 k`t20i`31

339 外公 o@t22s`24 o`t22s`24

340 外婆 lhD42s`h22 i`31s`h22

341 客人 ihDf22 ih=22 ih`f22

2. Phonology of data points 175

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

342 姓 r[HM13

343 名字 srvn42rX24 srn31rX24 srn42

344 我 jt24 jt24 jt24

345 你 l=M02 l=M102 lLM00

346 他 sh24 sh24 sh24

347 咱们 Y@t02 y`t102 yCt00

348 我们 jX22st24

349 你们 jX22rt24 rt22 rt24

350 他们 sbCnM22sh24 r`t22sh24

351 别人 AnM22j`f42 fch`f24

352 柴 u=m02 u=m103 uLm00

353 火 uh02 uh103 uh00

354 火焰 oiht24uh02 oh@t24uh103

355 烧 oh@t24 oiCt24

356 烧（做饭） fc@M22 fcCM22

357 灰尘 s`t42 s@t31

358 烟 u@m02fcnM24 u`m20fct`M24 utCm00

359 弓 jBM24 u`31m`22 jt`M24

360 箭 m`22 m`22 m`22

361 打猎 sh02st02ih42 k`h31on24

362 杀 j`13 j`13 j`02

363 打架 stM20sh02 sh102

364 一 fch@t24 fhs24 fhs24

365 二 rt@M24 ¯h31 ¯h42

366 一（一个人） fhs24 fch@t24 fch`t24

367 两（两个人） ¯h42 rt`M24 rt`M24

368 三 r[`l24 r`l24 r`l24

369 四 r[h22 rh22'Rh22( rh22

370 五 F`13 F`24 F`02

176 2.8.5. Transcription of Guiding Gonggu word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

371 六 ynf24 yt`hf24 yt`f24

372 七 sr=s24 srDs24 srCs24

373 八 oh=s22 ohD9s24 oh9s22

374 九 jt13 jt13 jt02

375 十 srHo02 srËDo13 srho02

376 二十 ¯h42srHo02 ¯h31sbËDo13

377 百 o`22 o`f23 o`f22

378 千 Yh@M24 yh`M24

379 都 …kh@t42, o`h24 st23

380 一些 fa`M20, sr@M20, shm20 sr`M20fch`t24

381 多 k`h24 k`h24 k`h24

382 少 r[h=t13 Rht13 rht02 383 每

384 大 vtM24 fcn9l24fctnl23 k`t20

385 小 m@h42 m@h31

386 长 Y@h02 y@h102 yCh00

387 短 shm13 shm13 shm02

388 高 r`M24 r`M24 r`M24

389 矮 s@l22 s@l22 sCl22

390 圆 YDm02 yDm103 yCm00

391 扁 ohDm22 ohDm22 fah9o22

392 厚 m`24 m`24 m`24

393 薄 fa`M24 fa`M24 fa`M24

394 宽 jv`M22 jt`M22 ju`M22

395 窄 ih@o42 i=o20 srCm00

396 硬 fct@M20 fct@M20 fct`M20

397 软 ft=m22 ft=m22 ftm22

398 直 srhDt42 sb@t31 rn42

399 弯曲 j@t02 j`t103 jn00

400 快 F=m24 F`m24

2. Phonology of data points 177

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

401 慢 mtM24 mnM13

402 重 m`f24 mCf24 mCf24

403 轻 fa@t24 fa@t24 faCt24

404 胖 oh02, l@M42 oh103, l`M31 oh00

405 瘦 oinl24 ohBl24 oit`l24

406 黑 u`m20 u@m20 u`m20

407 红 fchM24 fch=M24 fchM24

408 白 F`t24 F`t24 F`t24

409 黄 i@m13 iDm13 ih`m02

410 绿 kn20 kt20 kt20

411 蓝 k`m20

412 干的 FX23, Yn02 yn103 FL22

413 湿 stl02 snl13 stl00

414 空的 oiht22, jv@m24 lh20kh20

415 满 yhl24 yHl24 yhl24

416 干净 rhDt22 bh`t22 rCL24

417 脏（衣服） ih02 ih13

418 新 ln22 ln22 ln22

419 年轻 srn02 srn02 srn00

420 聪明 Ahm22 bhm22

421 傻 o`20, rt42 o`20, rt42

422 旧 j@t22 j@t22 jCt22

423 老 jiD22, k`9t20 jiD22, k`9t20 sbd22

424 聋的 mtf24 mtf24 mtf24

425 热 ftM20, Y@t13 ftM20, Y@t13 fc`s22, yCt02

426 冷 Ai@M20 bh@M20 mhs24

427 好 fch24 fch24 fch24

428 坏 u`h42 u`h42 u`h42

429 破 oiDf22 oiDf22

178 2.8.5. Transcription of Guiding Gonggu word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

430 深 k`f02 k`f02 kCf02

431 浅 faBf24 faBf24 fatCf24

432 斜 ¯@M42, o@s33 ¯@M42, o`s33 fahs24

433 亮 Yt@M42 Yt@M42 yt`M42

434 暗 k@o24 k@o24

435 清 r@X24 r@X24

436 浑 ¯nM02 ¯nM02 mtCM00

437 壮 oh02, l@M42 oh02, l@M42

438 弱 YtM22 YtM22

439 淡 srHs24, r@X24 srHs24, r@X24 srhs24

440 累 m`h22 m`h22 m`h22

441 （捆）紧 fc=s24 fc=s24 fcCs24

442 松 YtM22 YtM22 ytM22

443 滑 k@t02 k@t02

444 贵 jvDh24 jvDh24 oh`M00

445 便宜 rh[=M13 bhDm13

446 嫩 ft=m22 ft=m22

447 难 fi`24jn22 m`m24, fi`22

448 容易 fch24jn22 fch24

449 臭 F@t24 F@t24 FCt24

450 香 F@t22s`M24 u`m24, F`t13s`9M24 u`m24

451 忙 F=m224, u@M13 u`M3, F`m24

452 穷 Fn24 Fn13 Fn02

453 富 fch24, kh20 fch24, kh20

454 热闹 fch24l@h02 fch23l`h102 lCh00

455 安静 sr@l20 sr`l20oi`h31

456 漂亮（女） fa`t22 ohnl31, fa`t22 fch24sbCh00

457 狡猾 k@t02 k`t13, kt@l24

458 勇敢 s`m22fct@l23

2. Phonology of data points 179

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

459 懒 Ah=f24 sbh=f24 sbhf24

460 努力 j@m20 fch13fch13jn20

461 远 A@h24 sb@h24 sbCh24

462 近 A@X13 sb@L13 sbCL02

463 里（面） fc`X24 fc@L24 fcCL24

464 外（面） Yt@f42 yt`31 yt`f42

465 右（边） jv`02 jt`13 ju`00

466 左（边） rtDh11 rtDh31 rth20

467 上面 j=m02 j=m103 jLm00

468 下面 k`13 k`13 k`02

469 这里 srh20, sbh20mh20 sr=33mh31 mh20

470 那里 srh20sh24 sr=33sh24

471 这个 jX22mh20 j`h22mh31

472 那个 jX22sh24 j`h22sh24

473 哪里 jh02k@X02 j=20k`L103 kCL00

474 谁 fc@X24 shD11fc`L24

475 什么 i@M20l`02 i`M20l`103

476 怎么 sr@M20fht22 sr`M20l`103

477 什么时候 srh=t42k@X02 y`31k`L24

478 为什么 vyh24ih@M02l`02 v=h24l`L24 l`00

479 在 fht22 fit24 fiht22

480 刚（来） M`h24l=24 M`h24

481 马上（走） rhm13 bhm24l`L24

482 赶快（去） F@m24m@h42 F@m24m@h31

483 就 srD20 sbD20

484 先 jt@m22 jt`m22 jt`m22 485 常常 486 最(快） 487 更（快）

180 2.9.1. Phone and phoneme inventory

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

488 一起（作） jn20o@h02fch@t24 jn20o`h103, o@h20fch@t24

489 只（买五斤） j`42…, …sn42 j`31

490 又（来） s`9t22…ln22, …sh@l24 s`t22, it22

491 再（说一遍） s`9t22…ln22…sh@l24 s`t22

492 也 ih42 iD31

493 或者 …l=22…

494 好象 k=l13k@X02, …kh@t42 kt@l13 ktl02

495 从 s@h22 s@h22

496 和 k@M24, sh@l24 sh@l24 yL9M00

497 因为 vDh24 uDh24

498 如果 sb@o24m@t02 m`31o`13, s`31o`13

499 到 s@M02 s`M102 sCM00

500 是 rh24 bh24 rh24

501 不 lh20 lh102 lh00

502 没关系 lh20kh20l`02, lh20u`h31l`102 lh20u`h42l`02

503 已经 ih42…o`h24 …o@h24, jt`22o@h24 2.9. Huishui Danggu 2.9.1. Phone and phoneme inventory Initial consonants BiLab LaDe Alv AlPal Pal Vel Glo Plos vl o, oi s, [sg] j, [jv] f, fi PreGlo fa fc Aff vl sr, [srg] sb, [sbg] Fric vl r b [g] vd u F [G] Nas vd l m [¯] M, Mv Lat vd k App vd v i

2. Phonology of data points 181

Final consonants

o, s, j, f, l, m, M, Q Vowels Front Central Back unrd unrd unrd rd Close h [X] L t Near-close [H] [T] Close-mid n Mid = Open-mid D [B] Near-open Open `, `: Tones Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7, 9 8 10 Pitch value 24 31 33 42 35 553 35 44 42 2.9.2. Notes • [sr] never occurs before a front vowel, but there are a number of near-minimal pairs between it and [sb]. [sb] occurs before [a] and some back vowels several times, so these two sounds are both counted as phonemic. • [tsh], [tbh], and [th] occur, but only on a total of five words among the three of them. Aspiration is not considered phonemic. • [¯] only occurs before front vowels and occurs once before a high back vowel. [n] never occurs before front vowels or high vowels except in 469 and 471, the lexical item being ‘this’ [mh31]. These two phones are in complementary distribution and so are allophones of one phoneme. • [b] only occurs once: in front of [i]. [s] also occurs before [i] in a few instances, so [b] is not an allophone of [s]. Its occurrence is considered irregular. • [G] is in free variation with [F] but [G] only occurs eight times and [F] occurs numerous times. They are not in complimentary distribution. [F] is considered phonemic. [h] occurs once and is considered an irregularity. • [Gv] occurs once on 19 ‘breakfast’, after an open syllable, and is not a phoneme. The lexical item is the same as 17 ‘early’ which begins with [w]. • [kw] and [ku] are in complementary distribution, except for one item and [kw] is not considered a phoneme. The sound [kw] does not have strong labialization, so items with [kw] will underlyingly be considered as [ku].

182 2.9.3. Minimal pairs

• [pj] occurs several times and [pi] occurs twice. For some of these words it is hard to distinguish between [pj] or [pi], however, some words are definitely [pj]. Since [pj] occurs on some words with *pj- proto-forms, and occurs most frequently, it is considered phonemic. • [fi] occurs several times and [fhV] occurs twice. Some sounds are a tossup between the two. Some sounds are definitely one or the other. [fi] occurs on some Tai proto-forms, so even though it is close to being in complementary distribution with [ji], it is considered phonemic here. • [Q] only occurs on one lexical item. Its status in the phonology is uncertain. • [e] does not occur—only [ei], which occurs five times and [e] occurs in complementary distribution with [D]. [D] occurs more frequently, but never before [i]. • [H] (and the one instance of [HD]) only occur in the environment C__C. However, [i] also occurs a few times in this environment, so there is not complementary distribution. [H] is considered to be in free variation with [i] in this environment. • [T] only occurs on seven lexical items and with one exception occurs in the environment C__(=)C. However, [u] also occurs twice in this environment, so there is not complete complimentary distribution. [T] is considered to be in free variation with the phone /u/ in this environment. • [B] only occurs in six items, only in the environment /C__C[+stop], and is an allophone of [o]. [o] never occurs in this environment, although it does occur in CV__C[+stop]. • [X] only occurs two times and is considered a free variation form of /L/. [X=] only occurs five times. 2.9.3. Minimal pairs sr and sb 45 ‘bowl’ [sr`24], 55 ‘rice seedling’ [sb`22] w and v 37 ‘road’ [v`m24], 187 ‘axe’ [u`m24] a and a: 33 ‘bank, shore’ [jv`M24], 359 ‘bow’ [jv`:M13] 2.9.4. Allophonic rules /n/ → [¯]/__V[+front/+high] → [n]/elsewhere

/D/ → [e]/__V[+high/+front] → [D]/elsewhere

/i/ → [H]/C__C (with exceptions) → [i]/elsewhere

/u/ → [T]/C__C (with exceptions) → [u]/elsewhere

2. Phonology of data points 183

These two rules can be condensed as:

/V[+high,–low,+tense]/ → [V[+high,–low,–tense]]/C__C (with exceptions) → [V[+high,–low,+tense]]/elsewhere

/o/ → [B]/C__C[+stop] → [o]/elsewhere 2.9.5. Transcription of Huishui Danggu word list 惠水县党古90年代与50年代语音糸统比较 汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

1 阳光 fchs24

2 闪电 k=l22oiC22

3 雷（名） oi`22FCh20 oi`22

4 月亮 vCM10fcL=m13

5 星星 fc`t13fch30

6 天, 天空 fa=m13 faLm13

7 云 vt22 Ft22

8 风 F=l20 Ftl00

9 雨 u=m14} uLm13

10 彩虹 s=31snM10 stM00

11 雾 k=31ln=13 lt`f44

12 早上 sbCM22M=s24 FCs44

13 下午 sbCM22MvCm20

14 晚上 sb`M22MCl31 MLm00, FCl42

15 天, 日子 MvCm20 Mnm00

16 年 oh24 oh13

17 早（来早） vnl30 Ft`l42, srCt20

18 晚（来晚） kvCs33 kt`s44

19 早餐 FC9t20Gvnl31

20 午饭 j=m03MC9h20 M`h00

21 下午的餐 FhM00

22 晚饭 j=m13srCt20 srCt00

23 水 FCl30 FCl20

184 2.9.5. Transcription of Huishui Danggu word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

24 井 fan24 fan44

25 土 mC9l31 m`l42

26 石头 ihm24 Fhm13

27 沙 ihm22GhD24 Fd44

28 尘土（路上） vt13 sCt42

29 金子 sbHl24 sbhl13

30 银子 MC_m20 MCm00

31 铁 u`20 u`13

32 河 s`42 s`42

33 岸 jvCM24 FCm00

34 湖 sCl20

35 海 FC9h22, ¯h13 F`h22

36 山 on24 on13

37 路 vCm24 Fnm13

38 村子 fcC9m31 fa`m20

39 房子 j= GC9m20 F`m00

40 房顶 rC9M24GC9m20

41 门 st24 st13

42 木板（板子） FiCo31

43 桌子 j= sbvCM31 srnM00

44 凳子 j= sCM24 sCM44

45 碗 srC24 sr`13

46 筷子 sL=41 sL42

47 扫把 sbhm21 oCs24 oCs44

48 猪圈 F=M31lt24

49 田（稻田） mC31 m`00

50 地 mC31FL=24 Fh42

51 大米 FC9t20rCm24 FCt20r`m13

52 米饭 FC9t20 FCt20

2. Phonology of data points 185

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

53 糯米 FC9t20mC31 54 糯米饭

55 秧苗 sX=30sbC22 sb`22

56 草（青嫩） ¯L22 ¯`13

57 甘蔗 jCm22fvCh20 ft`h20

58 树 jn uCh20 uCh20

59 （树）根 FC31 F`f42

60 竹子（总称） uCh31kht24 Fns00（金竹）

61 森林 fcvCM13 fcnM13

62 叶子 faCL13 faCL13

63 刺（名） fvCm24 fnm13

64 花 fcC9h24 fc`h44

65 籽, 种子 uCm24 uCm13 66 水果

67 菜（蔬菜） oiCf24 oiCf44

68 动物（总称） st10mn=41, st10sL00

69 猪 lt24 lt13

70 羊 itnM20 it9M00

71 狗 lC13 l`13

72 马 lC20 l`20

73 水牛 uC9h20 u`h00

74 黄牛 srX20 srL00

75 尾巴 j=CM03 FL9M13

76 角（牛） jCt24 jCt13

77 老虎 jT=j24 jtf44

78 熊 s= ldh24 lth13

79 猴子 s= khM20 khM00

80 蝙蝠 uC9t20, GBf20 u`t00

81 兔子 l`t22G`h13

82 老鼠 st mt24

186 2.9.5. Transcription of Huishui Danggu word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

83 鸟 v`o20 Fnf00

84 鸟窝 vCM20v`o20

85 鸡 jCh24 jCh44

86 鸡冠 ut=m13

87 鸭子 ohs24 ohs44

88 鹅 fC9m14 f`m44

89 猫头鹰 v`20sbCt22lhCt22

90 翅膀 uX=s31 uL9s42

91 羽毛 o=m24 oLm13

92 爪子 jvC9h20

93 蛋 sbdh24 sbCh44

94 鱼 oiC24 oi`13 95 鱼鳍

96 蛇 ML20 ML00

97 蚊子 ¯C9M20jC13FCh20 mh`M00

98 苍蝇 ¯C9M20

99 蚂蚁 lCs13 lCs00

100 蜘蛛 sbCt24 sb`t13

101 跳蚤 lCs44 lCs44

102 臭虫 FX=s31 FL9s42

103 蚯蚓 fcX=m24 fcL9m13

104 虱子 m=m20 mCm00

105 身体 fc=m fcC9M103 fc`M13

106 头 sbCt22 sbCt22

107 头发 ohCM13sbCt22 oinl13

108 脸 m`22 m`22

109 眼睛 s`03 s`13

110 鼻子 j= fcCM24 fcCM13

111 耳朵 FL11 FL00

112 嘴巴 oC24 o`f44

2. Phonology of data points 187

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

113 牙齿 j= iCt22 ih`t22

114 舌头 o=f khm31 khm20

115 下巴 j= FC9M20 F`M00

116 胡子 j= ltl41 lLl42

117 额头 mC31oiCf24

118 脖子 Fn20

119 肩膀 j= fa`24 fa`44

120 手 u=M20 uLM00

121 腿 j= jC24 j`13

122 膝盖 sbCt22Gn24 Fn44

123 脚 shm24 shm13

124 胸 o= fCf24 fCf44

125 背 o= kCM24 kCM13

126 甲状腺肿 Gn31fCh24

127 心脏 j= stCl24 st`l44

128 肺脏 o=s24 oLs44

129 脑子 fBf24 ftf44

130 肝 sCo44 sCo44

131 肚子 j= stM20 stM20

132 肚脐 j= fcL=24 fcL13

133 肠子 j= rCh22 rCh22

134 血 kL=s31 kL9s42

135 屎 fD31 fd20

136 骨头 fctCj24 fct`44

137 皮肤 mCM24 mCM13

138 肉 mn31 mn42

139 油（猪） it20 iht00

140 大蒜 GB24 Fn13

141 姜 ihXM24 ihM13

188 2.9.5. Transcription of Huishui Danggu word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

142 盐 sbt24 sbt13

143 咬 FCo31 FCo00

144 吃 j=m24 jLm13

145 喝 j=m24 fcBs44

146 酒 kCt22 kCt22

147 醉（酒） uh20

148 呕吐 vB=f31 Fn42

149 煮 FnM24 FtM13

150 甜 sL=M20 u`m13

151 酸 rCl24 rCl22

152 苦 FCl20 FCl00

153 咸 fcCM24 fcCM44

154 辣 sbDs31 sr`s42, l`m42

155 饿 fh=f24 fiL44

156 黄瓜 k=f sh=M24 sh9M13

157 南瓜 k=j uCf20 ju`22

158 丝瓜 sh=M02jvC24

159 豆 o=12oCf24 kLf00l`44

160 芋头 l=m20sbhDm11

161 芦苇 fhDs24

162 衣服 ot31 ot42

163 布 oCM20 oCM00

164 棉 uC9h24 u`h44

165 裤子 jCh22sbvnM24 srt9M13

166 袜子 j= lCs31 l`s42

167 席子 o=m31shCl31 fahm20

168 蚊帐 j=22FH=o13 Fh9o44

169 斗笠 j= sbCo24 sbCo44

170 刀 u= lHDs20 lhs20

2. Phonology of data points 189

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

171 把（刀） uCf31 u`42

172 锅 jvC24

173 锅盖 uC srCl22 u`13

174 三脚架 j= sbh=M20 sbh9M00

175 背带 j= fc`=24 fc`13

176 扇子 u=o31oh20 oh00

177 秤 j= sbhm20

178 锥子 u= ¯h31

179 剪子 u= sbCt20

180 钱 MCm20 srh`m00

181 雨伞 kL=M22 kL9M22

182 锁 knM22 ktM22

183 钥匙 sbh20knM22

184 棍子 j= s=M31

185 竹竿 r=m33rCt30 r`t20

186 船 j= vt20 Ft00

187 斧头 j= uCm24 u`m13

188 犁 u= sbCh24 sbCh13

189 锄头 u= jvT=f24

190 扁担 shDt13FC9m20 F`m00

191 麻 fcC9h31 fc`h20

192 肥料 o=m31 oLm42

193 石臼 j= F=l24 Ftl13

194 杵 sbDM22F=l24

195 筛子 j= FCM24 FCM13

196 簸箕 j= fctCM31 fcnM44

197 织布机 j= sbvnM20 srt9M00

198 纸 r`24 r`13

199 墨水 lCj31 lCf00

190 2.9.5. Transcription of Huishui Danggu word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

200 笔 ohm24lCj31

201 唢呐 s=31sh22

202 网 j= sbC9h22 Fd13

203 钩子 jvC9M22jvB24

204 鬼 s= uC9M20 u`M00

205 神 s= uC9M20

206 力气 FhCM20 Fh`M00

207 影子 u=M31 MC9t20 MCt00

208 梦 u=M31M=m20

209 故事 oiCM20

210 礼物 kh31 fa`h44, kCh20

211 错误 ktCM24 knM13

212 闲空 fcCh31uC9M24 u`M44

213 方向 oC9h31

214 缝 Ftno24 ¯ho00

215 喜欢 MC9h31 f`M44

216 爱 MC9h31 sbCh00

217 剥（果皮） fah24 fah44, sLm22

218 抱（孩子） f=l31 ftl20

219 背（孩子） f=31 fL20

220 加（饭） srn24

221 裂开 shCf24 fato44

222 编（篮子） rC9m24 r`m13

223 补（衣服） FtnM24 Ft9M13

224 插（秧） fcCl24 fcCl13

225 尝（菜） iX22 srhl13

226 穿（衣服） sCm22 sCm22

227 漏（水） Ftnf30

228 点（头） MCf31

2. Phonology of data points 191

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

229 挂（在墙上） vCh22 uh`m13

230 滚（在地上） FH=M31 FhM20

231 过（河） jvC24 ju`44

232 划（船） jC9t24 j`t13

233 继续 gC9h31kh20

234 借（钱） fHl24 srh44

235 砍（树） uCm20 uCm00, FCl22

236 烤（火） FHM24 oit44, FhM13

237 咳嗽 fCh24 fCh13

238 肿（腿） jL=f31jvf31 uCf42

239 流（水） kCh24 kCh13

240 起（床） F=m24 FLm44

241 牵（牛） sbh=M24 srhM13

242 晒 sC24 s`f44

243 筛（米） FC9M24

244 上（楼） F=m24 FLm22

245 下（楼） vC9M20 FnM00

246 伸（手） ih=s31 fh9s44

247 梳（头发） vCh24 Fnh13

248 （头）疼 sbDs24 sbh9s44

249 踢 shCf13 shs44

250 提（篮子） iht22 Fht22

251 吞 fc=m31 fcLm20

252 脱（衣） svns24 st`s44

253 问 FC9l20 FCl44

254 回答 FC9m13 F`m13

255 忘记 k=l20 ktl00

256 下（雨） sCt22uDm24 sCt22

257 休息 ih22mC9h24

192 2.9.5. Transcription of Huishui Danggu word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

258 寻找 F`24 F`13

259 眨（眼） fiCo24 fiCo44

260 住 fit24

261 蒸（饭〕 mCM22 mCM22

262 活 fch=t24, kh31 sbCt13

263 死 sC9h24 s`h13

264 病 o=M20ohM31 ohM42

265 呼吸 sbnM24rtdh13

266 听 jCt22¯h13 ¯h13

267 看 jCt22 jCt22, M`M00, fin20

268 说, 讲 m`9t20, jC9M22 mCt00, j`M22

269 笑 iht13 Fht13

270 骂 u=s24 sCm13

271 哭 sCh22 sCh22

272 吹 on24

273 打呵欠 FC9t13m=m20 F`t13mLm00

274 睡觉 m=m20 mLm00

275 站 rtCM20

276 坐 FCM31 FCM42

277 走 oiC9h22 oi`h22

278 爬（小孩） F=m22 FL9m00

279 爬（树） ohm24 ohm13

280 来 lC24

281 去 oCh13 oCh13

282 进入 oCh03fcCX24 FCt22

283 回来 sC9t24lC24 s`t44

284 飞 fahm13 fahm13

285 骑 jvdh31 jth42

286 游泳 pht20FCl20

2. Phonology of data points 193

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

287 浮 vt20 yt00

288 玩 jv=31srCl20 srCl00

289 唱 mCt20

290 鼓 j= sbvCM24 sbt`M13, ¯h9m00

291 干活 jvT31vC9M13 Ft`M13

292 担 FCo24 FCo44

293 关（门） FCo24 FCo44

294 开（门） vC9h13 Ft`h13

295 开（嘴） fC31 f`20

296 推 ¯Dm31 fch`M13

297 拉 kC31

298 掉 snj24 snf44

299 给 fCL22 fCL22

300 拿 jCL13 sL00

301 选择 kD31 kd42

302 买 srL31 srL20

303 卖 jC9h24 j`h13

304 偷 FCf31 FCf00

305 想要 k=f fCt13

306 有 kh20 kh20

307 知道 vn31 Fn22

308 怕 kC9t24 k`t13

309 洗（手） rth24 rth44

310 洗（衣服） rCj20 rCf00

311 捆 uC9m22

312 擦（桌） ft=s24 ft9s44

313 切（肉） ftCm24 Ft`m44

314 绳子 j= srCf31 sr`f42

315 割（草） jvCm20 jnm00

194 2.9.5. Transcription of Huishui Danggu word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

316 劈开（木头） oC24

317 木头 uCh31

318 挖 oCf31

319 人 uDm20 uLm00

320 布依族 oTf32fith30

321 汉族 o=f32FC13

322 男人 o=f32rC9h14 r`h13

323 女人 k=f fa=j24 faLf44

324 巫师 srCM31ln=24 ln13

325 媒人 srCM30rX=24 rL44

326 朋友 rC9t31st10

327 祖宗 oCt32fiC31

328 父亲 shD24 on42

329 母亲 lC24 ld42

330 小孩 k=j20

331 丈夫 kC9t20

332 妻子 fiCf31 i`42

333 兄姐 jn24'兄）, sC22'oh31(（姐） oh20

334 弟妹 mtCM31 mt9M20

335 独子 k=f rC9h13stBj31

336 孙子 k=f kC9m24 k`m13

337 公公 jnM24 oCt44

338 婆婆 mCh24

339 外公 o= sC24

340 外婆 lD31sCh24

341 客人 o= fiDf24 idf44

342 姓 rhM24

343 名字 srn31 srn42

344 我 jt13 jt13

2. Phonology of data points 195

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

345 你 l=M20 lLM00

346 他 sD13 sd13

347 咱们 j=22FCt20 F`t00

348 我们 j=22FCt20

349 你们 j=22 rt22 rt13

350 他们 sbnM13sD13

351 别人 u=m20fctdh13 uL20

352 柴 uDm11 uLm00

353 火 uh00 uh00

354 火焰 oit13uh20

355 烧 oiC9t24 oiCt13

356 烧（做饭） fcCM24 fcCM20

357 灰尘 ltCM24

358 烟 uCm20 uCm00

359 弓 jvC9M13 jtM44

360 箭 bhDs24 m`f44

361 打猎 kCh31st20ih31

362 杀 jC22 j`22

363 打架 snM31sh20

364 一 fhs24, fchCt24 fhs42

365 二 rtCM13, ¯h31 ¯h42

366 一（一个人） fcCt03 fch`t13

367 两（两个人） rtCM03 rt`M13

368 三 rC9l24 r`l13

369 四 rh24 rh44

370 五 FC22 F`22

371 六 vCf24 Fnf44

372 七 srËCs24 srds44

373 八 ohDs24 oh`s44

196 2.9.5. Transcription of Huishui Danggu word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

374 九 jt22 jt22

375 十 sbËHo31 srho42

376 二十 ¯h44sbËHo31

377 百 oCf24 o`f44

378 千 ihCM24

379 都 st22

380 一些 sbnM24fchDt13

381 多 kC9h24 k`h13

382 少 rht22 rht22

383 每 uCM31

384 大 vnM14 k`t20

385 小 mCh31

386 长 FCh20 FCh00

387 短 shm22 shm22

388 高 rC9M13 r`M13

389 矮 sCl24 sCl44

390 圆 FCm20 yCm00 391 扁

392 厚 mC24 m`13

393 薄 faC9M24 fa`M13

394 宽 jvC9M24 ju`M44

395 窄 srCm20 srCm00

396 硬 fcvnM31 fct`M20

397 软 fT=l24 ftm44

398 直 sbhCt31 rn42

399 弯曲 jCt20 jn00

400 快 FCm24

401 慢 vnM24

402 重 mCj24 mCf44

403 轻 faCt24 faCt13

2. Phonology of data points 197

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

404 胖 oh20 oh00, lCM42

405 瘦 oiCl13 oit`l13

406 黑 uCm20 unm20

407 红 fchM13 fchM13

408 白 FC9t13 F`t13

409 黄 iDm22 ih`m22

410 绿 kt30 kt20

411 蓝 iCt13

412 干的 FL24

413 湿 fcBf24 stl42

414 空的 lh31kh20, oit24

415 满 GHl13 Fhl13

416 干净 rhCt24 rCL13

417 脏（衣服） kT=l22

418 新 ln24 ln44

419 年轻 o= srn20 srn00

420 聪明 srhm31 ju`h13

421 傻 fvC20

422 旧 jCt24 jCt44

423 老 kC9t20 sbd44

424 聋的 mnj24 mtf44

425 热 FCt22 fc`s44, FCt22

426 冷 sbhCM20, sbDs24 sbh`M20, sbns44

427 好 fch24 fch13

428 坏 uC9h31 u`h42

429 破 uC9h31

430 深 kCf02 kCf00

431 浅 faBj02 fanf44

432 斜 faHs24 fahs44

198 2.9.5. Transcription of Huishui Danggu word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

433 亮 vCM31 Ft`M42

434 暗 kCo44, vn=l20

435 清 rCL13

436 浑 ¯nM20 ¯nM00

437 壮 lCM31

438 弱 FhDM20

439 淡 srË=s44 sbLs44

440 累 mC9h24 m`h44

441 （捆）紧 fc=s24 fcCs44

442 松 vnM24 FtM44

443 滑 kC9t20

444 贵 jC31 oh`M00

445 便宜 sË=f20

446 嫩 fT=m24

447 难 fiCf22jn31

448 容易 fch13jn31

449 臭 FC9t24 FCt13

450 香 uC9m13 Ft`l13

451 忙 FCm13

452 穷 vn22 un22

453 富 fch24

454 热闹 fch22lCh20 lCh00

455 安静 uL20

456 漂亮（女） fch13sbCh20 fa`t44

457 狡猾 sht22

458 勇敢 F=m24

459 懒 sbh=s24 sbhf44

460 努力 itM31FhCM20

461 远 sbCh24 sbCh13

2. Phonology of data points 199

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

462 近 sbCL22 sbCL22

463 里（面） fcCL24 fcCL13

464 外（面） o= GtCj31 Ft`f42

465 右（边） oC9hf33jvC20 ju`20

466 左（边） rvdh31 rth20

467 上面 j=m20 jLm00

468 下面 kC22 k`22

469 这里 sbh31mh20 mh20

470 那里 sbh31sD13

471 这个 j=31mh31

472 那个 j=21sD13

473 哪里 j=22kCL20 kCL00

474 谁 j=22fcCL24

475 什么 ih20lC20

476 怎么 j=21 fit24

477 什么时候 F`13kCL20

478 为什么 uDh13ih31lC20 l`00

479 在 fit24 fht44

480 刚（来） MC9h24

481 马上（走） sbDf30

482 赶快（去） FCm13mCh31

483 就 srD20Fn31

484 先 juCm13 jt`m44 485 常常 486 最(快） 487 更（快）

488 一起 jvT31fchDt24

489 只（买五斤） jCf31

490 又（来） sC9t22

491 再（说一遍） sC9t22

200 2.10.1. Phone and phoneme inventory

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

492 也 shCl13 493 或者

494 好象 k=l22 ktl22

495 从 fit24

496 和 FLM20 FL9M00 497 因为 498 如果

499 到 sCM20 sCM00

500 是 sCh22 sCh22

501 不 lh22 lh20

502 没关系 lh22kh20lC20 503 已经 2.10. Longli Yangchang 2.10.1. Phone and phoneme inventory Initial consonants BiLab LaDe Alv PoAl AlPal Pal Vel Glo Plos vl o, oi s, [sg] j, jv f, fi, fv PreGlo fa fc Aff vl sr, sb, [srv] [sbg] Fric vl r [b] vd u [y] Y F, Fv [G], [Gv] Nas vd l, [li] m ¯ M, [Mv] Lat vd k App vd v i Final consonants

o, s, j, f, l, m, M

2. Phonology of data points 201

Vowels Front Central Back unrd unrd unrd rd Close h, [h:] X L t Near-close [H] [T] Close-mid [d] n, [n:] Mid =, [=:] Open-mid D B, B: Open `, `: Tones Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Pitch value 35 24 35 31 34 or 53 45 24 34 55 44 2.10.2. Notes • [h:] only occurs 1 time and is not considered phonemic. • [d] only occurs on four words. It is not in complimentary distribution with [D], but is considered in free variation with [D] and not phonemic. • [o:] only occurs once and is not considered phonemic. • [B:] only occurs twice. The length is fairly pronounced however, and is considered phonemic for this analysis. See minimal pairs. • [=:] only occurs once and is not counted as phonemic. • [G] only occurs four times and [F] occurs many times. They are not in complementary distribution. They are allophones in free variation. • [Gv] occurs twice and Fv occurs once. There is not enough data to show whether or not they are in complimentary distribution. We analyze it as /Fv/, in free variation with [Gv]. • [fhV] and [fi] both occur and [piV] and [pj] both occur. Palatalization is quite strong and is considered phonemic, except for [mj]. [mj] only occurs once and [mi]/[mH] only occur in C__# or C__C syllables. • [kuV] does not occur, so [kw] is considered phonemic. [fuV] and [fw] both occur. Since the labialization is quite strong, [fv] is considered phonemic. • [Mw] occurs once, but is in the second syllable of a word. The first syllable ends in [M] and assimilation has occurred. So [Mw] is not considered part of the phonemic inventory. • [Gw] occurs once and [G] is an allophone of /F/, so [Gv] is not considered part of the phonemic inventory. The [w] occurs before [B] due to assimilation to the vowel. • [tsw] occurs only once, with definite labialization. However, we do not consider it phonemic, but as an exception.

202 2.10.3. Minimal pairs

2.10.3. Minimal pairs [w] and [v] 164 ‘cotton’ [u`:h13], 229 ‘to hang (on sth.)’ [v`:h24] [ts] and [tb] 45 ‘bowl’ [sr`24], 55 ‘rice seedling’ [sr`13] [`] and [`:] 190 ‘carrying (on shoulder) pole’ [F`:m13], 451 ‘busy’ [F`m24] [B] and [B:] 238 ‘to swell (a leg)’ [FBj103], 148 ‘to vomit’ [YB:j31] 275 ‘to stand’ [rBM24], 70 ‘sheep’ [iB:M13] 2.10.4. Allophonic rules /r/ → [b]/#__V[+front] (in frequently used words or in Chinese loan words) → [s]/elsewhere

/h/ → [H]/C__(=)[C(+nasal) or C(+stop)] (This rule applies frequently, but not always.) → [h]/elsewhere

/t/ → [T]/__C(+stop) (with one exception) → [u]/elsewhere 2.10.5. Transcription of Longli Yangchang word list 龙里县羊场（惠水县羊场）90年代与50年代语音糸统比较

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

1 阳光 fchs24 fchs24

2 闪电 Ptl20oiC24 fi`o24oi`13

3 雷（名） oi`22YC9h13 oi`13 oi`02

4 月亮 YtCM31fc=m13 yt`M42fcL=M24

5 星星 fcC9t24fch20 fc`9t22fch31

6 天, 天空 fa=m14 fa=m24 faLm24

7 云 vt24 vt13 ut02

8 风 Ynl13 ytl102 ytl00

9 雨 u=m13} uXm24 uLm24

10 彩虹 st21snM13 st00stM20 stM00

11 雾 kCo34ln=f24 k`f42ln22 lt`f22

12 早上 sbCM13FCs24, yDm20YtCl31 M=s24 FCs24

13 下午 srh=t31yhM13 yh=M13

14 晚上 sb`M13GCl42 M`9l42 FCl42

2. Phonology of data points 203

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

15 天, 日子 MvC9m20, vC9m20 fc=M13Mt`M02 MtCm00

16 年 oh24 oh24 oh24

17 早（来早） YtCl41 yt`l31 yt`l42

18 晚（来晚） ktCs22 kt`s23 kt`s22

19 早餐

20 午饭 j=m13MC9h102 M`9h20 M`h00

21 下午的餐 j=m13YH=M20 yh=M02 yhM00

22 晚饭 j=m13sbËCt102 sb@t20 sbCt00

23 水 YC9l31 y`l20 yCl20

24 井 fan22 fan22 fan22

25 土 mC9l44, yh31 m`9l31 m`l42

26 石头 yhm24 yHm24 yhM24

27 沙 yD22 yD22 yd22

28 尘土（路上） lBj44l=m24 lt`M13 sCt42

29 金子 sbHl14 sbHl24 sbhl24

30 银子 MC9m00 M`m102 MCm00

31 铁 vC00 u`102 u`00

32 河 sC42 s`31 s`42

33 岸 jvC9M24, iDm20 jt`M22 FCm00

34 湖 lL=m102

35 海 FC9h24 F`9h13 F`h02

36 山 on24, fcvnM24 vqnmf on24

37 路 YvCm14 yt`m24 ytCm24

38 村子 fcC9m20 fa`9m31 fa`m20

39 房子 YC9m102 y`9m102 y`m00

40 房顶 ¯ht24YC9m103 ¯ht20y`9m102

41 门 st24 st24 st24

42 木板（板子） jiCo13uC9h20 yh`o31

43 桌子 fcDm13sbB102 sbn13 srn02

204 2.10.5. Transcription of Longli Yangchang word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

44 凳子 fchDm13sCM33 s`M22 sCM22

45 碗 srC24 sr`24 sr`24

46 筷子 sL42 sL31 sL42

47 扫把 sbhs13 oCs24 o`s24 oCs24

48 猪圈 Y=M42lt24 y=9M31

49 田（稻田） mC102 m`102 m`00

50 地 mC20Yn13, yh41 yh31 yh42

51 大米 FC9t30FC9t24 F`t20r`m13 FCt20r`m24

52 米饭 FC9t31mC9M24 F`t20F`t20 FCt20

53 糯米（生的） mCf41rCm24 F@t20m`31

54 糯米（熟的） mC42srnf13

55 秧苗 sbC13 sb`13 sb`22

56 草（青嫩） ¯Lf14fvnm24 ¯hX13

57 甘蔗 jCm102fnh24 j`m13s=9M103

58 树 jn vC9h20 u`h20 uCh20

59 （树）根 YCf31uC9h20 y`31 y`f42

60 竹子（总称） ytCs00

61 森林 fctnM13 fcnM24

62 叶子 faCL13mCh31 fa`L24 faCL24

63 刺（名） fvnm24 ft@m24

64 花 fcC9h33 fc`9h22 fc`h22

65 籽, 种子 uCm24 u@m24 uCm24

66 水果 k=f20uCh31 kdf20u`h31 lCf00

67 菜（蔬菜） oiCj24 oi@f24 oiCf24

68 动物（总称） st20st13

69 猪 lt24 lt24 lt24

70 羊 iB9M13 itnM103 it9M00

71 狗 lC24 l`24 l`13

72 马 lC20 l`22 l`22

2. Phonology of data points 205

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

73 水牛 st21vC9h102 u`9h103 u`h00

74 黄牛 st21srL102 srL102 srL00

75 尾巴 YLM24 yt=M24 yL9M24

76 角（牛） jCt24 j`t24 jCt24

77 老虎 jtj24 jtf24 jtf24

78 熊 lt=h24 lDh13 lth24

79 猴子 kh=M13 kHM102 khM00

80 蝙蝠 yBj30uTf42uC9t102 u`t00

81 兔子 st lC9t13 l`t13

82 老鼠 st mt24 mt24 mt24

83 鸟 YBf13 ynf102 ytCf00

84 鸟窝 YvCM20YBf13 ynM20ynf13

85 鸡 st jCh24 j`h23 jCh22

86 鸡冠 uX=m24jCh24

87 鸭子 st oHs24 ohs24 ohs24

88 鹅 st GvC9m22 F`9m22 f`m22

89 猫头鹰 YvBj20sbCt13liCt24

90 翅膀 uX=s33 uXs44 uL9s42

91 羽毛 o=m24 o=m24 oLm24

92 爪子 Yh=o13 yho02

93 蛋 sbCh33 sb`h23 sbCh22

94 鱼 oiC14 oi`24 oi`24

95 鱼鳍 rhm24

96 蛇 ML102 ML13 ML00

97 蚊子 st ¯C9M20 ¯h`M102 mh`M00

98 苍蝇 ¯C9M20FC9t00 ¯h`M102

99 蚂蚁 st lCs13 l@s13 lCs22

100 蜘蛛 st sbC9t24 ¯h`9t31 sb`t24

101 跳蚤 st lCs33 l@s24 lCs24

206 2.10.5. Transcription of Longli Yangchang word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

102 臭虫 st kX=s22 yL9s42

103 蚯蚓 st fcX=m24 fc=m24 fcL9m24

104 虱子 st10{mC_m13 m@s02 mCm00

105 身体 fcC9M24 fc`9M24 fc`M24

106 头 sbCt13 sb`t13 sbCt02

107 头发 oinl24sbCt13 oin9M24sb`t13 oitCl24

108 脸 m`14 m`13 m`02

109 眼睛 s`24 s`24 s`24

110 鼻子 fcCM24 fc@M24 fcCM24

111 耳朵 YL102 yX=102 yL00

112 嘴巴 ynM20oC9f22 o`23 o`f22

113 牙齿 sbHo20uC9m102 ih@t02v@m13 ih`t02

114 舌头 uh=M13kHm20 u@M24kHm20 khm20

115 下巴 FC9M20kC24 F`M00

116 胡子 l=l30 ltl31 ltl42

117 额头 mC13oiCf24 m`13oi`23

118 脖子 FB20fCh24 srnM20Fn102

119 肩膀 jCt03faC9f24 j`t24fa`22 fa`22

120 手 v=M102 uLM102 uLM00

121 腿 jC14 j`24 j`24

122 膝盖 sbCt12Fn22 sb`t13vn23 Fn22

123 脚 shm24 sHm24 shm24

124 胸 fCj13 f`f24

125 背 kCM24 k@M24 kCM24

126 甲状腺肿 Fn10C9h24

127 心脏 stCl22 st`l23 st`l22

128 肺脏 o=s33 o=s24 oLs24

129 脑子 fTj24 fTf24sb@t13 ftf24

130 肝 sCo44 s@o24 sCo24

2. Phonology of data points 207

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

131 肚子 fchDm stM20 stM22 stM20

132 肚脐 srvCM20fcL24 fcL24 fcL24

133 肠子 snM10fcCL13 r@h13 rCh02

134 血 k=s33 kXs31 kL9s42

135 屎（牛屎） fD30uC9h102 fD22 fd20

136 骨头 fcBj13 fct@f23 fct`j22

137 皮肤 mCM24 m@M24 mCM24

138 肉 mn42 mn42 mn42

139 油（猪） fit102 it102

140 大蒜 GvBf24 vn=24 Fn24

141 姜 iH=M24 ih=M24 ihM24

142 盐 sbt24 sbt24 sbt24

143 咬 FCo24 F@o02 FCo00

144 吃 j=m24 jXm24 jLm24

145 喝 r=s13 r=s02 fctCs24

146 酒 kCt13 k@t13 kCt02

147 醉（酒） oHl33kCt13 uh20k@t13

148 呕吐 YB9j31 faL=24, yn31 yt9f42

149 煮 YnM24 ytM24 ytM24

150 甜 s=9M13 sL=M13 u`m24

151 酸 rtCl24 rt@l13 rtCl02

152 苦 FCl13 F@l102 FCl00

153 咸 fcCM44 fc@M22 fcCM22

154 辣 sbDs31 sbDs31 sr`s42, l`9m42

155 饿 fh=f22 fh=f13 fL9f22

156 黄瓜 k=21sh=M24 kd20sh@M24 sh9M24

157 南瓜 uCf24 k=f20u`13

158 丝瓜 uCf20rh24

159 豆 k=f lCf22 k=f20l`13 kLf00l`f22

208 2.10.5. Transcription of Longli Yangchang word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

160 芋头 k=f oh=f24 oL9f22

161 芦苇 MB20 fi`9l24

162 衣服 otf42 ot31 ot42

163 布 oC9M102 o@9M102 oCM00

164 棉 uC9h13 v`9h22 u`h22

165 裤子 sbnM14 srn9M24 srt9M24

166 袜子 lCs31 l? 9s31 l`s42

167 席子 o=m20shCl31, shCl20m=m13 o=m20sh`l21, ohm20 fahm02

168 蚊帐 YH=o24 yho13 yh9o24

169 斗笠 sbCo24 sbno24 sbtCo24

170 刀 lHs11 lHs102 lhs00

171 把（刀） uC43 u`31 u`42

172 锅 jvC13 jv`24

173 锅盖 uC24srtCl13 u`24srt`l13 u`24

174 三脚架 sbh=M13 j`24sbHl20 sbh9M00

175 背带 jC9h22fc`24 fc`24 fc`24

176 扇子 uC44oh103 u`31oh201 oh00

177 秤 fchDm fcht13 fcht22

178 锥子 bCm13lC9h102

179 剪子 uC9f sbCt13 u`31sb`t102 sbh`t00

180 钱 MCm20, sbËhDm13 lh42sbh`m102

181 雨伞 kX=M13 kX=M13 kL9M02

182 锁 knM24 kTnM13 ktM02

183 钥匙 sbh20knM24 j`24sbh20kTnM13

184 棍子 bDm13s=M31 r@m13s=M20

185 竹竿 bDm13rCt30 r@m13r`9t31 r`t20

186 船 Yt103 yt102 yt00

187 斧头 uC uC9m24 u`31u@m13 u`m24

188 犁 uC sbCh24 sb`h24 sbCh24

2. Phonology of data points 209

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

189 锄头 uCf faCf24 u`31fa`22 fa`f22

190 扁担 FC9m13 r@m13F`m102 F`m00

191 麻 fcC9h31 fc`9h31 fc`h20

192 肥料 o=m42 o=m31 oLm42

193 石臼 Y=l24fcX=M13 srt`M31fc=9M22 ytl24

194 杵 shCt31fh=f24

195 筛子 fchDm YC9M24 y@M24 yCM24

196 簸箕 fchDm fcnM20 fcnM20 fctCM02

197 织布机 fchDm srnM102 yn13sb`9M102 srt9M00

198 纸 sbh14 sbh13 r`24

199 墨水 YCl31lCj24 y`l20l`f102 l`f42

200 笔 ohm22lCj24 oh=M22l`f102

201 唢呐 sCf22sh24, knM31oC20 s`31sh13

202 网 YD24 yD24

203 钩子 uC20jB24

204 鬼 uC9M24 u`9M102 u`M00

205 神 uC9M10YC9l20 u`9M102

206 力气 YhCM13 yh@M102 yh`M00

207 影子 fah44faC20 ohm31o`M20

208 梦 uCM30F=m102 u`M31F`m102

209 故事 jC9M22F=M103 vtM13

210 礼物 icM20iCM13, FnM22¯t22¯C24 kh20, fa`h22

211 错误 rn24 rn24 ktCM24

212 闲空 uC9M24 u`9M22 u`M22

213 方向 oC9h42, onM24sDf22 o`9h31

214 缝 ¯Ho13 ¯ho02 ¯ho00

215 喜欢 fC9M20kCf31, fC9M20FvCh24 f`9M23fch24 f`M22

216 爱 MC9h30 M`9h31, sb`h102 sbCh00

217 剥（果皮） fah22mCM24 fah22 fah22, sLm02

210 2.10.5. Transcription of Longli Yangchang word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

218 抱（孩子） fnl20k=f21¯Df22 fTl20 ftl20

219 背（孩子） f=f14k=f21 f=913

220 加（饭） shCl14FC9t20 sh`l24

221 裂开 sh=f14FCo22 kh=13

222 编（篮子） rCm24 r`m24 r`m24

223 补（衣服） FnM24ot30 vTM24

224 插（秧） fcCl14sbC02 fc`l24 fcCl24

225 尝（菜） sbËHl103 sbhl24 srhl00

226 穿（衣服） sC_m13ot42 sh`m13 sCm02

227 漏（水） YB41 yn31 yn42

228 点（头） MCj03sbCt24 M@f102

229 挂（在墙上） vC9h24srn22r=M02bh=M31 v`h13

230 滚（在地上） sbh=M30 sb=M20 yhM20

231 过（河） jvC24sC43 jv`22 ju`22

232 划（船） jC9t24Yt20 j`9t24 j`t24

233 继续 fchC9l22

234 借（钱） fHl24, srh22 sbh22(钱), fhl24(东西) srh22

235 砍（树） uCm102uCh30 u@m20 uCm00, yCl02

236 烤（火） oiCM41uh20 oin22 yhM24

237 咳嗽 fCh24 f`h24 fCh24

238 肿（腿） FBj103, jL42 ot24 FtCf00

239 流（水） YCl30kCh24 k`h24 kCh24

240 起（床） Y=m24 y=m22 yLm22

241 牵（牛） sbHM24uC9h20 sbHM24 srhM24

242 晒 sCf44 s`22 s`f22

243 筛（米） y=M13FC9t20 y@M24

244 上（楼） F=m13 F`m13 FLm02

245 下（楼） YnM20 ynM20 ytCM00

246 伸（手） fh=s22u=M20 >> fh9s22

2. Phonology of data points 211

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

247 梳（头发） YvCh24 yt`h24 yt`h24

248 （头）疼 sbDs24 sbDs22 sbh`s22, fhm24

249 踢 sËh=f22 sh=f22 shs24

250 提（篮子） Yht13 yht13 yht02

251 吞 fc=m20 fc=m20 fcLm20

252 脱（衣） sBs44ot30 sT`s13 st`s22

253 问 FC9l22 F`9l22 FCl22

254 回答 FC9m24 F`9m24 F`m24

255 忘记 k=l20 jn20ktl02 ktl00

256 下（雨） sCt02uDm24 s@t13 sCt02

257 休息 ih13mCh24 ih13m`9h24

258 寻找 P`24 y`24 y`24

259 眨（眼） fhC31s`24 fi`o24 fiCo24

260 住 fit24 fht22

261 蒸（饭〕 m`9M13 m`M13 mCM02

262 活 kh30 sbCt24

263 死 s`9h24 s`9h24 s`h24

264 病 oh=M31 sbDs24 ohM42

265 呼吸 r=s24rth24 srt`m31rth24

266 听 ¯h24 ¯h24 ¯h24

267 看 MtCm31 Mt`m22 fin20

268 说, 讲 m`9t20, jC9M24 j`9M13 mCt00, j`M02

269 笑 yht24 yht24 yht24

270 骂 uDf31 uD31 fc`22, sCm24

271 哭 sCh24 s`h13 sCh02

272 吹 on22 on22

273 打呵欠 f`31o`24MCo12MCo12 y`t24mLm00

274 睡觉 m=m00 mn22m=m102 mLm00

275 站 rB9M24 rnM102

212 2.10.5. Transcription of Longli Yangchang word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

276 坐 YCM31 y@M31 yCM42

277 走 oiCh24 oi`9h13 oi`h02

278 爬（小孩） Y=m24 yT=m20 yL9m00

279 爬（树） ohm24sb`00 ohm24 ohm24

280 来 lLf24 lL=24

281 去 oCh24 o`h24 oCh24

282 进入 oCh22fcCL24 F`t13 FCt02

283 回来 s`t22lLf24 s`9t22lL=24 s`t22

284 飞 fahm24 fahm24 fahm24

285 骑 jth31 jth31 jth42

286 游泳 yit20, Pv=31fc`M24 yht20y`l20

287 浮 Pht00 vt102 ut00

288 玩 srCl24 jn20sr`l102 srCl00

289 唱 mCt20, iCl21 m`t00, i`l13

290 鼓 sbtCM24 sbT@M24 sbt`M24, ¯h9m00

291 干活 jn31v`M24 jn20v`9M24 ut9M24

292 担 yCo24 y`9o24 yCo24

293 关（门） FCo24, ft24 F@o24 FCo24

294 开（门） v`9h24st24 v`h24

295 开（嘴） fCf31, vC9h24o`24 f`31 f`20

296 推 fcLm20 fc=9M20

297 拉 YCj44 y`31

298 掉 sBf24 snf24 stCf24

299 给 FC24 F`L13 fCL02

300 拿 sL20, fCt24 sL102 sL00

301 选择 kD30 kHs24, bh@m31 kd42

302 买 srL20 srL20 srL20

303 卖 jC9h24 j`9h24 j`h24

304 偷 YCf12 y`f20 yCf00

2. Phonology of data points 213

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

305 想要 r=m22fCt24

306 有 kh922 kh20 kh20

307 知道 Yn20 yn20 yn20

308 怕 k`9t24 k`9t13 k`t24

309 洗（手） rth13 rth22 rth22

310 洗（衣服） rCj31 r`f102 rCf00

311 捆 jt=m13 jt=m22

312 擦（桌） ft=s24 fT=s24 ft9s24, sr`s00

313 切（肉） YtCm24 yt@m22 yt`m22

314 绳子 srCf41 r@m13sr`31 sr`f42

315 割（草） jtCm102¯L24 jt`m102 jtCm00

316 劈开（木头） oCf31u=m13 o`31 o`f42

317 木头 uC9h20 u`f20

318 挖 fa=s44 fa=s24

319 人 u=m102 u=m102 uLm00

320 布依族 ot31fith31 ot20fitDh31 fith20

321 汉族 ot31F`24 ot20F`23

322 男人 ot31r`9h24 ot20r`9h13 r`h24

323 女人 l`9h20fa=j24 l`h20faX=f24 faLf24

324 巫师 srCM31ln24, srCM31rD22 i`31i`13(女), ln24 sr`M31rD22(男)

325 媒人 ot31rL24 rL22 rL22

326 朋友 rhl24sbtCh20 it20

327 祖宗 oCt24fiC31

328 父亲 on31 on31 on42

329 母亲 lD31 lD31 ld42

330 小孩 k=20rCh24 kd20r`h22

331 丈夫 jth13 k`9t20

332 妻子 iC31 i`31 i`42

333 兄姐 oh31（兄）, o`24（姐） oh20 oh20

214 2.10.5. Transcription of Longli Yangchang word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

334 弟妹 mtCM20（弟）, m`31（妹） mt`M20 mt9M20

335 独子 k=j12stnf31 sB31

336 孙子 k=j12kCm24 k`9m24 k`m24

337 公公 oCt24kCt20 o`t22 oCt22

338 婆婆 iC31kCt20

339 外公 oCt24s`24 o`t22s`24

340 外婆 lD31sCh13 lD31s`9h22

341 客人 i=f24 ot20i=f22 ih`f22

342 姓 srn31

343 名字 srn31 srn31 srn42

344 我 jt24 jt24 jt24

345 你 lLM13 l=M102 lLM00

346 他 sD24 sh24 sd24

347 咱们 sbtCM22st24 y`t102 y`t00

348 我们 sbtCM22st24, YCt13 y`t102

349 你们 xbtCM22rt24 jD22rt22 rt24

350 他们 sbtCM13sD24 sbnM22sh24

351 别人 rCt22sD24 ot20fchDf24 uL20, fLm22

352 柴 u=m13 u=m102 uLm00

353 火 uh13 uh102 uh00

354 火焰 oht24uh13 oht24uh102

355 烧 oi@t24 oiCt24

356 烧（做饭） fcCM24 fcCM22

357 灰尘 ltCM24 lt@M24

358 烟 uCm13, fcnM24 u`m102 uCm00

359 弓 uC31m`24 jt`M24 jtCM00

360 箭 m`24 m`22 m`22

361 打猎 srn13on24, srn13fcnM24

362 杀 j`24 j`13 j`02

2. Phonology of data points 215

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

363 打架 stM20sh13 stM20sh102

364 一 fhs24, fchCt24 fhs24 fhs24

365 二 rtCM24, Mh30 ¯h42

366 一（一个人） fchCt24, u=m00fchCt24 fchDt24 fch`t24

367 两（两个人） rtCM24u=m12 rn9M24 rt`M24

368 三 r`9l24 r`9l24 r`l24

369 四 rh13 bh22 rh22

370 五 FC24 F`13 F`02

371 六 Ynj24 ynf24 ytCf24

372 七 sr=Cs24 sbDs24 srCs24

373 八 ohDs24 ohDs22 oh`s22

374 九 jt24 jt13 jt02

375 十 sbHo13 sbHo00 srho00

376 二十 Mh31sbHo13 Mh31sbHo00

377 百 oCf24 o`22 o`f24

378 千 YCM24 yh@M24

379 都 YC9j20

380 一些 srCM20fchCt24 o`h20fchDt24

381 多 k`9h24 k`9h24 k`h24

382 少 rht24 bht13 rht02

383 每

384 大 fcn9l33 vtM24, fct=l22 k`t20

385 小 mCh31 mD22, m`h31

386 长 PC9h02 y`h102 yCh00

387 短 sh9m24 shm13 shm02

388 高 rCM24 r`9M24 r`M24

389 矮 sCl33 s`l22 sCl22

390 圆 Y=m12, YCj fchCt13 y`m102 yhCm00

391 扁 ohCm33 oHo24 fah9o22

216 2.10.5. Transcription of Longli Yangchang word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

392 厚 mC24 m`24 m`24

393 薄 faCM24 fa`9M24 a`M24

394 宽 jtCM22 jt`M22 ju`M22

395 窄 iDo24 i`o31

396 硬 fctCM20 fct`M31 fct`M20

397 软 ftm13 ft=m22 ftm22

398 直 srhCt31 rn31 rn42

399 弯曲 jCt20M`9t24 jn102, j`t102 jCt00

400 快 GLm24 F`m24

401 慢 YnM24 lh@m20

402 重 mCj24 m`f24 mCf24

403 轻 faCt24 fa`t24 faCt24

404 胖 oh102 oh102, faD20 oh00, lCM42

405 瘦 oinl24 oinM13 oit`l24

406 黑 uCm31 u`m20 u`m20

407 红 fchM24, fchLm24 fch@M24 fchM24

408 白 GC9t24 F`9t24 F`t13

409 黄 i`9m13 ih`m13 ih`m02

410 绿 kt30 kt20

411 蓝 iCt24

412 干的 jCh22Yn13 yn102 FL22

413 湿 stl24 stl102 stl00

414 空的 oht24, uCM31u`9t24 oit22

415 满 YHl24 yhl24 yhl24

416 干净 rhCt22r=31Yht34, rCf13 b@t22 rCL24

417 脏（衣服） kT=l22 ih102

418 新 ln24 ln22 ln22

419 年轻 ot srB02 sbn102 srn20

420 聪明 sbhm31

2. Phonology of data points 217

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

421 傻 ft`31 fu`20

422 旧 jCt24 j`t22 jCt22

423 老 k`9t00 k`9t20 sbd22

424 聋的 mBj24 mnf24 mtf44

425 热 YCt24, fc=s24 sbghD24, y`t13 fc`s22, yCt02

426 冷 sbvCM20 sbh`M20 mhs24

427 好 fch24 fch24 fch24

428 坏 u`9h31 v`9h31 u`h42

429 破 oh`f24 oh=f22

430 深 kCj13 k`f102 kCf00

431 浅 faBf24 fanf24 faCmf24

432 斜 mhCM31 ¯h`M31 fahs24

433 亮 YtCM31, Ytnl31 yt`M31 yt`M42

434 暗 kCo24

435 清 rCL24, faCt22uCt24 r`L24

436 浑 ¯nM13, j=f13 ¯t@M102 ¯tCM00

437 壮 sbd24, oh13

438 弱 mhl24, oinl24

439 淡 sb=s24 sbHs24 srhs24

440 累 m`9h22 m`9h22 m`h22

441 （捆）紧 fc=s24 fc=s24 fcCs24

442 松 YnM24 ynM22 ytM22

443 滑 k`9t24 k`t102

444 贵 jth24 jth24 oh`M00

445 便宜 YnM22 ytM22

446 嫩 ft=m24 ft=m22

447 难 fi`f33 fi`22, m`9m24

448 容易 fch24 fch24

449 臭 F`tf24 F`t24 FCt24

218 2.10.5. Transcription of Longli Yangchang word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

450 香 u`m24, F`tf13s`M24 v`m24 u`m24

451 忙 FCm24 F`m24

452 穷 Fn24 Fn13 Fn02

453 富 fch24 fct24

454 热闹 fch24lCh103, fch24l`9m31 fch24l`h102 lCh00

455 安静 sbtl20oi`9h31 oiX=f22

456 漂亮（女） fa`9t22¯Ct22 fa`9t22

457 狡猾 k`9t24

458 勇敢 sCm31fcnl31

459 懒 sbh=j24 sb=f24 sbLf24

460 努力 srnM24khCM12 srnM22yh@M102

461 远 sbCh24 sb`h24 sbCh24

462 近 sbCL13 sb`L13 sbCL02

463 里（面） fcCL24 fc`L24 fcCL24

464 外（面） YtCf31 yn31 Ft`f42

465 右（边） jtC12 jt`102 ju`00

466 左（边） rtDh31 rtDh20 rth20

467 上面 j=m103 j=m102 jLm00

468 下面 kC24 k`13 k`02

469 这里 sbh31mhd31 sbh31mh20 mh20

470 那里 sbh31sD24 sbh31sh24

471 这个 j`h22mhd31 mh20

472 那个 j`h22sD24 sh24

473 哪里 jh31kCL13 sbh20k`L102 kCL00

474 谁 fcCL24 ot20k`L102

475 什么 iCM31lC24 l`102

476 怎么 ¯hDt31kCL24 sr`31fht22

477 什么时候 srL31sD24 srL20k`L102l`102

478 为什么 uDh24iCM31lC13 vdh24l`102 l`00

2. Phonology of data points 219

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

479 在 ft24 fit22 fiht22

480 刚 M`9h24 M`9h24

481 马上（走） fi=l20fiCs24 jtM20j`M102

482 赶快（去） FCm24m`h31 F`m13m`h31

483 就 srD31 sbh20

484 先 jtCm24 jt`m22 jt`m22

485 常常（来） srCM31srCm24 sr`M20sbht31

486 最(快） ¯hCt31

487 更（快） r`9h31

488 一起（作） jt`9M20fchCt24

489 只（买五斤） j`31 j`31

490 又（来） mhf31

491 再（说一遍） s`9t13 s`9t22

492 也 ih20

493 或者 shCl24

494 好象 k=l24 ktl02

495 从 sr`9h20mh31 s`h22

496 和 shCl24 sh`l13 yL9M00

497 因为 sCm42m`30

498 如果 l`9h24mhDt31

499 到 sCM00 s`M102 sCM00

500 是 bhf24 bh24 rh24

501 不 lh20 lh102 lh00

502 没关系 lh00kh00l`13

503 已经 s`31MCm20

220 2.11.1. Phone and phoneme inventory

2.11. Luodian Luokun 2.11.1. Phone and phoneme inventory Initial consonants BiLab LaDe Alv PoAl AlPal Pal Vel Glo Plos vl o, [oi] s j, jv f, [fi], fv PreGlo fa fc Aff vl sb Fric vl e [r[], r b, bx [w] [g] vd u, [uv] [y[], y Y G, Gv Nas vd l m ¯ M, Mv Lat vd k App vd v i Final consonants

o, s, j, f, l, m, M, Q Vowels Front Central Back unrd unrd rd Close h, [h:] [X] t Near-close [H] [T] Close-mid [d], [d:] n Mid = Open-mid D, [D:] B Near-open @ Open `, `: Tones Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7, 9 8, 10 Pitch value 24 423 33 31 35 41 35 33 2.11.2. Notes • [v] and [w] each occur several times. The distinction between the two phones is not very clear. The pronunciation of the two phones is quite often a blending of the two sounds. [vw] was transcribed for one item. These two phones are treated as allophones. • [f] occurs only with even tones and [v] occurs mostly with odd tones, though also with a few even tones. The two sounds are quite distinct and are both phonemic. See minimal pairs.

2. Phonology of data points 221

• [s] and [r[] are not distinct phonemes, but are allophonic variations. The pronunciation of the voiceless fricative in the alveolar region ranges between these two sounds, and they are considered one phoneme. The same situation holds for [z] and [y[]. [s] occurs mostly on odd tones and [z] occurs mostly on even tones. These two sounds are phonemic. See minimal pairs. • [b] occurs numerous times and [Y] occurs mostly before back rounded vowels, but not exclusively. [b] also occurs before some back rounded vowels. Though positing a rule in the environment before back rounded vowels is possible, there are enough contrastive pairs to warrant regarding both phones as contrastive. See minimal pairs. • [Y], as mentioned above, occurs mostly before rounded back vowels and [z] never occurs in that environment. However, both phones occur before [a] and [@], so are treated as separate phonemes for this lect. See minimal pairs. • [bx] (occurring only in 269 ‘to push’ [bxh0]) is questionably phonemic. However, the sound is quite distinct from something like [bth], so it is considered phonemic here. • [x] only occurs on two morphemes, [h] occurs on one (51 ‘paddy rice’ [G@t3 g`:t0], where [g`:t0] literally means ‘white’), and [G] occurs many times. However, that item, when elicited alone, was clearly voiced: 408 ‘white’ [G`:t0]. This lect has nearly lost contrastive voicing for velar and glottal fricatives. [x] and [h] are not considered phonemic for this lect. • [Q] only occurs on one morpheme: 81 ‘rabbit’ [st2 =Q2]. This sound is distinct, however, and is consistent with the word for this item in some other lects, therefore, it is considered phonemic. • [pj] occurs on nine items. [pi] + V combination occurs on two items, one of them being 67 ‘vegetable’ [oh@j6], which normally has a distinct palatal initial. The items with [pj] initial do not have a strong, distinct palatal sound. The sound ranges from [pj] to [pi]. In general, items could have been transcribed [pj] or [pi]. Since the palatalization is not distinct, the UR of [pj] initials are viewed as [pi], and [pj] is not considered phonemic. See rule below. • [kw] occurs on at least 12 items and is considered phonemic. [ku] + V occurs twice. However, the labialization is generally quite distinct, so the situation is not like that with [pj]. • [Mv] occurs on two items and the labialization is fairly distinct. [M] occurs on nine morphemes and [Mt] + V combination does not occur. • [fi] occurs on seven morphemes and [fv] occurs on one. [fh] + V combination occurs one time and [ft] + V occurs twice. The palatalization on [fi] is not very distinct, and similar to [pj], could be transcribed as [fh] or [fi]. Therefore, it is not considered phonemic. See rule below. On the other hand, 421 ‘stupid’ [fv`3], is spoken with a quite distinct labialized initial. There is no question that it is labialized. The two [ft] + V combinations are also distinctly not labialized initials, so both [fv] and [ft] + V combinations occur. Both are phonemic.

222 2.11.3. Minimal pairs

• [Gv] occurs on two items and is considered phonemic. [Gt] + V does not occur. The labial sound on the two labialized initials are very distinct and cannot be viewed as [Gt]. • [a:], [@], and [a] are all phonemically distinct. See minimal pair sets. • [d] only occurs a few times and [D] occurs numerous times. These two sounds are not distinct enough to be phonemic. Vowels in this vowel space area can occur anywhere between [D] and [e]. [e] is considered to be in free variation with [D]. [D:] occurs on two items and is not considered phonemic. • [H] only occurs two times, in the environment /C__C#, and [i] occurs in this environment many times. [H] is considered an allophonic variation of [i] and is not phonemic. [i:] occurs one time and is not considered phonemic. • [B] occurs on six items and is phonemic. See minimal pairs for [B] and [o]. • [T] occurs on four morphemes, once in the environment /C__#C__, and the other times in the environment /C__C#. [u] occurs in these environments several times. [T] is an allophonic variation of [u] and is not considered phonemic. • [X] occurs several times, all in the two environments /C__#(C) or /C__C, and is considered an allophone of [=]. See rule below. [=] also occurs in the environment /C__#C__ on some frequently used classifiers and word combinations. • The pitch on words in Gedney box cell 19 (glottalized D–long) are [31], different from cells 17 and 18 which are [35]. Cells 17, 18, and 19 all reflect tone 9 values. Tones from cells 17 and 18 have merged with tone 7. 2.11.3. Minimal pairs [sb] and [t] 93 ‘egg’ [sb@h4], 495 ‘from’ [s@h4] 423 ‘old (person)’ [sbD4], 429 ‘broken/torn’ [sD4] [v] and [f] 9 ‘rain’ [u=m0], 352 ‘firewood’ [e=m1] 150 ‘sweet’ [u`:m0], 204 ‘ghost’ [e`:M1] [s] and [z] 198 ‘paper’ [r`0], 258 ‘to search’ [o@h0 y`0] 458 ‘brave’ [r@l0 k`:t3], 235 ‘to chop’ [y@l2] [b] and [Y] 17 ‘early’ [b`t1], 443 ‘smooth’ [Y`t1] 43 ‘table’ [bnM1], 245 ‘to go down’ [YnM1] [b] and [s] 194 ‘pestle’ [fiD0 bh2], 369 ‘four’ [rh4] 220 ‘to add’ [bt4], 349 ‘you (pl.)’ [Gn2 rt0] [z] and [Y] 460 ‘diligent’ [y`4 y[hM1], 309 ‘to wash (hands)’ [Y`4] 235 ‘to chop’ [y@l2], 243 ‘sift/sieve’ [Y@M0]

2. Phonology of data points 223

[¯] and [n] 56 ‘grass’ [¯`0 ftm5], 392 ‘thick’ [m`0] 365 ‘two (ordinal)’ [¯h2], 471 ‘this’ [j`t2 mh3] [M] and [n] 448 ‘easy’ [M`:h5], 440 ‘tired’ [m`:h4] 228 ‘to nod’ [M`j6], 402 ‘heavy’ [m`j6] [a:], [@], and [a] 105 ‘body’ [fc`:M0], 110 ‘nose’ [fc@M0], 356 ‘to burn’ [fc`M3] 232 ‘to paddle’ [j`:t0], 76 ‘horn’ [j@t0], 471 ‘the morpheme for “thing” in this’ [j`t2 mh3] [B] and [o] 410 ‘green’ [kBj6], 371 ‘six’ [Ynj6] 148 ‘to vomit’ [fb5], 287 ‘float’ [fn3 o`4 y[@l3] 2.11.4. Allophonic rules /pi/ → [pj]/__V(C)# (with two exceptions) → [pi]/elsewhere

/fh/ → [fi]/__V(C)# (with one exception) → [fh]/elsewhere

/=/ → [X]/C__#(C) (with some exceptions) → [X]/C__= → [=]/elsewhere 2.11.5. Transcription of Luodian Luokun word list 罗甸罗悃90年代与50年代语音糸统比较

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

1 阳光 fchs24fcnM22 11 雾 k`o13ln24

2 闪电 fi`o24oi`22 12 早上 sb`M13G`9s24

3 雷（名） oi`22 13 下午 k`22y[hM20

4 月亮 YnM31fchDm13 14 晚上 sb`M22G`l41

5 星星 fc`t13fch42 15 天, 日子 M=m20

6 天, 天空 fa=m13 16 年 oh13

7 云 u=h22 17 早（来早） b`t31

8 风 Ytl31 18 晚（来晚） MvBm20, k`M13

9 雨 u=m13 19 早餐 M`9h20Ynl31

10 彩虹 fc`32stM31 20 午饭 w@t31M`9h20

224 2.11.5. Transcription of Luodian Luokun word list

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

21 下午的餐 w@t31y[hM30 51 大米 G@m31g`9t13

22 晚饭 w`t31b`t20 52 米饭 G`t31bTj13

23 水 y`l31 53 糯米 G`t31bTs13fcho24

24 井 fan42 54 糯米饭 G`t32bTs13bTj24

25 土 m`9l42 55 秧苗 sb`22

26 石头 y[hm13 56 草（青嫩） ¯`13fTm31

27 沙 y[D24 57 甘蔗 fnh31

28 尘土（路上） jtm24, lT l=m13 58 树 e@h31

29 金子 sbhl13 59 （树）根 y`42e@h31

30 银子 M@m20 60 竹子（总称） e@h31e`h20

31 铁 e`20 61 森林 fcnM13

32 河 s`42 62 叶子 fa`X13

33 岸 o@M20s`42 63 刺（名） fnm13

34 湖 s`l31k`9t20 64 花 v`h24

35 海 G`9h22 65 籽, 种子 Gnm13

36 山 on13 66 水果 k=20l`24

37 路 Ynm13 67 菜（蔬菜） oh@j24

38 村子 fa`m31 68 动物（总称） st=20Yn31r`9M22

39 房子 y`9m20 69 猪 lt13

40 房顶 mDt13y`9m30 70 羊 it@M20

41 门 st13 71 狗 l`13

42 木板（板子） oD9m22 72 马 l`31

43 桌子 bnM30 73 水牛 u`9h20

44 凳子 s`M24 74 黄牛 stbh9D20

45 碗 snh31 75 尾巴 y[h`M13

46 筷子 sX42 76 角（牛） j@t13

47 扫把 ¯t20jv`s24 77 老虎 jtj34

48 猪圈 y[h@M31lt13 78 熊 lnh13

49 田（稻田） m`20 79 猴子 s=khM20

50 地 y[h42 80 蝙蝠 v`9t20

2. Phonology of data points 225

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

81 兔子 st22=Q22 111 耳朵 y[h=20

82 老鼠 jvh22 112 嘴巴 bnM42o`24

83 鸟 Ynj22 113 牙齿 idt22

84 鸟窝 lnM20Ynj12 114 舌头 khm31

85 鸡 j@h24 115 下巴 G`9M20

86 鸡冠 uX=m13j@h24 116 胡子 ltl42

87 鸭子 ohs34 117 额头 m`22oi`24

88 鹅 G`9m24 118 脖子 fDt24Gvn20

89 猫头鹰 Ynj13sb@t22lDt22 119 肩膀 fa`Mfa`42

90 翅膀 eX=s23 120 手 e=M30

91 羽毛 o=m13 121 腿 o`M24j`13

92 爪子 y[ho20shm13 122 膝盖 sb`t22Gvn24

93 蛋 sb@h24 123 脚 shm13

94 鱼 oi`13 124 胸 o`32f`j24

95 鱼鳍 sbh20 125 背 o`h32k`M13

96 蛇 MX=20 126 甲状腺肿 fc`h13fn20

97 蚊子 mdM20 127 心脏 snl24

98 苍蝇 mdM20kBj13 128 肺脏 oXs24

99 蚂蚁 st=lBs13 129 脑子 ftj24

100 蜘蛛 jv`9t13 130 肝 s`o24

101 跳蚤 l`s24 131 肚子 snM31

102 臭虫 y[hDs13 132 肚脐 fch24on22

103 蚯蚓 st=fchDm13 133 肠子 r@h22

104 虱子 stmDm20 134 血 khDs23

105 身体 fc`9M13 135 屎 fD31

106 头 sb@t22 136 骨头 fcn42

107 头发 oinl13sb@t22 137 皮肤 m@M13

108 脸 m`22 138 肉 mn42

109 眼睛 s`13 139 油（猪） it20, k`9t20

110 鼻子 fc@M13 140 大蒜 rnh24

226 2.11.5. Transcription of Luodian Luokun word list

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

141 姜 ihM13 171 把（刀） e`20

142 盐 jt=13 172 锅 b`9t24

143 咬 G`o13 173 锅盖 v`13jno22

144 吃 j=m13 174 三脚架 sbh@M20

145 喝 fcns24 175 背带 fc`13

146 酒 k@t22 176 扇子 oHm24oh20

147 醉（酒） k@t22eh20 177 秤 bh@M42

148 呕吐 fB42 178 锥子 Mvh20

149 煮 YtM13 179 剪子 s`9t13

150 甜 u`9m13sh@M20 180 钱 bd9m20

151 酸 rnl22 181 雨伞 kh@M22

152 苦 G`l20 182 锁 knM22

153 咸 G@m24 183 钥匙 bh=20knM22

154 辣 l`9m42 184 棍子 r=m22s=M31

155 饿 snM31fiD42 185 竹竿 r=m22r`9t31

156 黄瓜 k=j20sh@M13 186 船 Yt=20

157 南瓜 k=j20jv`22 187 斧头 e`v`9m13

158 丝瓜 k=j20jvD13 188 犁 e`bt@h13

159 豆 st=42 189 锄头 jt=24

160 芋头 k=j30oX=24 190 扁担 G`9m20

161 芦苇 e@h31uD24, ¯`13uD24 191 麻 fc`h31

162 衣服 oX=42 192 肥料 o=m42

163 布 o`M20 193 石臼 Ytl13snh42

164 棉 v`9h24 194 杵 fiD13bh102

165 裤子 v`24 195 筛子 y`M13

166 袜子 l`s23 196 簸箕 fcnM31uh24

167 席子 fahm31 197 织布机 bnM20Yn24

168 蚊帐 y[h@o24 198 纸 r`13

169 斗笠 sbBo24 199 墨水 y@l31l`j13

170 刀 lHs13 200 笔 ohm24l`j13

2. Phonology of data points 227

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

201 唢呐 m@t20, kh24kD20 231 过（河） jv`24

202 网 y[D13 232 划（船） j`9t13

203 钩子 M@t24 233 继续

204 鬼 e`9M20 234 借（钱） bhD13

205 神 s=r[h=m13 235 砍（树） y@l22

206 力气 y[DM20 236 烤（火） oin24

207 影子 M`t20 237 咳嗽 f@h13

208 梦 o@m20G=m20 238 肿（腿） enj12

209 故事 o@h31oi`9M20 239 流（水） k@h13

210 礼物 snM20i@M42 240 起（床） Yt=m24

211 错误 knM13 241 牵（牛） bhM13

212 闲空 v`9M24 242 晒 s`24

213 方向 o`9h42k`L20 243 筛（米） Y@M13

214 缝 ¯ho13oX=42 244 上（楼） G=m22

215 喜欢 r[@l20jv`M24 245 下（楼） YnM20

216 爱 l`h22 246 伸（手） fhDs24

217 剥（果皮） fah42 247 梳（头发） Ynh13

218 抱（孩子） fnl31 248 （头）疼 sbDs24

219 背（孩子） fX13 249 踢 shs24

220 加（饭） bt24'>>( 250 提（篮子） y[ht22

221 裂开 f`31 251 吞 fctm31

222 编（篮子） r[`m13 252 脱（衣） sns24

223 补（衣服） uX=M13 253 问 G`l24

224 插（秧） fc@l13 254 回答 G`9m13

225 尝（菜） bX=31 255 忘记 ktl20

226 穿（衣服） sDm22 256 下（雨） s@t22

227 漏（水） Yn42 257 休息 fiD22m`9h24

228 点（头） M`j13 258 寻找 o@h13y`13

229 挂（在墙上） udm13 259 眨（眼） fi`o24

230 滚（在地上） y[hM31 260 住 fit42

228 2.11.5. Transcription of Luodian Luokun word list

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

261 蒸（饭〕 m@M22 291 干活 jv=42GnM13

262 活 kh31, sb@t13 292 担 sX20Y`o24

263 死 s`9h13 293 关（门） G`o24

264 病 ohM42 294 开（门） w`h13

265 呼吸 ft33fh24 295 开（嘴） w`h13, f`31

266 听 j`32¯h=13 296 推 bxh13

267 看 kdm31 297 拉 bt`t31

268 说, 讲 m@t20 298 掉 snj24

269 笑 y[hDt13 299 给 G`X22

270 骂 fts24 300 拿 j@l13

271 哭 s@h22 301 选择 kD42

272 吹 on24 302 买 bX31

273 打呵欠 Yt`t13Ytl20 303 卖 j`9h13

274 睡觉 mhm20 304 偷 y`9j13

275 站 fctm13 305 想要 bh@M20f@t13, sb@h20f@t13 276 坐 m@M42 306 有 kh31 277 走 oi`9h22 307 知道 Yn31GD42 278 爬（小孩） Yt@m20 308 怕 k`9t13 279 爬（树） ohm13 309 洗（手） Y`24 280 来 s@t22 310 洗（衣服） r`j23 281 去 o@h13 311 捆 fct=s23, u@m13 282 进入 o@h13fc@L13 312 擦（桌） ft=s23 283 回来 s`24s@t22 313 切（肉） Ytnm24 284 飞 fahm13 314 绳子 b`42 285 骑 jnh42 315 割（草） jnm30 286 游泳 it20Yt`l31 316 劈开（木头） o`24e@h31 287 浮 fn31o`24y[@l31 317 木头 e@h31 288 玩 b`l20 318 挖 o`31 289 唱 m@t20 319 人 ut=m20 290 鼓 sbnM13, mhDm20

2. Phonology of data points 229

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

320 布依族 ot31finh30 350 他们 Gn22sD22

321 汉族 ot31G`24 351 别人 ot20fcnh13

322 男人 ot20r`9h13 352 柴 e=m20

323 女人 k=20fa=j24 353 火 eh20

324 巫师 o@t24ln13 354 火焰 l`t20eh20

325 媒人 ot20rX24 355 烧 oi`9t13

326 朋友 r`t42st31 356 烧（做饭） fc`M31

327 祖宗 o@t24i`42 357 灰尘 s@t42

328 父亲 on42 358 烟 fnm20

329 母亲 lD42 359 弓 m`24

330 小孩 k=j20mD43 360 箭 ¯hD22

331 丈夫 jv`m13sb`t22 361 打猎 s=j24s@t24

332 妻子 l@h20i`42 362 杀 j`22

333 兄姐 oh31 363 打架 snM31G`h31, snM31sh20

334 弟妹 mt@M31 364 一 fhs24

335 独子 k=j20sn42 365 二 ¯h33

336 孙子 k`9m13 366 一（一个人） fcDt13

337 公公 o@t24 367 两（两个人） rnM13

338 婆婆 i`42 368 三 r`l13

339 外公 o@t24s`13 369 四 rh24

340 外婆 i`33s`h13 370 五 G`22

341 客人 ot20GD24 371 六 Ynj24

342 姓 v@h13 372 七 bDs24

343 名字 bn42 373 八 oDs24

344 我 jt13 374 九 jt22

345 你 l=M20 375 十 bho13

346 他 sD13 376 二十 ¯h33bho13

347 咱们 Gn22Y@t20 377 百 o`24

348 我们 Gn22Y@t20 378 千 bhDm13

349 你们 Gn22rt13 379 都 …b@h20

230 2.11.5. Transcription of Luodian Luokun word list

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

380 一些 …fcDt13 410 绿 kBj13

381 多 k`9h13 411 蓝 sb@l31

382 少 rDt22 412 干的 GX24

383 每 fhs24 413 湿 fctf24

384 大 k`9t31 414 空的 oht24

385 小 mD22 415 满 ln20

386 长 y@h20 416 干净 r`X13r[Dt24

387 短 shm22 417 脏（衣服） fD31bhl20

388 高 r`9M13 418 新 ln24

389 矮 s@l24 419 年轻 bn20

390 圆 yDm20 420 聪明 ftj24kDm22

391 扁 oDl22 421 傻 fv`31

392 厚 m`13 422 旧 j@t24

393 薄 fadM13 423 老 sbD24

394 宽 jv`M24 424 聋的 mtj24

395 窄 bdm20 425 热 fc`s23

396 硬 fcnM31 426 冷 bdM31

397 软 ft=m22 427 好 fch13

398 直 rn42 428 坏 fi`31, v`9h31

399 弯曲 j@t20M@t24 429 破 sD24

400 快 uv@m24 430 深 k`j23

401 慢 ¯tM24 431 浅 fanj24

402 重 m`j24 432 斜 MDM24

403 轻 fa`t13 433 亮 YnM42

404 胖 oh20 434 暗 et=l31

405 瘦 Ytn20, oinl13 435 清 r`X13

406 黑 enm31 436 浑 mnM20

407 红 fchM13 437 壮 oh31y[DM30

408 白 G`9t13 438 弱 YtM13

409 黄 iD9m22 439 淡 bts24

2. Phonology of data points 231

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

440 累 m`9h24 469 这里 sbhD20mh31

441 （捆）紧 fcDs34 470 那里 sbhD20sD22

442 松 YnM24 471 这个 j`t33mh31

443 滑 Y`t20 472 那个 j`t33sD22

444 贵 oDM20 473 哪里 sbhD31k`L20

445 便宜 s=j23 474 谁 ot20k`L20

446 嫩 ft=m31 475 什么 i`9M31l`20

447 难 m`m42 476 怎么 s`M22k`L20

448 容易 M`9h42 477 什么时候 bX20k`L20

449 臭 G@t13 478 为什么 vdh13i`M31l`20

450 香 Gnl13 479 在 fit42

451 忙 G@m13 480 刚（来） b`t31

452 穷 Gn22 481 马上（走） …y[h@M31bX20

453 富 jv`9M13 482 赶快（去） …u=m24

454 热闹 fch13l@h20 483 就 …bh20…

455 安静 fit42b`l30 484 先 …jnm24

456 漂亮（女） fch13sb@h30 485 常常（来） jv=33m`t24

457 狡猾 Y`t20, ft24khM30 486 最(快)

458 勇敢 r@l13k`9t31 487 更（快） jX31…

459 懒 sbhj24 488 一起 o@h13sn42

460 努力 j@m31, y`24y[hM31, 489 只（买五斤） j`42… b`13y[hM31 490 又（来） s`24… 461 远 sb@h13 491 再（说一遍） …sDl13 462 近 sb`X22 492 也 …iD=20… 463 里（面） fc`L13 493 或者 …lh20bh20… 464 外（面） Yn42 494 好象 ktl22 465 右（边） jv`20 495 从 s@h24 466 左（边） rnh31 496 和 fhM24, y[h@M20 467 上面 o`h42j=m20 497 因为 i`Ml`20 468 下面 o`h42k`22 498 如果 khM24m@t20

232 2.12.1. Phone and phoneme inventory

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

499 到 s`M20 502 没关系 lh20kh31i`M31l`20, lh20f@t13j@m22 500 是 s=f22 503 已经 501 不 lh20 2.12. Luodian Poqiu 2.12.1. Phone and phoneme inventory Initial consonants BiLab LaDe InDe Alv PoAl AlPal Pal Vel Glo Plos vl o, oi s, j, jv f, fi [sv] PreGlo fa fc Aff vl sb Fric vl e [S] [r[], r b, [bv], bx vd u [y[] Y, [I] G [Yv] Nas vd l m ¯ M, Mv Lat vd k App vd v i Final consonants

o, s, j, f, l, m, M Vowels Front Central Back unrd unrd rd Close h X t Near-close [H] Close-mid [d] n Mid = Open-mid D, [D:] B Near-open @ Open `, `:

2. Phonology of data points 233

Tones Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7, 9 8 10 Pitch value 24 323 33 31 35 41 35 31 53 2.12.2. Notes • [w] occurs on 10 morphemes and [v] occurs 12 times. [f] occurs several times, but only once on an odd tone. [w] and [v] act as distinct phonemes, with no blending of phones. See minimal pairs. [f] and [v] are separate phonemes also. • The three phones [S], [r[], and [s] do not occur in complementary distribution. They seem to be one phoneme, with place of articulation on a continuum from [s] to [S]. For many of the words, the place of articulation varied over several pronunciations. The transcribed phone was the phone pronounced most often for that particular item. These three phones are all considered allophones of /s/. • [b] occurs numerous times and is distinct from [s]. See minimal pairs. • [Y] occurs numerous times and [y[] only occurs once, in the environment /__iVC[+ stop]. However, [Y] also occurs in this environment, and several times in the environment /__(V)(C[+ nasal]). [y[] is considered a variation of [Y] and [Y] and [b] are both distinct phonemes. See minimal pairs. • [¯] occurs on eight morphemes and is phonemic. The articulation on this phone is quite distinct from [n]. See minimal pairs. • [fi] occurs on six morphemes and [j] occurs on nine. [fh] + V occurs three times. The palatalization on [fi] is clear, though, and is considered phonemic. See minimal pairs. • The palatalization on [pj] is generally very distinct and is considered phonemic. Note that 67 ‘vegetable’ [oh`f6] is palatalized in most lects, but for some reason is clearly not in this lect. See minimal pairs. • [tw] occurs two times: 193 ‘stone mortar’ [Ynl0 svDh5] and 297 ‘to pull’ [sv`j0/]. [tu] + VC never occurs and [tu] + V occurs once: 68 ‘animal’ [s=5 st=1]. [tu] is posited as the underlying form of [tw]. See rule. • [kw] occurs several times and [ku] + V(C) occurs three times. The labialization for [kw] is most often quite distinct and is considered phonemic. See minimal pairs. • The labialization on both [bv] and [Yv] is not very distinct. [bv] occurs only once and [Yv] occurs twice. [bt] + V(C) occurs three times and [Yt] + V(C) occurs five times. [bv] and [Yv] are both considered allophonic variations of [bt] and [Yt], respectively. • [bx] only occurs one time, but the [y] sound was distinct on all of the speakers’ pronunciations of this one word. There is also a near minimal pair with [b]. Therefore, [bx] is considered phonemic for this lect, although more examples are needed to verify its phonemic status.

234 2.12.3. Minimal pairs

• [Mv] occurs three times and [Mt] + V(C) does not occur. The labialization on these three items is quite distinct. Although [Mv] could be posited as [Mt] underlyingly, it is considered phonemic for this lect. • [a:], [@], and [a] are all phonemic. See minimal pair sets. • [H] occurs only four times: three times in the environment /C__C# and once in the environment /C__#C, as in 92 ‘claw’ [YH2 shm0] (the first morpheme normally being /yho7/ in other lects). [H] is an allophonic variation of [i], since [i] also occurs in the first environment several times. • The one occurrence of [D:] is not significantly long, and length is not considered phonemic in this lect. [e] occurs on five items, all in the environment /C__C, and [D] also occurs several times in this environment. As with [H] and [i], the tense phone [e] is not considered phonemic, but a variation of [D]. • [T] occurs on seven items, all in the environment /C__C, and is not considered phonemic. [u] also occurs several times in this environment. The situation with [T]/[u] is the same as with the other lax/tense pairs of vowels. • [B] occurs on four items, two being of the form C__C and two of the form C__, where the open syllable word originally had a final [k] in the coda. [o] occurs in the C__C environment five times. Though [B] only occurs four times, and no true minimal pairs can be found, it sounds rather low in the vowel space as compared to [o], and will be considered phonemic. • [=] occurs a number of times and [X] occurs several times. With one exception (331 ‘husband’ [k=3 jXh0]), [X] occurs in one of two environments: /C__(=)C and /C__=#. [=] occurs in the environment /C__# several times, but except for two items, all are frequently used morphemes such as classifiers. For the most part, [X] and [=] are in complementary distribution. However, items such as 331, 445, and 500 indicate that there is still a phonemic distinction between the two phones. Therefore, [X] and [=] are both considered phonemic for this lect. See minimal pair. 2.12.3. Minimal pairs [sb] and [t] 93 ‘egg’ [sb@h4], 495 ‘from’ [s@h4] 95 ‘fin’ [sbh1], 363 ‘to fight’ [snM3 sh1] [w] and [v] 64 ‘flower’ [v`0], 165 ‘pants’ [u`4] 428 ‘bad’ [v`:h5], 73 ‘water buffalo’ [u`:h1] [v] and [f] 165 ‘pants’ [u`4], 31 ‘iron’ [e`1] 212 ‘spare time’ [u`M4], 204 ‘ghost’ [e`M1] [r[] and [b] 369 ‘four’ [r[h4], 194 ‘pestle’ [fiD4 bh1] 398 ‘straight’ [r[n5], 343 ‘first name’ [bn5]

2. Phonology of data points 235

[b] and [Y] 43 ‘table’ [bnM1], 245 ‘to go down’ [YnM1] 74 ‘cow’ [bh=1], 111 ‘ear’ [Yh=1] [M] and [n] 448 ‘easy’ [M`:h5], 440 ‘tired’ [m`:h4] 207 ‘shadow’ [M@t1], 268 ‘speak/talk’ [M@t1] [¯] and [n] 47 ‘broom’ [¯t1 jv`s6], 424 ‘deaf’ [mt4] 56 ‘grass’ [¯`0 ft=m3], 392 ‘thick’ [m`0] [fi] and [f] 194 ‘pestle’ [fiD4 bh1], 135 ‘feces’ [fD3] 320 ‘Bouyei’ [ot3 finh3], 57 ‘sugar cane’ [fnh3] [pj] and [p] 47 ‘forehead’ [m`2 oi`4], 112 ‘mouth’ [o`4] 236 ‘to warm oneself by a fire’ [oin4], 272 ‘to blow’ [on4] [kw] and [k] 100 ‘spider’ [jv`t0], 232 ‘to paddle’ [j`t0] 157 ‘pumpkin’ [jv`2], 367 ‘to kill’ [j`2] [a:], [@], and [a] 105 ‘body’ [fc`:M0], 342 ‘family name’ [fc@M0], 437 ‘strong’ [fc`M5] 303 ‘to sell’ [j`:h0], 85 ‘chicken’ [j@h4], 471 morpheme meaning ‘thing’ in 471 ‘this (thing)’ [j`h4 mh3] [=] and [X] 445 ‘inexpensive’ [s=1], 46 ‘chopsticks’ [sX5] 2.12.4. Allophonic rules /tu/ → [tw]/__V(V)(C) (with one exception)

/bt/, /Yt/ → [bv], [Yv]/__V(C) (irregularly) → [bt], [Yt]/elsewhere 2.12.5. Transcription of Luodian Poqiu word list 罗甸县坡球村90年代与50年代语音糸统比较

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

1 阳光 fchs24fc`s33 fchs24

2 闪电 fi@o24oi`22 fi`o24oi`22

3 雷（名） oi`22 oi`22 oi`22

4 月亮 fct31fchDm13 Ytl42fchDm13

5 星星 fc`t13fchD20 fc`9t13fch24

6 天, 天空 fa=m13 fa=m13 fa=m02

7 云 uX=22 u=22 uL=22

8 风 Ytl202 Ytl20 ytl00

9 雨 vDm13 u=m13 uLm02

236 2.12.5. Transcription of Luodian Poqiu word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

10 彩虹 snM103j=m13Y@l31 fi`42

11 雾 k`22ln24 k`22ln24 ln24

12 早上 sb`M13G`9s24 sb`M13F`s24 G`s24

13 下午 jv`24YhM201 sb`M13Mv`m20

14 晚上 sb`M13G`l42 sb`M13G`9l42 GLm00gCl42

15 天, 日子 Mv@m20 Mv`m20 MBm00

16 年 oh13 oh13 oh02

17 早（来早） Ynl31, b`t31 b@t31Ynl42 bCt20ynl42

18 晚（来晚） k`M13 k`M13, Mv@m30 kns24

19 早餐 M`9h20Ynl31 M`9h20b@t31'Ynl42(

20 午饭 M`9h20 M`9h20 M`h00

21 下午的餐 YhM201 YhM20 yhM00

22 晚饭 b@t31 b@t20 bCt00

23 水 Y@l31 Y`l31 yCl20

24 井 fan42 fan42 fan42

25 土 m`9l42 m`9l42 m`l42

26 石头 Yhm13 Yhm13 yhm02

27 沙 Yhm13YD24 YD24 yd24

28 尘土（路上） lt22lnm13 lt22lTl13 sCt42

29 金子 sbhl13 sbhl13 sbhl02

30 银子 M@m20 M@m20 MCm00

31 铁 e`201 e`200 e`00

32 河 s`42 s`42 s`42

33 岸 o`M20s`42 YDs24, o`M30, GHm20 GCm00

34 湖 s@l201 s`l200

35 海 G`9h22 G`9h22 G`h22

36 山 on13 on13

37 路 Yv=m13 YBm13 yBm02

38 村子 fa`m31 fa`9m31 fa`m20

2. Phonology of data points 237

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

39 房子 Y`9m20 Y`9m20 y`m00

40 房顶 mDM20Y`9m201 mDM20

41 门 st13 st13 st02

42 木板（板子） odm22 oDm22 odm22

43 桌子 bnM201 bnM20 bBM00

44 凳子 s@M24 s`M24 sCM24

45 碗 snh31 snh30 snh20

46 筷子 sX42 sX42 sL42

47 扫把 ¯t20jv`s24 ¯t20jv`s24 o`s24

48 猪圈 Yh`M31lt13 Y`M42lt13

49 田（稻田） m`201 m`200 m`00

50 地 Yh42 Yh42 yh42

51 大米 G@t31G`9t13 G`t31G`9t13 gCt20r`m02

52 米饭 G@t31bnj13 G`t31bt20 GCt20

53 糯米 G@t31bTs12 G`t31bTs10

54 糯米饭 G@t31m@M22 G`t31m`M22

55 秧苗 sb`22 sb`22 sb`22

56 草（青嫩） ¯`13ft=m31 ¯h=22 ¯hd22

57 甘蔗 fnh31 fnh31 fnh20

58 树 jn13e@h31 e@h31 eCh20

59 （树）根 Y`42 Y`42 y`42

60 竹子（总称） e@h31Yns13（金竹） yBs00（金竹）

61 森林 fcnM13e@h31 fcnM13 fcnM02

62 叶子 fa@h13 fa@X13 faCL02

63 刺（名） ft@m13 fnm13 fBm02

64 花 v`13 v`13 u`02

65 籽, 种子 u@m13 u@m13 uCm02

66 水果 l`24

67 菜（蔬菜） oh`f24 oh`22 oi`24

238 2.12.5. Transcription of Luodian Poqiu word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

68 动物（总称） s=32st=201 s=20st=20

69 猪 lt13 lt13 lt02

70 羊 s= it@M201 it`M20 it9M00

71 狗 s= l`13 l`13 l`02

72 马 s= l`31 l`31 l`20

73 水牛 st u`9h202 u`9h20 u`h00

74 黄牛 s= bh=201 bh=20 bhd00

75 尾巴 Yh=M13 Yh`M13 yh9M02

76 角（牛） j@t13 j`t13 jCt02

77 老虎 s= jt24 jtf24 jt24

78 熊 s= lnh13 l=h13 lnh02

79 猴子 s= khM201 khM200 khM00

80 蝙蝠 s= u`t201 u`9t20 u`t00

81 兔子 st22=V22 st22=22

82 老鼠 st jvh22 st=20jvh22 jth22

83 鸟 s= Yn13 Yn20 yn00

84 鸟窝 YnM20Yn13 YnM20Yn20

85 鸡 j@h24 j@h24 jCh24

86 鸡冠 v=m13j@h24 u=m13j@h24

87 鸭子 s= ohs24 ohs24 ohs24

88 鹅 s= G`m24 G`9m24 G`m24

89 猫头鹰 Yn20jt13Gt20 Yn20sb@t22lhDt22

90 翅膀 eX=s31 e=o30 eL9s42

91 羽毛 o=m13Yn201 o=m13 oLm02

92 爪子 YHo11shm13 shm13YDo11o@t20

93 蛋 sb@h24 sb@h24 sbCh24

94 鱼 oi`13 oi`13 oi`02

95 鱼鳍 sbh20oi`13 sbh20

96 蛇 MX=102 MX=200 ML=00

2. Phonology of data points 239

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

97 蚊子 mDM201'j`13Y@h20( mDM20j`13y@h20 mdM00

98 苍蝇 mDM20kn13 mDm20G`t31

99 蚂蚁 s= lBs02 lns12 lBs00

100 蜘蛛 st jv`t13 jv`9t13 ju`t02

101 跳蚤 l@s24 l`9s24 l`s24

102 臭虫 s= Yh=s31 yh9s42

103 蚯蚓 s= fchDm13 fchDm13 fch9m02

104 虱子 mD m201 m@m20 mCm00

105 身体 fc`9M13 fc`M13 fc`M02

106 头 sb@t22 sb@t22 sbCt24

107 头发 oi@l13 oinl13 oiBl02

108 脸 m`22 m`22 m`24

109 眼睛 s`13 s`13 s`02

110 鼻子 fc@M13 fc@M13 fcCM02

111 耳朵 Yh=201 Yh=200 yh00

112 嘴巴 o`24 o`24 o`24

113 牙齿 Yht22 iDt22 iht24

114 舌头 khm31 khm31 khm20

115 下巴 G`M20k`22 G`9M20 G`M00

116 胡子 lTl42 ltl42 ltl42

117 额头 m`22oi`24 m`22oi`24 oi`24

118 脖子 Gn201 Gn20

119 肩膀 o`M20fa`42 fa`9m30fa`42 fa`42

120 手 e=M201 e=M20 eLM00

121 腿 j`13 j`13 j`02

122 膝盖 sb`t22Gn24 sb@t22Gn24 Gn24

123 脚 shm13 shm13 shm02

124 胸 m`22f`24 f`24 fC24

125 背 o`h22k`M13 k@M13 kCM02

240 2.12.5. Transcription of Luodian Poqiu word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

126 甲状腺肿 f`h13en31 f`9h13fn20

127 心脏 snl24 snl24 snl24

128 肺脏 oXs24 o=s24 oLs24

129 脑子 ft24sb@t22 ft34 ft24

130 肝 s`o24 s`o24 s`o24

131 肚子 stM31 stM31 stM20

132 肚脐 kh24on22 kh24on22 fchd02

133 肠子 r[@h22 r[@h22 rCh22

134 血 khDs42 kh=s42 kh9s42

135 屎（牛屎） fD31 fD31 fD20

136 骨头 fcn42 fcn42 fcn42

137 皮肤 m`M13 m@M13 mCM02

138 肉 mn42 mn42 mn42

139 油（猪） k`t201 k`9t20 k`t00

140 大蒜 Gn13 Gn13 rnh24

141 姜 IhM13 ihM13 ihM02

142 盐 jt@13 jt=13 juL=02

143 咬 G`o11 G`9o23 G`o42

144 吃 j=m13 j=m13 jLm02

145 喝 fcns24 fcns24 fcBs24

146 酒 k@t22 k@t22 kCt22

147 醉（酒） k@t22eh201 eh20

148 呕吐 fB31 fn42

149 煮 YtM13 Yn9M13 ytM02

150 甜 v`m13 u`9m13sh@M20 u`m02

151 酸 sbDs24 r[nl22 rBl22

152 苦 G`l201 G`9l20 GCl00

153 咸 fc@M31 fc`M42 fcCM42

154 辣 l`m42 l`m42 l`m42

2. Phonology of data points 241

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

155 饿 snM20fh=42 fh=42 fhd42

156 黄瓜 k=20sh@M13 k=100sh@M13 sh9M02

157 南瓜 k=20jv`22 k=100jv`22

158 丝瓜 k=21jvD13 jvD13 jud02

159 豆 l`24 l`24 kL42suL=42

160 芋头 k= oX=24 oX24 oL=24

161 芦苇 ¯t20Y@t13

162 衣服 oX=42 oX42 oL=42

163 布 o`M201 o`M20 oCM00

164 棉 u`9h24 u`9h24 u`h24

165 裤子 u`24 u`24 u`24

166 袜子 l`s31 l`9s31 l`s42

167 席子 fahm31 fahm31 ahm20

168 蚊帐 y[h=o24 Yh`o24 yh9o24

169 斗笠 sbBo24 sbno24 sbBo24

170 刀 lHs02 lhs23 lhs00

171 把（刀） e`42 e`42 e`42

172 锅 b`9t24 jnl24

173 锅盖 u`13u@h24 u`13jnl24 u`02

174 三脚架 j`13sbh@M201 sbdM20 sbh9M00

175 背带 fc`13 fc`13 fc`02

176 扇子 oiDm24oh20 ohDm24oh20 oh00

177 秤 b`M42 b`M42 rCM42

178 锥子 Mvh31 Mvh42

179 剪子 s`9t13 s`9t13 s`t02

180 钱 bDm201 bDm20 bdm00

181 雨伞 kh`M22 kh@M22 kh9M22

182 锁 knM22 ktM22 ktM22

183 钥匙 bhD20knM22 bhD20ktM22

242 2.12.5. Transcription of Luodian Poqiu word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

184 棍子 s=M31 s=M30

185 竹竿 S`t31 r[`9t30 r`t20

186 船 Yt@201 Yt=20 yuL=00

187 斧头 v`m13 u`9m13 u`m02

188 犁 bv@h13 bv@h13 buCh00

189 锄头 jt=24 ju=24, jv`20 juL=24

190 扁担 G`m201 G`9m20 g`m00

191 麻 fc`h31 fc`9h30 fc`h20

192 肥料 o=m42 o=m42 oLm42

193 石臼 Ynl13svDh42

194 杵 fiD22bh201 fihD13bh20

195 筛子 Y`M13 Y`M13 yCM02

196 簸箕 fcnM31 fcnM30uh24 fcBM24

197 织布机 bnM20Yn24 bnM20Yn24 bnM00

198 纸 r`13 r[`13 r`02

199 墨水 Y@l31l`f31 Y`l31l`f200 l`00

200 笔 oh24l`f13 ohm24l`f200

201 唢呐 kh24kD31 kh24kD20

202 网 YD13 YD13 yd02

203 钩子 M`t24 M@t24

204 鬼 e`M201 e`M20 e`M00

205 神 bhD31 r[Dm13

206 力气 YDM201 YDM20 ydM00

207 影子 M@t201 M`t20 MCt00

208 梦 o=m201'o=21G=m201( o`m20G=m20

209 故事 rth13sn02 o@h24oi`M20, rnh13sn20

210 礼物 k@h31 sn20ih@M42 kCh20a`h24

211 错误 knM13 knM13 kBM02

212 闲空 u`M24 u?M24 u`M24

2. Phonology of data points 243

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

213 方向 eX=M13 o`9h42

214 缝 ¯ho02 ¯ho21, uh=M13 ¯do00

215 喜欢 f`M42 l`9h22f`M24i`M42 f`M42

216 爱 l@h201 l`9h22sb@h20 sbCh00

217 剥（果皮） fah42 fah42 fah42, sLm22

218 抱（孩子） fTl31 ftl42 ftl20

219 背（孩子） fD13 f=13 fL02

220 加（饭） sDl13 shl20, s`24

221 裂开 YDM13 YDM13, sD24 fato24

222 编（篮子） r[`m13 r[?m13 r`m02

223 补（衣服） ut=M13 uh=M13 uL9M02

224 插（秧） fc@l13 fc`l13 fcCl02

225 尝（菜） bX=42 bH=42 bhl00

226 穿（衣服） sDm22 s=m22 sCm22

227 漏（水） Yn42 Yn42 yn42

228 点（头） M`o13 M`l200

229 挂（在墙上） udm13 uDm13 udm02

230 滚（在地上） YhM31 yhM30, Yp@h31 yhM20

231 过（河） jv@24 jv`24, G`9l22 ju`24

232 划（船） j`t13 j`9t13 j`t02

233 继续 jv=41o@h13m`12 …o`h13k`22

234 借（钱） bh=24 bhD24 bhd24

235 砍（树） Y@l22, e@m201 y`l22 eCm00, yCl22

236 烤（火） oin24 oin24 yhM02, oin24

237 咳嗽 f@h13 f@h13 fCh02

238 肿（腿） en201 en200 eB00

239 流（水） k@h13 k@h13 kCh02

240 起（床） Yt=m24 Ytm24 yhm24

241 牵（牛） bhM13 bhM13 bhM02

244 2.12.5. Transcription of Luodian Poqiu word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

242 晒 s`24 s`24 s`24

243 筛（米） Y`M13 Y`M13

244 上（楼） G=m22 G=m22 GLm22

245 下（楼） YnM201 YnM20 yBM20

246 伸（手） fhDs31 fhs24, ih`M42, xt@m42 fh9s24

247 梳（头发） Ynh13 Yvnh13 ynh02

248 （头）疼 sbDs23 sbDs14 sbds24, fhm02

249 踢 shs34 shs24 shs24

250 提（篮子） YhDt22 Yht22 yht22

251 吞 fctm31 fctm30 fctm20

252 脱（衣） sBs24 sns24 sns24

253 问 G`l24 G`9l24 gCl24

254 回答 G`m13 G`9m13 g`m02

255 忘记 kTl201 ktl20 kLl00

256 下（雨） s@t22 s@t22 sCt22

257 休息 fh=s13m`9h24 fhD42m`9h13

258 寻找 Y`13 Y`13 y`02

259 眨（眼） fi@o24 fi`o24 fi`o24

260 住 fit42 fht42

261 蒸（饭〕 m@M22 m`M22 mCM22

262 活 kh31, sb@t13 sb`t13 sbCt02

263 死 s`9h13 s`9h13 s`h02

264 病 ohM42 ohM42 ohM42

265 呼吸 fn20fh24 sn24ih24, sn24bh=13

266 听 jt31mh=13 ¯h=13 ¯d02

267 看 j@t22, it24 fin30 kdm42, jCt22, fin20

268 说, 讲 j`9M22m@t201 mdt22, j`9M22 mCt00, j`M22

269 笑 Yht13 ydt13 yht02

270 骂 fc`42 fc`42, u=s24 fc`42, jud22

2. Phonology of data points 245

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

271 哭 s@h22 s@h22 sCh22

272 吹 on24 on24

273 打呵欠 Yt`t13Ytl20 Yv`9t13Ynl20

274 睡觉 mhm201 mhm20 mhm00

275 站 fctm13 fctm13 fctm02

276 坐 m`M42 m`9M42 mCM42

277 走 oi`9h22 oi`9h22 oi`h22

278 爬（小孩） Yt=m13 Yt@m20 yt9m00

279 爬（树） ohm13 ohm13 ohm02

280 来 s@t22 l`13, s@t22

281 去 o@h13 o@h13 oCh02

282 进入 G@t22fc`L13 G@t22fc@h13 GCt22

283 回来 s`t24s@t22 s@t24l`13 s`t24

284 飞 fahm13 fahm13 fahm02

285 骑 jtDh42 jvnh42 jnh42

286 游泳 it20s`42 it20Y`l30

287 浮 et201 et20 et00

288 玩 b@l20 b`l20, bxtm20 bCl00

289 唱 m@t201 m@t20

290 鼓 ¯hDm20, sbnM13 sbnM13 sbnM02, ¯hm00

291 干活 jvB42GnM13 jT=42Gn9M13 gnM02

292 担 s=20Y`o24 Y`9o24 y`o24

293 关（门） G`o24 G`9o24 G`o24

294 开（门） G`h13 G`9h13 G`h02

295 开（嘴） f`31 f`30 f`20

296 推 bxh13 bxh133 fcdM02

297 拉 k`42, sv`j31 k`42

298 掉 snf24 sB24 sB24

299 给 G@L22 G`=22 GCl22

246 2.12.5. Transcription of Luodian Poqiu word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

300 拿 f@t13's@t22( f@t13, j`l13 sL00

301 选择 kD42 kD42 kd42

302 买 bX31 bHX20 bL20

303 卖 j`9h13 j`9h13 j`h02

304 偷 jv=42Y`f11 Y`200 yC00

305 想要 sb@h20f@t13 bh=M42f`t13

306 有 kh31 kh30 kh20

307 知道 Yn31GD30 Yn30 yn20

308 怕 k`9t13 k`9t13 k`t02

309 洗（手） Y`24e=M20 Y`24 rnh24, y`24

310 洗（衣服） S`f112 r[`200 r`00

311 捆 v@m22 u=m22, bt20

312 擦（桌） ft=s24 fv=s42 ft9s42, bDs00

313 切（肉） Yt@m13 Ynm24 ynm24

314 绳子 b`42 b`42 b`42

315 割（草） jv@m201 jt@m20 jnm00

316 劈开（木头） o`24 o`24 o`42

317 木头 sb`M24e@h31 e@h30

318 挖 oCs42 o`42

319 人 uDm20 u=m20 uLm00

320 布依族 ot31finh31 finh30 fnh20

321 汉族 ot31G`24 G`24

322 男人 ot31r[`9h13 r[`9h13 r`h02

323 女人 k=20faX=f24 lX=24 faL24

324 巫师 ot31i`13, ot31ln13 ln13 ln02

325 媒人 ot31rX24 rX24 rL24

326 朋友 r`t31st13 r@t42st20

327 祖宗 o@t24i`42 o@t24i`42

328 父亲 on42 on42 on42

2. Phonology of data points 247

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

329 母亲 lD42 lD42 ld42

330 小孩 ot31mD22 ot30mD22

331 丈夫 sb`t22, k=20jXh13 jt@m13, sb`9t22

332 妻子 i`42 l`h30i`42 i`42

333 兄姐 oh31, s`13 oh31, s`13 oh20

334 弟妹 mt@M31'fa=j, r[`h( mt`M31 mt9M20

335 独子 k=20sn42 k=11sn42

336 孙子 k`9m13 k`9m13 k`m02

337 公公 o@t24 o@t24 oCt24

338 婆婆 i`42 i`42

339 外公 o@t24s`13 o@t24s`13

340 外婆 i`42s`h24 i`42s`9h24

341 客人 ot20GD24 iD24 id24

342 姓 u@h24 u@h13

343 名字 bn42 bn42 bn42

344 我 jt13 jt22 jt02

345 你 l=M201 l=M20 lLM00

346 他 sD13 sD13 sd02

347 咱们 Gn42Yn20 Gn24Y@t20 yCt00

348 我们 Gn42Yn20 Gn24st13 st02

349 你们 Gn42rt13 Gn24rt13 rt02

350 他们 Gn42sD13 Gn24sD13

351 别人 st31f=m31 f=m42 eL=20

352 柴 e=m201 e=m20 eLm00

353 火 eh201 eh20 eh00

354 火焰 rtDh13eh20 l@t20eh20

355 烧 oi`9t13 oi`t13 oiCt02

356 烧（做饭） fc`M31 fc`M42 fcCM20

357 灰尘 s@t42 s@t42

248 2.12.5. Transcription of Luodian Poqiu word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

358 烟 v@m20 u@m20 uCm00

359 弓 jvnM13 jn9M13 jBM02

360 箭 m`24 m`24 m`24

361 打猎 s=23s@t24 s=24s@t24

362 杀 j`22 j`22 j`22

363 打架 snM31sh201 stM30sh20

364 一 fhs24 fhs24 fhs24

365 二 ¯h42 ¯h42 ¯h42

366 一（一个人） fcDt13 fcDt13 fcdt02

367 两（两个人） r[nM13 rn9M13 rnM02

368 三 [r[`9l13 r[`9l13 r`l02

369 四 r[h24 rh24 rh24

370 五 G`22 G`22 G`22

371 六 Yn24 Yn24 yn24

372 七 bDs24 bDf24 bDs24

373 八 oDs24 oDf24 ods24

374 九 jt22 jt22 jt22

375 十 bHo11 bho11 bdo00

376 二十 ¯h42bHo11 ¯h42bho11

377 百 o`34 o`24 o`24

378 千 bhDm13 bDm13

379 都 b@h20, st22…kDt31 st22…b@h20

380 一些 m@h31fcDt13 u=9m24fcDt13

381 多 k`9h13 k`9h13 k`h02

382 少 rht22 bDt22 rht22

383 每 s`M24…s`M24 fhs24

384 大 k`9t31 k`9t42 k`t20

385 小 m@h22 mD22

386 长 Y@h202 Y@h20 yCh00

2. Phonology of data points 249

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

387 短 shm22 shm22 shm22

388 高 r`9M13 r`9M13 r`M02

389 矮 s@l24 s`l24 sCl24

390 圆 YDm201, fct=m13 yDm20 yDm00

391 扁 oDl22 o`l22 o`l22

392 厚 m`13 m`13 m`02

393 薄 faDM13 faDM13 faDM02

394 宽 jt`M24 jv?9M24 ju`M24

395 窄 bDm201 b@m20 bDm00

396 硬 fcnM31 fcnM31 fcnM20

397 软 ftm42 ftm42 ftm42

398 直 rn42 rn[42 rn42

399 弯曲 j@t13MDt30 jn20, j@t20 jn00

400 快 ¯@l201, lh`M201 li`l20

401 慢 kTm24 ktm24

402 重 m`24 m`f24 mC24

403 轻 fa@t13 fa@t13 faCt02

404 胖 oh201 oh20 oh00

405 瘦 oinl13 oinl13 oinl02

406 黑 eTm30 en9m31 enm20

407 红 fchM13 fchM13 fchM02

408 白 G`9t13 G`9t13 G`t02

409 黄 GD9m22 GDm22 Gdm22

410 绿 kn13 kn200 kB00

411 蓝 sb@l31 sb`l24, l=m24

412 干的 'r`9t22(GX24 G=X24 fL24

413 湿 f@t31, snL stl20 stl00

414 空的 v`9M24 oiDt24

415 满 Yhl13 Yhl13, ln200 yhl02

250 2.12.5. Transcription of Luodian Poqiu word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

416 干净 r[`X13 r`=13, r[Dt24 rCL02

417 脏（衣服） Mv`9h31 Mv@9h30, fD31bhl20

418 新 ln24 ln24 ln24

419 年轻 ot20bn102 bn102 bn00

420 聪明 ot20jv`h13 jv`9h13jX=M20 ju`h02

421 傻 ot20M`l31 M`l31, fu`31

422 旧 j@t24 j@t24 jCt24

423 老 ot20sbD24 sbD24 sbd24

424 聋的 mt24 mtf24 mt24

425 热 fc`s31 fc`s42 fc`s24, yCt22

426 冷 bdM31 bDM31 mhs24, bdM20

427 好 fch13 fch13 fch02

428 坏 v`9h42 u`9h42 u`h42

429 破 sD24 sD24, Yvnh31, r[H24

430 深 k`13 k`200 k`00

431 浅 fan24 faB24 faB24

432 斜 jv`h22, bt`h22 jv`9h22 ahs24

433 亮 YnM42 YnM42 ynM42

434 暗 k`o24 k`9o24

435 清 r[ht24 r[Dt24

436 浑 mnM201 mB9M20, jtm24 mBM00

437 壮 fc`M42

438 弱 lh20fc`M42

439 淡 bts24, r`t13 bts24 bts24

440 累 m`9h24 m`9h24 m`h24

441 （捆）紧 fcDs24 fc=s24 fcCs24

442 松 ot24, YtM24 YtM24 ytM24

443 滑 Yv@t201 li`42, y@t20

444 贵 oDM201 oDM20 odM00

2. Phonology of data points 251

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

445 便宜 s=201 s=f100

446 嫩 ft=m42 ftm42

447 难 m`m42 m`9m42

448 容易 M`9h22 fch13jt=42

449 臭 G@t13fi`42 G`9t13fi`42 GCt02

450 香 G@t12Gnl13 Gn9l13 Gnm02

451 忙 G@m13 G=m13

452 穷 vn22 Gn22 Gn22

453 富 jv`9M13 jv`9M13

454 热闹 fch22l@h201 l@h20 lCh00

455 安静 b@l13 b`l20

456 漂亮（女） fch13sb@h201 fch13sb@h20 ah02sbCh00

457 狡猾 Y@t13

458 勇敢 ot20bt@M31 s`o24k`9t31

459 懒 sbh24 sbh24 sbh24

460 努力 itM42YDM201 itM42yDM20

461 远 sb@h13 sb@h13 sbCh02

462 近 sb@X22 sb@X22 sbCL22

463 里（面） o`24fc`L13 fc@X13 fcCL02

464 外（面） o`24Yn31 Yn42 yn42

465 右（边） jv`201 jv`20 ju`00

466 左（边） rtDh31 r[nh31 rnh20

467 上面 o`24j=m20 j=m20 jLm00

468 下面 o`24k`22 k`22 k`22

469 这里 sbh=20mh31 sbhD20mh30 mh20

470 那里 sbh20sD13 sbhD20sD13

471 这个 j`h24mh31 j`9h24mh30

472 那个 j`h24sD13 j`h24sD13

473 哪里 sbh=20k@L201 sbhD20k@X20 kCL00

252 2.12.5. Transcription of Luodian Poqiu word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

474 谁 ot20k@X201 ot31k@X20

475 什么 i`M20l`201 l`20

476 怎么 s`M31k`L20 s`42k`X20, s`M31k`X20

477 什么时候 bX20b@X11 bX=20k@X20

478 为什么 vDh13i`M42l`20 vDh13i`M42l`20 l`00

479 在 fit42 fht42 fht42

480 刚 …b`t31… sb`20

481 马上（走） YDM31bX201

482 赶快（去） odh13¯@l201 G@m13li`M20mD42

483 就 …bh20… bh20

484 先 …jnm24 jn9m24 jnm24

485 常常（来） r[h24bX20 r[h24bh=20

486 最(快） …sb`31bh201

487 更（快） …jv`24e@m31 sb`20bh20, jv`24e@m42

488 一起（作） o@h13sn31 o@h20sn42

489 只（买五斤） j`42 j`22, …sn42

490 又（来） s`24, s`t24 s`24s`t22

491 再（说一遍） s`24…, s`t24…sdl13 s`24's`9t24(…sDl13'ln24(

492 也 iD201 ihD30

493 或者 fa`M31 fa`9M42

494 好象 kTL22o@20k=20 ktl22 ktl22

495 从 s@h24… s@h24

496 和 fhM24 yh@M20, fhm42, sDl13 yh9M00

497 因为 vDh13k`M13 vDh13k`M13

498 如果 bD31mn201 bhD20m@t20'mn200(

499 到（家了） s`M201 s`M20 sCM00

2. Phonology of data points 253

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

500 是 s=13 s=210 sL00, bhm02

501 不 lh20 lh20 lh00

502 没关系 lh20f@t13j@m22 lh0f@t13j@m02

503 已经 fiD42, fa@h22, jv`24 2.13. Pingtang Xiliang 2.13.1. Phone and phoneme inventory Initial consonants BiLab LaDe InDe Alv PoAl AlPal Pal Vel Glo Plos vl o, oi s j, jv f, fi, [fv] PreGlo fa fc Aff vl sb Fric vl e S r [b] w vd [u] p Y Nas vd l, [li] m ¯ M, Mv Lat vd k Tap vl [q] App vd v i Final consonants

o, s, f, l, m, M Vowels Front Central Back unrd rd unrd rd Close h [x] X t Near-close [H] [T] Close-mid [d] n Mid = Open-mid D [B] Near-open [?] @ Open `, `:

254 2.13.2. Notes

Tones Category 1 2 3 4 5, 6 7 = 9 8 = 10 Pitch value 13 31 33 42 35 35 45 2.13.2. Notes • [v] only occurs once on an odd tone and [f] occurs numerous times but only very few times on odd vowels. Many of the items that are commonly [v] initial in other lects are [w] initial here. As [v] only occurs once, its phonemic status is questionable and it may be merging with [w]. For this analysis, it is not considered phonemic but [f] is clearly phonemic. • Both [s] and [S] occur a number of times and the pronunciation of the two phones is rather distinct. In other lects, these two phones are normally allophonic variations, the [s] generally being somewhat fronted. Here they are both phonemic. See minimal pairs. • [p] occurs on 13 lexical items, with only one occurrence on an even tone. Also, it occurs before [u] once and before [a] once. Otherwise it always occurs before [i]. [S] occurs more or less equally on both odd and even tones. [Y] occurs numerous times (but only three times before [i]) and is clearly phonemic. There is a definite tendency for [p] to occur before [i], but it is not yet a complete allophonic variation of [Y], since [Y] does occur before [i] more than once, and [Y] is pronounced quite distinctly as palatal on these items. Therefore, [p] must be viewed as phonemic, though its phonemic status may be changing. • [b] occurs on 11 items: once before [D], [u], [a], and [y], and the rest before [i]. [s] does not occur before [i] but occurs once before [D] and three times before [u]. There is a tendency for [b] to occur before high front vowels, and for [s] before other vowels. Though a couple of semi-near minimal pairs can be found between [b] and [s], [b] is more of an allo- phonic variation of [s], and is considered to be an allophone of [s]. See rule. • [x] only occurs before [a], [@], [=], and [o], though it occurs numerous times. There is no other sound that it could be an allophone with, so it is clearly phonemic. • [mj] occurs once and [m] occurs two times: before [i] + V. The palatalization is not very strong, so it is not considered phonemic. • [¯] occurs mostly before [i] (though it does occur once before [a], [@], and [?]) and is considered phonemic. See minimal pairs. [n] does occur before [i], though only a few times. • [q] occurs on seven items. These items generally have a voiced palatal or alveopalatal fricative. This phone is an allophonic variation of [Y]. • [w] occurs a number of times, but only three times on even tones. It is clearly phonemic. See minimal pairs with [f]. • [fi] occurs on seven lexical items and [fh] + V occurs once. The palatalization is quite distinct and is phonemic. • [pj] occurs on 11 items and [pi] + V occurs on four items. Though [pi] + V occurs this many times, the palatalization is quite distinct on the 11 palatalized items. It is phonemic. • [kw] occurs on 13 items and [ku] + V occurs once. [kw] is phonemic, as the labialization is quite distinct.

2. Phonology of data points 255

• [Mv] occurs on four items and [M] occurs on six. One of these is [Mt] + V. The labialization is quite strong and distinct from the high back rounded vowel and is considered phonemic. • [fv] occurs only once and [ft] + V occurs three times. The labialization is not particularly strong, so [fv] is not considered phonemic. • [?] occurs only twice as a phonetic variation of [a]. It is not considered phonemic. [a:], [@], and [a] are all phonemic. See minimal pair sets. • There is one occurrence of [y] and it seemed to be more vocalic than semivowel, though not strongly so. Further work needs to be done on this lect to determine the phonemic status of [y]. For this analysis, it is not considered phonemic. • [H] only occurs on three items, all in the environment /__C(+nasal), and is considered a phonetic variation of [i]. [i] also occurs in the environment /__C(+nasal). • [e] only occurs once: on 29 ‘gold’. This item normally has a [i] or [H] nucleus. The occurrence of [e] seems to be merely phonetic, and it is not considered phonemic but [D] is clearly phonemic. • [T] only occurs three times, in the exact same environment as [H], and [T] is considered an allophonic variation of [u]. • [B] occurs on three items. Although the pronunciation is different from [o], it is not significant. It could be transcribed [B_]. It is not considered phonemically distinct from [o]. • [X] occurs on eight lexical items, all in the environments /__# or /__=#. [=] also occurs in the first environment and not just on frequently used classifiers before their head nouns. It also occurs on items that once had a stopped coda, and on a couple of other items as well. For this lect, both [X] and [=] are phonemic. See minimal pairs. • There are no closed syllable words with proto-tone 7 or 8 in our data, and very few with proto- tone 9 and 10. Gedney cells 17, 19, and 20 had one or more words from our data. Even though these cells correspond to proto-tones 9 and 10, we view these tones as the 7th and 8th tone in this lect, since the words with original tones 7 and 8 no longer retain a final stop. 2.13.3. Minimal pairs [s] and [S] 343 ‘first name’ [rn4], 398 ‘straight’ [Sn4] 333 ‘older sister’ [rDh4], 309 ‘wash (hands)’ [SDh4] [¯] and [m] 98 ‘fly (insect)’ [¯tn4], 402 ‘heavy’ [mtB4] 451 ‘busy’ [¯`M4], 137 ‘to steam (rice)’ [m`M2] [w] and [f] 7 ‘cloud’ [vt0], 287 ‘to float’ [et1] 319 ‘person’ [v=m1], 312 ‘firewood’ [e=m1] [a:], [@], and [a] 100 ‘spider’ [sb`:t0], 22 ‘dinner’ [sb@t1], 179 ‘scissors’ [sb`t1] 150 ‘sweet’ [v`:m0], 358 ‘smoke’ [v@m1], 65 ‘seed’ [v`m0] [X] and [=] 46 ‘chopsticks’ [sX4], 130 ‘liver’ [s=4] 348 ‘we (excl.)’ [jX4 jt0], 475 ‘what’ [j=1 l`1]

256 2.13.4. Allophonic rules

2.13.4. Allophonic rules /s/ → [b]/__V[+high,+front] → [s]/elsewhere (with three exceptions) 2.13.5. Transcription of Pingtang Xiliang word list 平塘县西凉90年代与50年代语音糸统比较

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

1 阳光 fchf24

2 闪电 fiDf24oi`22

3 雷（名） oi`22 oi`22

4 月亮 YBM24fchDm13

5 星星 fc`t13fch24

6 天, 天空 fa=m13 faLm02

7 云 vt13 uL=22

8 风 Y@l20 yLl00

9 雨 vDm13 utm02

10 彩虹 s=31st`M20 stM00

11 雾 k`22ln24 ln24

12 早上 j`13w=24 gCs24

13 下午 oinM13Mv`m20

14 晚上 j`13w`m24 FLm00, gCl43

15 天, 日子 Mv`M20 Mnm00

16 年 oh13 oh02

17 早（来早） YtBl24 rCt31

18 晚（来晚） s@t22k`M13 yt9s02

19 早餐 jn13r`t24

20 午饭 M`9h20 M`h00

21 下午的餐 rhM20

22 晚饭 sb@t20 sbCt00

23 水 Y@l31 yCl31

24 井 fan24 fan43

2. Phonology of data points 257

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

25 土 m`9l34 m`l43

26 石头 phm13 yhm02

27 沙 Y[Dh24 yd24

28 尘（路上） m`l44l=m24, l`@M13 sCt43

29 金子 sbdl13 sbhl02

30 银子 M`m20 MCm00

31 铁 e`20 e`00

32 河 s`44 s`43

33 岸 o`M30s`34, jvnM24 gCm00

34 湖 s`l20

35 海 ¯h13 g`h22

36 山 on13 on02

37 路 ptDm13 ynm02

38 村子 fa`9m31 fa`m31

39 房子 Y`9m20 y`m00

40 房顶 ¯ht20Y`9m20

41 门 st13 st02

42 木板（板子） j`h24e`22

43 桌子 sbtnM20 sbnM00

44 凳子 s`M24 sCM24

45 碗 sth31 sth31

46 筷子 sX44 sL43

47 扫把 sbh24¯ht20 oCs24

48 猪圈 Yhl24lt13

49 田（稻田） m`20 m`00

50 地 ph44 yh43

51 大米 w?t31w`9t13 gCt31gCt02

52 米饭 M`9h20rtn20 gCt31

53 糯米 w`t31fch13

258 2.13.5. Transcription of Pingtang Xiliang word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

54 糯米饭 M`9h20m`31

55 秧苗 sb`22 sb`22

56 草（青嫩） ¯h22 ¯h22

57 甘蔗 shM20ftDh31 fth31

58 树 e@h31 eCh31

59 （树）根 Y`24e@h31 yC43 60 竹子（总称）

61 森林 fcnM13e@h31 fcnM02

62 叶子 fa@X13 faCL02

63 刺（名） fv`m13 fnm02

64 花 v`13 u`02

65 籽, 种子 v`m13 uCm02

66 水果 k=20e@h31

67 菜（蔬菜） oiD24 od24

68 动（总称） sh44st20

69 猪 lt13 lt02

70 羊 itM20 it9M00

71 狗 l`13 l`02

72 马 l`31 l`31

73 水牛 v`9h20 u`h00

74 黄牛 bh20 bh00

75 尾巴 ph=M13 yhM02

76 角（牛） j`t13 jCt02

77 老虎 s=20jT24 jt24

78 熊 s= lDh13 ldh02

79 猴子 s= khM20 khM00

80 蝙蝠 s= e`9t20 u`t00

81 兔子 s=20st24

82 老鼠 s= jvDh22 jth22

83 鸟 st Ytn20 yn00

2. Phonology of data points 259

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

84 鸟窝 YnM31Ytn20

85 鸡 j`h24 jCh24

86 鸡冠 v=m13j`h24

87 鸭子 s= oh24 ohs24

88 鹅 w`9m24 g`m24

89 猫头鹰 Ytn20j`t13

90 翅膀 eX=f44 et9s44

91 羽毛 o=m13 oLm02

92 爪子 k=f20e`20

93 蛋 sb@h24 sbCh24

94 鱼 oi`13 oi`02

95 鱼鳍 eX=s24oi`13

96 蛇 MX20 ML00

97 蚊子 mh`M20 mdM00

98 苍蝇 ¯tn24

99 蚂蚁 l=20 lCs22

100 蜘蛛 sb`9t13 sb`t02

101 跳蚤 l=24 lCs24

102 臭虫 ph34 yhs22

103 蚯蚓 s=20fchm13 fch9m02

104 虱子 m`m20 mCm00

105 身体 fc`9M13 fc`M02

106 头 sb@t22 sbCt22

107 头发 oi@l13sb`t22 odl02

108 脸 m`22 m`22

109 眼睛 s`13 s`02

110 鼻子 fc`M13 fcCM02

111 耳朵 fa@X13e=20 yL00

112 嘴巴 k=20o`24 o`24

260 2.13.5. Transcription of Pingtang Xiliang word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

113 牙齿 qh@t22 ydt22

114 舌头 khm31 khm31

115 下巴 w`9M20o`24 g`M00

116 胡子 l=l34 lLl43

117 额头 m`22oi`24 oi`24

118 脖子 wn20

119 肩膀 fa`24 fa`24

120 手 e=M20 eLM00

121 腿 j`13 j`02

122 膝盖 sb@t22wn24 gn24

123 脚 shm13 shm02

124 胸 o`24fn=24 fC24

125 背 o`44k`M13 kCM02

126 甲状腺肿 wn20f`h13

127 心脏 k= st@l24 snl24

128 肺脏 otX24 ots24

129 脑子 ft24sb@t22 ft24

130 肝 s=24 sCo24

131 肚子 snM31 stM31

132 肚脐 k=22on22

133 肠子 S@h22 rCh22

134 血 khf34 kh9s44

135 屎 fDh31 fd31

136 骨头 fctB24 fcn43

137 皮肤 m`M13 mCM02

138 肉 mn44 mn43

139 油（猪） it20 iht00

140 大蒜 k=20wn13 gn02

141 姜 ihM13 ihM02

2. Phonology of data points 261

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

142 盐 sbt13 sbt02

143 咬 w=20 gCo44

144 吃 j=m13 jLm02

145 喝 fct=24 fcns24

146 酒 k`t22 kCt22

147 醉（酒） eh20

148 呕吐 Yt34 yt43

149 煮 YnM13 ytM02

150 甜 v`9m13 u`m02

151 酸 fc=24

152 苦 w`9l20 gCl00

153 咸 fc`M44 fcCM43

154 辣 l`m44 l`m43

155 饿 fi=24

156 黄瓜 sh=M20w`t31 shM02

157 南瓜 k=20jv`22

158 丝瓜 k=20Y`24

159 豆 st24 kL00st43

160 芋头 k=20on22 oiL24

161 芦苇 e@h31Mvn30

162 衣服 o=X44 oL43

163 布 o`9M20 oCM00

164 棉 v`9h24 u`h24

165 裤子 rtM13 rtM02

166 袜子 lX=34 l`s44

167 席子 faHm31 fahm31

168 蚊帐 fa`31ph24 yho24

169 斗笠 sbtD24 sbt9s02

170 刀 lhDf20 lhs22

262 2.13.5. Transcription of Pingtang Xiliang word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

171 把（刀） e`44 eC43

172 锅 jv`13

173 锅盖 v`13jv`13 u`02

174 三脚架 sbh=M20 sbh9M02

175 背带 fc`13 fc`02

176 扇子 e`44oh20 oh00

177 秤 r@l34 rCM43

178 锥子 sbHl13MvDh31

179 剪子 e` sb`t20 sbdt00

180 钱 bDm20 bdm00

181 雨伞 khM22 kh9M22

182 锁 knM22 ktM22

183 钥匙 eh20knM22

184 棍子 e@h31s=M31

185 竹竿 e@h31S`t31 r`t31

186 船 Yt20 yt00

187 斧头 v`}13 u`m02

188 犁 jv@h13 juCh02

189 锄头 jt24 jt24fa`m02

190 扁担 w`9m20 g`m00

191 麻 fc`9h31 fc`h31

192 肥料 o=m34 oLm43

193 石臼 Y@l13st=h24 yLl02

194 杵 stnM20fh13

195 筛子 r`M20 yCM02

196 簸箕 fcnM30uh24 fcnM31

197 织布机 k=22rt=M20'rtM20( rt9M00

198 纸 S`13 r`02

199 墨水 Y@l31ltB20 lC00

2. Phonology of data points 263

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

200 笔 ohm13ltB20

201 唢呐 kh44kDh22

202 网 fa`22qDh13 yd02

203 钩子 j@t31MvDh13

204 鬼 e`9M20 e`M00

205 神 ot30S`22

206 力气 Yh@M20 ydM00

207 影子 ot31ot@30

208 梦 e`31w=m20

209 故事 o@h24o=X20

210 礼物 kDh31 kh31, fa`h24

211 错误 kBM13 knM02

212 闲空 v`9M24 u`M24

213 方向 o`h34k`X20

214 缝 ¯hD20 ¯ho22

215 喜欢 f`M24 f`M43

216 爱 sb@h20 sbCh00

217 剥（果皮） fah34 sLm22, fah43

218 抱（孩子） f=l31 fLl31

219 背（孩子） f`X13 fL02

220 加（饭） sb`13

221 裂开 shD24 fato24

222 编（篮子） S`m13 r`m02

223 补（衣服） vTM13 ut9M02

224 插（秧） fc`l13 fcCl02

225 尝（菜） Sh34

226 穿（衣服） s`m22 s`m22

227 漏（水） Yn34, Y=t34 yn43

228 点（头） MtB20

264 2.13.5. Transcription of Pingtang Xiliang word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

229 挂（在墙上） ¯tDm13

230 滚（在地上） YhM31 yhM31

231 过（河） v`9h22 ju`24

232 划（船） j`9t13 j`t02

233 继续 jt44k`13o@h20

234 借（钱） bh24 rh24

235 砍（树） e`m20 eCm00, yCl22

236 烤（火） o`M24 oht24

237 咳嗽 f@h13 fCh02

238 肿（腿） jX34, en20 en00

239 流（水） k@h13 kCh02

240 起（床） phm24 yhm24

241 牵（牛） bh=M13 bhM02

242 晒 s`24 sC24

243 筛（米） Y`9M13

244 上（楼） w=m22 gLm22

245 下（楼） YnM20 ynM00

246 伸（手） fh34 fh9s02

247 梳（头发） YtDh13 ynh02

248 （头）疼 sbD24 sbds24

249 踢 shD24

250 提（篮子） pht22 yht22

251 吞 fc=m31 fcLm31

252 脱（衣） st=24 st9s24

253 问 w`9l24 gCl24

254 回答 w`9m13 g`m02

255 忘记 k=l20 kLl00

256 下（雨） s@t22vDm13 sCt22

257 休息 fh44m`9h24

2. Phonology of data points 265

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

258 寻找 Y`13 y`02

259 眨（眼） fihD24 cPCs24

260 住 fh44

261 蒸（饭〕 m`M22 mCM22

262 活 kh31 sbCt02

263 死 s`9h13 s`h02

264 病 sb@h22 ohM43

265 呼吸 rn24fih24

266 听 j`31¯h13 ¯h02

267 看 fin31 cPn31

268 说, 讲 j`9M22, m@t20 mCt00, j`M22

269 笑 pht13 yht02

270 骂 jvDh22 jud22

271 哭 s@h22 sCh22

272 吹 on24

273 打呵欠 p`t13s`13mhm20

274 睡觉 mhm20 mhm00

275 站 StBM20

276 坐 Y@M24 yCM43

277 走 oi`9h22 oi`h22

278 爬（小孩） YtDm20 yt9m00

279 爬（树） ohm13 ohm02

280 来 s@t22

281 去 o@h13 oCh02

282 进入 s@t24fc@h13

283 回来 s`t24s@t22 s`t24

284 飞 fahDm13 fahm02

285 骑 jDh44 jdh43

286 游泳 i=t20

266 2.13.5. Transcription of Pingtang Xiliang word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

287 浮 et20 et00

288 玩 jt44r`l20 rCl00

289 唱 bh=M24

290 鼓 ¯Hm20, sbnM13 sbnM02, ¯hm00

291 干活 jt44vnM13 gnM02

292 担 Y=24 y`o24

293 关（门） w=24 gCo24

294 开（门） w`9h13 g`h02

295 开（嘴） w`h13, f`31 f`31

296 推 r@t34 fcdM02

297 拉 Y`34, sb`t24

298 掉 kn34 sn24

299 给 w@L22 gCl22

300 拿 f@t13, s=X20 sL00

301 选择 kDh24 kd43

302 买 r=X31 srL31

303 卖 j`9h13 j`h02

304 偷 Yn20 yC00

305 想要 sb@h20f@t13

306 有 kh31 kh31

307 知道 Yn31 yn31

308 怕 k`9t13 k`t02

309 洗（手） SDh24 rdh24, y`24

310 洗（衣服） SB20 rC00

311 捆 fc`13

312 擦（桌） ft=34 r`s24

313 切（肉） sbD24

314 绳子 r`44 r`43

315 割（草） jv`m20 jnm00

2. Phonology of data points 267

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

316 劈开（木头） o`24 oC43

317 木头 sb@t31e@h31

318 挖 o`24

319 人 v=m20 uLm00

320 布依族 ot31fi@h31 cPCh31

321 汉族 ot31w`24'ot31jtm13(

322 男人 ot31S`9h13 r`h02

323 女人 lDh24faX24'fa=24( faL24

324 巫师 r`24fi`M31 ln02

325 媒人 jt44lDh20

326 朋友 s`t24st20

327 祖宗 o@t24i`44

328 父亲 on44 on43

329 母亲 lDh34 ld43

330 小孩 sb`31m@h24

331 丈夫 'jDh22(, sb`t22 'o@t24(

332 妻子 i`44 i`43

333 兄姐 oh31, rDh24 oh31

334 弟妹 mTM31 mt9M31

335 独子 k=20fch`t13

336 孙子 k`9m13 k`m02

337 公公 o@t24sbDh24 oCt24

338 婆婆 m@h22sbDh24

339 外公 o`t24s`13

340 外婆 i`44s`9h13

341 客人 ot31iD24 id24

342 姓 Sh=M24

343 名字 rn44 rn43

344 我 jt13 jt02

268 2.13.5. Transcription of Pingtang Xiliang word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

345 你 l=M20 lLM00

346 他 sDh13 sd02

347 咱们 on20r@t20 yCt20

348 我们 on20jt13

349 你们 on20St13 rt02

350 他们 on20sD13

351 别人 ot31fctDh13 fLm43

352 柴 e=m20 eLm00

353 火 eh20 eh00

354 火焰 oit13eh20

355 烧 oh`9t13 oiCt02

356 烧（做饭） fc`M24 fcCM31

357 灰尘 s`t34

358 烟 v@m20 uCm00

359 弓 m=X22 jnM24

360 箭 m`44 m`24

361 打猎 s=924on13

362 杀 j`22 j`22

363 打架 snM31sh20

364 一 fih24 fhs24

365 二 ¯h44 ¯h43

366 一（一个人） fch`t13 fcdt02

367 两（两个人） SnM13 rnM02

368 三 S`9l13 r`l02

369 四 Sh24 rh24

370 五 w`22 g`22

371 六 Yn24 yn24

372 七 bhD24 rCs24

373 八 oiD24 ods24

2. Phonology of data points 269

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

374 九 jt22 jt22

375 十 bhD20 bho22

376 二十 ¯h44bhDo20

377 百 o`24 o`24

378 千 ph@M13

379 都 …r@h20

380 一些 sbh24fch@t13

381 多 k`9h13 k`h02

382 少 Sht22 rht22

383 每 m`44

384 大 k`9t31 k`t31

385 小 m@h44

386 长 Y@h20 yCh00

387 短 shm22 shm22

388 高 S`9M13 r`M02

389 矮 s`l24 sCl24

390 圆 fcTm13 'fct=m13( fct9m02

391 扁 o`}22 ohs22

392 厚 m`13 m`02

393 薄 fa`9M13 fa`M02

394 宽 jv`24 ju`M24

395 窄 r@m20 rCm31

396 硬 fctBM31 fcnM31

397 软 ft=m24 ftm43

398 直 Sn44 rn43

399 弯曲 j`t20

400 快 w`nm13

401 慢 mtM22

402 重 mtB24 mC24

270 2.13.5. Transcription of Pingtang Xiliang word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

403 轻 fa`t13 faCt02

404 胖 oh20 oh00

405 瘦 oi@l13 odl02

406 黑 eX=31 enm31

407 红 fch=M13 fchM02

408 白 w`9t13 g`t02

409 黄 iD9m22 idm22

410 绿 kn20 kn00

411 蓝 YnM24

412 干的 Yn20 gL24

413 湿 s@l31, k=X24 sLl00

414 空的 jt=m13

415 满 qh=l13 yhl02

416 干净 Sh@t24

417 脏（衣服） et31k`22

418 新 ln24 ln24

419 年轻 sbh24rn20 rn00

420 聪明 khm22 ju`h02

421 傻 bt@h31

422 旧 j`t24 jCt24

423 老 sbDh24 sbd24

424 聋的 mt24 mt24

425 热 ph@l24 fchs24, yCt22

426 冷 sbtD24, kh=M20 sbdM31

427 好 fch13 fch02

428 坏 v`9h44 u`h43

429 破 ohD24

430 深 kn20 kC00

431 浅 eh@t24

2. Phonology of data points 271

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

432 斜 M`M34 fahs24

433 亮 YnM34 ynM43

434 暗 Y@o24, Y@l24

435 清 S@X13

436 浑 mtBM20 mnM00

437 壮 l`M24

438 弱 bxh22

439 淡 fa`t13 rts24

440 累 m`9h24 m`h24

441 （捆）紧 fchD24 fcCs24

442 松 YnM24 ytM24

443 滑 Y@t20

444 贵 oh@`M20 odM00

445 便宜 b`M22ihm22

446 嫩 ft=m24

447 难 m`}44

448 容易 ohD20sn20

449 臭 w`t13 gCt02

450 香 w@t13s`M13 g`t02s`M02

451 忙 ¯`M24

452 穷 wn22 gn22

453 富 jv`9M13

454 热闹 fch13l@h20 lCh00

455 安静 lhD31sbnM13

456 漂亮（女） fch13sb@h20 fch02sbCh00

457 狡猾 jv`h13

458 勇敢 lh20k`9t13

459 懒 sb=X24 sbL24

460 努力 in9M44phDM20

272 2.13.5. Transcription of Pingtang Xiliang word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

461 远 sb@h13 sbCh02

462 近 sb@X22 sbCL22

463 里（面） fc`X13 fcCL02

464 外（面） Yn34 yn43

465 右（边） jv`20 ju`00

466 左（边） Sth31 rth31

467 上面 o`44j=m20 jLm00

468 下面 o`44k`22 k`22

469 这里 sbh20, mh31 mh31

470 那里 sbh20sDh13

471 这个 mh31

472 那个 l@t44sD13

473 哪里 sbh20k@X20 kCL00

474 谁 ot20k@X20

475 什么 j=20l`20

476 怎么 jX44, ¯@s13k`X20

477 什么时候 r=20k@X20

478 为什么 vDh13i`M20l`20 l`00

479 在 fh34 fht43

480 刚（来） …r`31…

481 马上（走） li`M20

482 赶快（去） w@m13m@h44

483 就 …bh20…

484 先 …jvDm13 jnm24

485 常常（来） …r=20r=20…

486 最(快） rtDh13…

487 更（快） w@m13sn13

488 一起 jt44o@h20

489 只（买五斤） j`44

2. Phonology of data points 273

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

490 又（来） s`44

491 再（说一遍） 'r@h13…(…sh@l13

492 也 snM31

493 或者 …l`22…

494 好象 jt44k=l22 kLl22

495 从 stDh24

496 和 m?l13, m`44

497 因为 vDh44k`M13

498 如果 fi`24m@t20

499 到 s`M20 sCM00

500 是 s=20 sn00

501 不 lh20 lh00

502 没关系 lh20kh31l`20

503 已经 v`9h22jv`24 2.14. Pingtang Zhangbu 2.14.1. Phone and phoneme inventory Initial consonants BiLab LaDe InDe Alv PoAl AlPal Pal Vel Glo Plos vl o, oi s j, ji, f, jv fi PreGlo fa fc Aff vl sr sb, [sbg] Fric vl S [r] b [w] vd u p, [pv] [y[] Y F [G] Nas vd l m ¯ M, Mv Lat vd k App vd v i Final consonants

o, s, j, f, l, m, M

274 2.14.2. Notes

Vowels Front Central Back unrd unrd rd Close h X t Near-close [H] [T] Close-mid n Mid [=] Open-mid D B Near-open @ Open `, `: Tones Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7, 9 8 10 Pitch value 24 31 33 41 35 343 35 31 343 2.14.2. Notes • [ts] does not occur as often as [sb], but these two sounds distinct phonemically. They occur before a wide variety of vowels. See minimal pairs. [sbg] only occurs once and there is no other aspiration in this word list, so it is regarded as phonetic only. • [v] occurs a number of times and can only be regarded as phonemic. • [S] and [p] occur numerous times and [s] occurs twice. [b] occurs on four lexical items (occurring only before [i] and oddly, only on items toward the end of the list). [y[] occurs once and [Y] occurs three times: twice before [u] + V. [s] and [y[] are phonetic variations of [S] and [p], respectively, and are not regarded as phonemic. [p] occurs a few times before [u] + V. The point of articulation is rather far apart between [p] and [Y], and [Y] does occur once before [@] in 11 ‘mist, fog’ [Y@l3 ltn4]. Although [b] only occurs a few times toward the end of the list, it is quite distinct from [S]. The phonemic status of these sounds is no doubt in flux, but they are considered phonemic for this analysis. • [x] only occurs once, in a loan word. [F] occurs a number of times and is clearly phonemic. • [¯] mainly occurs before high front vowels, though it does occur before [X] and [@]. [n] also occurs a few times before high front vowels and [¯] is considered phonemic. See minimal pairs. • [w] occurs several times, though not as much as [v]. The two sounds are distinct and there was not much blending of the two phones. Both sounds are regarded as phonemic. See minimal pairs.

2. Phonology of data points 275

• [G] only occurred on eight items and seems to be in low frequency free variation with [F]. The phones transcribed as [F] and [G] act as the same phoneme, with varying degrees of fricativeness. Notice 408 ‘white’ [F`:t0] and 51 ‘paddy rice’ [G`:t3 G`:t0] ([G`:t0] here mean ‘white’). • [pj] occurs on six lexical items and [pi] + V occurs a number of times as well. All the occurrences of [pj] were on items with proto-initial *phl/pl, except for number 117 ‘forehead’. Three of the [pi] + V occurrences were on items with this proto-initial. It is difficult to determine whether palatalization is phonemic here or not, since it is sometimes in variation with [pi]. For this analysis, it is taken to be phonemic. • [kj] is phonemic here, even though it is in complete complementary distribution with [ki]. /ki/ → [kj]/__V → [ki]/elsewhere

However, [kj] occurs a number of times, and on many items that in other lects have a [sb] initial. It seems to be palatalized in a tightly bound way. For these reasons, [kj] should be considered phonemic for this lect. • [kw] occurs on 11 items, in complementary distribution with [ku].

/ku/ → [kw]/__(=)# → [ku]/elsewhere However, the labialization is quite distinct on these sounds, and [kw] seems to form an initial unit. For this reason it will be considered phonemic.

• [pv] occurs on four items and [pt] + V occurs on four items. The labialization is not strong, and it is considered to be a variation of [pt]. • There is only one occurrence of [Mv] and one occurrence of [Mt] + V. The labialized phone occurs on 15 ‘day’, which has the proto-form *Mv=m1, the only occurrence of this proto-initial in the list. For this analysis, [Mv] is included as phonemic. • [fi] occurs on eight lexical items and [fh] + V occurs two times. Though [fi] could be considered to be a variation of [fh], the palatalized occurrences are rather distinct. For this reason, [fi] is considered phonemic. • [a:], [a], and [@] are all contrastive. See minimal pair sets. • [H] is a phonetic variation of [i], that occurs in the environment /__(=)(#)C, while [i] also occurs in this environment several times. • [T] is a phonetic variation of [u], occurring in the environment /__C, and [u] also occurs in this environment. • [B] occurs on six lexical items, all in the environment /__C. [o] occurs numerous times and also in this environment. However, the vowel quality of [B] is quite distinct from [n], being a good bit more open. Therefore, it is considered phonemic along with [o]. • [X] occurs a number of times, all in the environments /__#, or /__(=)C. [=] only occurs in the first environment on classifiers occurring before their head nouns. On

276 2.14.3. Minimal pairs

these commonly used lexical items, it is natural that the vowel would become centralized. Other than on those items, the two phones are in complementary distribution. [=] is considered an allophone of /X/. See rule. • There are three cells in the Gedney box that correspond to tone 7: cells 13–15. Cell 13 has an average value [34] on the Chao scale, whereas cells 14 and 15 have [45]. The average pitch for tone 9 is [35] and is merged with tone 7 in this lect. 2.14.3. Minimal pairs [ts] and [sb] 288 ‘to play’ [jn5 sr@l1], 173 ‘pot lid’ [u`0 sb@l2] 242 ‘first name’ [srn5 SX0], 43 ‘table’ [sbn2] [n] and [¯] 359 ‘bow’ [p@M3 mX2], 56 ‘grass’ [¯X2] 97 ‘mosquito’ [mh`M1], 361 ‘to hunt’ [¯h=M1 st1 ih5] [w] and [v] 9 ‘rain’ [v=m0], 319 ‘person’ [u=m1] 31 ‘iron’ [v`1], 457 ‘crafty’ [sht2 u`1] [a:], [a], and [@] 105 ‘body’ [fc`:M0], 110 ‘nose’ [fc`M0], 153 ‘salty’ [fc@M4] 204 ‘ghost’ [st u`:M1], 212 ‘spare time’ [u`M4], 208 ‘dream’ [u@M1 F=m1] 2.14.4. Allophonic rules /X/ → [=]/__# (on certain classifiers) → [X]/__elsewhere 2.14.5. Transcription of Pingtang Zhangbu word list 平塘掌布90年代与50年代语音糸统比较

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

1 阳光 fchs24 12 早上 sb`M22 F@s24

2 闪电 fi@o24 oi`22 13 下午 sb`M22 Mv@m20

3 雷（名） oi`22 p@h20 14 晚上 sb`M22 F`l31

4 月亮 pvnM31 fcX=m13 15 天, 日子 Mv@m20

5 星星 fc@h13 fch20 16 年 oh13

6 天, 天空 fc=m fa=m13 17 早（来早） pv@l31

7 云 vt22 18 晚（来晚） kt@s24

8 风 pTl20 19 早餐 G`t31 Yt@l31

9 雨 v=m13 20 午饭 M`9h20

10 彩虹 s=20 snM20 21 下午的餐 phM20

11 雾 Y@l31 ltn24 22 晚饭 ji@t20

2. Phonology of data points 277

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

23 水 p@l31 52 米饭 G`9t31 srtBj20

24 井 fan24 53 糯米 k=j20 m`31

25 土 m`9l42 54 糯米饭 m`31 sbtBj20

26 石头 phm13 55 秧苗 k=j ji`22

27 沙 pD24 56 草（青嫩） ¯X22

28 尘土（路上） m`9l42 l@m24, lt@M13 57 甘蔗 j`m13 fn@h31

29 金子 jiHl13 58 树 jn22 u@h31

30 银子 M@m20 59 （树）根 y[`32 u@h31

31 铁 v`20 60 竹子（总称） u@h31 FX20

32 河 s`42 61 森林 fcnM13 u@h31

33 岸 jv`M22, o@M20 62 叶子 fa@X13

34 湖 s@l20 63 刺（名） ft@m13

35 海 w@h31 64 花 fc`9h24

36 山 on13 65 籽, 种子 u@m13

37 路 p@m13 66 水果 k=j20 u@h31

38 村子 fa`m31 67 菜（蔬菜） oi@j24

39 房子 p`9m20 68 动物（总称） s=32 st20, s=31 ih31

40 房顶 ¯ht20 p`9m20 69 猪 st20 lt13

41 门 st13 70 羊 it@M20

42 木板（板子） j`9h24 u@h31 71 狗 l`13

43 桌子 sbn22 72 马 l`31

44 凳子 s@M24 73 水牛 u`9h20

45 碗 sr`13 74 黄牛 srX20

46 筷子 sX42 75 尾巴 pXM13

47 扫把 sbhs24 o@s24 76 角（牛） j`t13

48 猪圈 k=M31 lt13 77 老虎 jtj24

49 田（稻田） m`20 78 熊 l@_h13

50 地 ph42 79 猴子 kHM20

51 大米 G`9t31 S`m13, G`9t31 80 蝙蝠 st ut24 u`9t20 G`9t13 81 兔子 l`t22 pX22

278 2.14.5. Transcription of Pingtang Zhangbu word list

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

82 老鼠 s= m@31 112 嘴巴 o`24

83 鸟 pvBj20 113 牙齿 j`9h13 i@t22

84 鸟窝 pvnM20 pvBj20 114 舌头 v`M13 khm31

85 鸡 j@h24 115 下巴 s=31 F`9M20

86 鸡冠 uX=m13 j@h24 116 胡子 l=l42

87 鸭子 st oHs24 117 额头 m`22 oi`24

88 鹅 F`9m24 118 脖子 Fn20

89 猫头鹰 pBj20 sb@t22 lhDt22 119 肩膀 j@t13 fa`24

90 翅膀 uX=s24 120 手 v`13 u=M20

91 羽毛 o=m13 121 腿 j`13

92 爪子 kHo20 122 膝盖 ji`t43 Gn24

93 蛋 ji@h24 123 脚 shm13

94 鱼 oi`13 124 胸 o`22 f@j24

95 鱼鳍 uX=s24 oi`13 125 背 o`22 k`M13

96 蛇 MX20 126 甲状腺肿 Gn20 f`h13

97 蚊子 st mh`M20 127 心脏 fc@m st@l24

98 苍蝇 mh`M20 G`t31 128 肺脏 o=s24

99 蚂蚁 st l@s20 129 脑子 fTj24

100 蜘蛛 ji`t13 130 肝 s@o24

101 跳蚤 l@_s24 131 肚子 stM31

102 臭虫 st20 pho24 132 肚脐 s=32 fcX=13

103 蚯蚓 st fcX=m13 133 肠子 S@h22

104 虱子 st m`_m20 134 血 k=s34

105 身体 fc= fc`9M13 135 屎 fD31

106 头 ji@t22 136 骨头 fctB24

107 头发 oiDl13 ji@t22 137 皮肤 m@M13

108 脸 m`22 138 肉 mn42

109 眼睛 s= s`13 139 油（猪） it20

110 鼻子 s= fc`M13 140 大蒜 k=20 Gn24

111 耳朵 v@M13 pX20 141 姜 ih=M13

2. Phonology of data points 279

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

142 盐 jit13 172 锅 jv`24

143 咬 F@o20 173 锅盖 u`13 sb@l22

144 吃 j=m13 174 三脚架 fc@m ji@M20

145 喝 S=s20 175 背带 fc`13

146 酒 k@t22 176 扇子 u` oh20

147 醉（酒） fiHl24 k@t22 177 秤 fc@m fcht24

148 呕吐 YtBf42 178 锥子 SDm22 jiHl24

149 煮 pnM13, s=l24 179 剪子 u`31 sbDt20

150 甜 sX=M20 180 钱 lh31 sbDm20

151 酸 fc@s24 181 雨伞 kX=9M22

152 苦 F@l20 182 锁 ktM22

153 咸 fc@M34 183 钥匙 jh22 ktM22

154 辣 l`m42 184 棍子 SDm22 u@h31

155 饿 fh=f24 185 竹竿 SDm22 S`t31

156 黄瓜 k=j20 sh=M13 186 船 fc@m pt20

157 南瓜 k=j20 u`f20 187 斧头 u`42 u`m13

158 丝瓜 sh=M13 F`24 jv`13 188 犁 u`42 ji@h13

159 豆 l`f24 189 锄头 u`42 jt=24

160 芋头 ohD13 lnM20 190 扁担 shDt20 F`m20

161 芦苇 u@h31 k`9t20 191 麻 fc`h31

162 衣服 ot42 192 肥料 o=m42

163 布 o`M20 193 石臼 p@l13 sbgh20

164 棉 u`9h24 194 杵 fh=13 sbh20

165 裤子 j`h31 srtBM13 195 筛子 fc@m p`M13

166 袜子 jt20 l@s22 196 簸箕 fc@m fcBM31

167 席子 faHm31 197 织布机 sbnM20 pn24

168 蚊帐 fc@m phDo24 198 纸 sbh22

169 斗笠 sbt@o24 199 墨水 p@l31 l@j20

170 刀 lHs20 200 笔 ohm24 l@j20

171 把（刀） u`42 201 唢呐 s`13 sh22

280 2.14.5. Transcription of Pingtang Zhangbu word list

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

202 网 fc@m pD24 232 划（船） j`t13

203 钩子 jv`M22 jn24 233 继续 sr`M13 ph`M20 jn20

204 鬼 st u`9M20 234 借（钱） sbh24, fHl24

205 神 ot20 Shdm13 235 砍（树） p@l22

206 力气 ph`M20 236 烤（火） oht24 uh20

207 影子 o@l31 o`}31 237 咳嗽 f@h13

208 梦 u@M20 F=m20 238 肿（腿） Mt`j20 rt24

209 故事 239 流（水） k@h13

210 礼物 kDh20 i`M20 240 起（床） p=m13

211 错误 knM13 241 牵（牛） sbHM13

212 闲空 u`M24 242 晒 s`24

213 方向 o`h42 243 筛（米） p@M13

214 缝 ¯H=o13 244 上（楼） F=m22

215 喜欢 M`h42 245 下（楼） kBM20

216 爱 ji`h20 246 伸（手） ihm31, fHs24

217 剥（果皮） fah24 247 梳（头发） pt@h13

218 抱（孩子） fnl31 248 （头）疼 jiDs24

219 背（孩子） fX22 249 踢 sh@s24

220 加（饭） shdl24 250 提（篮子） pht22

221 裂开 sh=f24 251 吞 fc=m31

222 编（篮子） S`m13 252 脱（衣） st@s24

223 补（衣服） vTM13 253 问 F`l24

224 插（秧） fc@l13 254 回答 f`m13

225 尝（菜） sbHl24 255 忘记 kTl20

226 穿（衣服） sDm22 256 下（雨） s@t22

227 漏（水） pn42 257 休息 ih13 m`9h24

228 点（头） M@j20 258 寻找 p`13

229 挂（在墙上） v@h22 259 眨（眼） fi@o24

230 滚（在地上） kHM31 260 住 fit24

231 过（河） F@l22 261 蒸（饭〕 m@M22

2. Phonology of data points 281

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

262 活 fch13 291 干活 jn42 v@M13

263 死 s`h13 292 担 p`9o24

264 病 o@m20 jiDs24 293 关（门） F@o24

265 呼吸 srtM22 StDh13 294 开（门） Ft@h13

266 听 j@t22 ¯h13 295 开（嘴） Ft@h13, f`31

267 看 sr`t13 296 推 ¯h@*m31

268 说, 讲 j`9M22, m@t20 297 拉 k`42

269 笑 pht13 298 掉 sBj24

270 骂 m=s24, Sh42 299 给 G@L22

271 哭 s@h22 300 拿 f@t13

272 吹 on24 301 选择 Shdm42, kd42

273 打呵欠 p`9t13 s`13 m=m20 302 买 srX31

274 睡觉 o@h13 m=m20 303 卖 j`9h13

275 站 SBM20 304 偷 p`j20

276 坐 p@M42 305 想要 k=f22 f@t13

277 走 oi`h22 306 有 kh31

278 爬（小孩） ohDm20 307 知道 pn31

279 爬（树） ohm13 308 怕 k`9t13

280 来 l`13 309 洗（手） StDh24

281 去 o@h13 310 洗（服） S`j20

282 进入 o@h13 fc@X13 311 捆 jt=m24, sbt`j20, sbtDs24 283 回来 s`t24 l`13 312 擦（桌） ft=s24 284 飞 faHm13 313 切（肉） ji@o20 285 骑 jv=h42 314 绳子 sh@t31 sr`42 286 游泳 ph=t20 p@l31 315 割（草） j@s24 287 浮 Ft20 316 劈开（木头） o`42 288 玩 jn42 sr@l20 317 木头 fc@j24 u@h31 289 唱 m@t20 318 挖 fa=s24 290 鼓 fc@m mhDm20, fc@m sbt@M13 319 人 u=m20

282 2.14.5. Transcription of Pingtang Zhangbu word list

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

320 布依族 o=31 fith31 350 他们 sbnM24 sD13

321 汉族 o=31 F`24 351 别人 sbnM24 ktB31

322 男人 o=31 S`9h13 352 柴 u=m20

323 女人 sr=j20 fa=j24 353 火 uh20

324 巫师 sr`M31 i`20 354 火焰 oht13 uh20

325 媒人 o=31 SX24 355 烧 kX22

326 朋友 S`t31 st20 356 烧（做饭） fc@M24

327 祖宗 o@t23 jnj24 357 灰尘 s@t42

328 父亲 iD20 358 烟 u@m20 fcnM13

329 母亲 lD42, l`22 359 弓 p@M31 mX22

330 小孩 k=j20 S@h24 360 箭 mX24

331 丈夫 k`9t20 361 打猎 ¯h=M20 st20 ih42

332 妻子 i`42 362 杀 j`22

333 兄姐 oh31, SD31 s@13 363 打架 snM31 sh20

334 弟妹 mtBM31 364 一 fhs24

335 独子 k=j20 stBf42 365 二 ¯h42

336 孙子 k=j20 k`9m13 366 一（一个人） fch@t13

337 公公 k@t31 o@t24 367 两（两个人） St@M13

338 婆婆 lD42 m@h22 368 三 S`l13

339 外公 o=s33 s`13 369 四 Sh24

340 外婆 lD42 s`9h13 370 五 F`22

341 客人 o=20 ih=f24 371 六 pBj24

342 姓 ShM24 372 七 sr=s24

343 名字 srn42 SX13 373 八 ohDs24

344 我 jt13 374 九 jt22

345 你 l=M20 375 十 sbHo20

346 他 sD13 376 二十 ¯h42 sbHo20

347 咱们 sbnM24 p@t20 377 百 o`24

348 我们 j=42 p@t20 378 千 ph@M13

349 你们 j=42 St13 379 都 st22, fi@M24

2. Phonology of data points 283

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

380 一些 j=42 fchDt13 410 绿 kt20

381 多 k`9h13 411 蓝 k`m20

382 少 Sht22 412 干的 FX24

383 每 s`M24 413 湿 snl20

384 大 FnM13, fctnl24 414 空的 oht24

385 小 m@h42 415 满 ph=l13

386 长 p@h20 416 干净 ShDt24

387 短 shm22 417 脏（衣服） S`9M22

388 高 S`9M13 418 新 ln24

389 矮 s`l24 419 年轻 sbnM24 srn20

390 圆 kD m20 420 聪明 sr=m42

391 扁 ohDm24 421 傻 o`31

392 厚 m`13 422 旧 pt@h31, j@t24

393 薄 fa`9M13 423 老 k`t31

394 宽 jv`9M24 424 聋的 mtj24

395 窄 ih@o22 425 热 ph@l22

396 硬 fct@M31 426 冷 ji@M31

397 软 ft=m24 427 好 fch13

398 直 sb@t42 428 坏 u`9h31

399 弯曲 jTM24 j@t20 429 破 fano24

400 快 F@m13 430 深 k`j20

401 慢 mtM22 431 浅 fanj24

402 重 m@j24 432 斜 ¯@M31, fahs24

403 轻 fa@t13 433 亮 pt@l31

404 胖 oh20 434 暗 s@l20 k@o24

405 瘦 ohnl13 435 清 S@X13

406 黑 lh22 436 浑 mtBM20

407 红 fch=M13 437 壮 l@M31

408 白 F`9t13 438 弱 ptn20

409 黄 iDm22 439 淡 sr=s24

284 2.14.5. Transcription of Pingtang Zhangbu word list

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

440 累 m`9h24 470 那里 sbh31 sD13

441 （捆）紧 fc=s24 471 这个 j=44 mh31

442 松 rtM22 472 那个 j=44 sD13

443 滑 k`9t20 473 哪里 fit24 k@X20

444 贵 jv@h13 474 谁 bh22 fc@X13

445 便宜 Sh`M22 ihm22 475 什么 i@M20 l`20

446 嫩 ft=m24 476 怎么 bh22 i@M20 l`20

447 难 m`m42 477 什么时候 bh22 p`24 k`X20

448 容易 478 为什么 vDh13 i@M20 l`20

449 臭 F@t13 fi`24 479 在 fit24

450 香 F@t13 fc`M13 480 刚（来） …j`9M13…

451 忙 u@M22, F@m13 481 马上（走）

452 穷 Fn22 482 赶快（去） F@m13 m@h42

453 富 o=20 fch13 483 就 …srd20…

454 热闹 484 先 …jv@m24

455 安静 M`l31 fit24 485 常常（来） fa`M31 F`24 l`13, o`h13 o@h13 l`13 456 漂亮（女） fa`t24 486 最(快） F@m13 s=20 p`9h31 457 狡猾 sht22 u`20 487 更（快） F@m13 sb`20 bh20 458 勇敢 lh20 k`9t13 488 一起 jn43 fch@t13 459 懒 sbHj24 489 只（买五斤） j`13 460 努力 jiH31 m@h31 490 又（来） s=j24… 461 远 ji@h13 491 再（说一遍） s=j24… 462 近 ji@X22 492 也 …F=20… 463 里（面） fc`X13 493 或者 …Gn31 bh20… 464 外（面） ktBf42 494 好象 ¯@M42 k@X20 465 右（边） jv`20 495 从 s@h24 466 左（边） Sth31 496 和 k@M13 467 上面 ji@M24 j=m20 497 因为 468 下面 ji@M24 k`}22 498 如果 ji`22 bh24 469 这里 sbh31 mh31

2. Phonology of data points 285

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

499 到 s`M20 502 没关系 lh20 kh31 l`20

500 是 bh13 503 已经 fi`M24, fi@j24 jv`24

501 不 lh20 2.15. Qinglong Zitang 2.15.1. Phone and phoneme inventory Initial consonants BiLab LaDe Alv AlPal Pal Vel Glo Plos vl o, [oi] s, [sg] j, jv f, [fi], [fv] PreGlo fa fc Aff vl sr, [srg] sb, [sbg] Fric vl r [b] w [g] vd u [I] Nas vd l m ¯ M, Mv Lat vd k App vd v i, x Final consonants

o, s, j, l, m, M Vowels Front Central Back unrd unrd rd Close h X t Near-close [H] [T] Close-mid [d] n Mid = Open-mid D B Near-open [?] @ Open `, `: Tones Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch value 33 31 45 41 24 23 45 23

286 2.15.2. Notes

2.15.2. Notes • Aspiration occurs once on [t], once on [ts], and three times on [tb]. For [ts] and [tb], it only occurs on tone 2. It occurs on tone 3 for [t]. However, unaspirated [sb] also occurs on tone 2 a few times. Aspiration is light and occurs infrequently, so is considered nonphonemic. • [t], [ts], and [sb] are all phonemic. See minimal pair set. • There are a few minimal pairs for [v] and [w]. In other data points, these two sounds are often allophones, with no apparent conditioning factors. Sometimes, the sound is something like a mixture, [wv]. For this lect, however, they are both phonemic. • [b] only occurs twice and [s] occurs numerous times. Both occurrences of [b] are before a front vowel, whereas [s] only occurs once before a front vowel. [b] is considered an allophone of [s]. See rule below. • [h] only occurs three times and is considered an allophone of [x], simply being fricative to a lesser degree. • [¯] and [n] are both phonemic. [¯] occurs several times, mostly before high front vowels, but before other vowels as well. [n] also occurs before [i] on one lexical item See minimal pair. • [j] occurs numerous times. [I] only occurs four times and is considered a free variation allophone of [j]. • [y] occurs only once, 102 ‘bedbug’ [x=s7], but is considered phonemic. It is dissimilar from [ju-], and it also occurs in some other Bouyei lects, though never frequently. • [pj] only occurs twice and is not considered phonemic. [pi] + V(vowel) combinations also occur twice. If the degree of palatalization were stronger, [pj] might be considered a separate phoneme, but the distinction between [pj] + V and [pi] + V is very slight. • [fi] occurs on nine items: four of them before mid vowels. However, no [fh] + V combi- nations are found. Although [fi] could be considered to be /fh/ underlyingly, since the palatalization is fairly strong and bound, we consider it to have phonemic status. • [kw] occurs a number of times and the degree of labialization is significant. [ku] + V combinations occur on two lexical items. [kw] could be considered to be [ku] underlyingly, but due to the strong degree of labialization, it is considered a separate phoneme. • [Mv] occurs twice and [M] occurs on 10 lexical items, but never before [u] + V. Since the labialization is strong, and since the item 15 ‘day’ [Mv`:h1] has the proto-form *Mv=m1, [Mv] is considered phonemic. • [fv] only occurs twice and [ft] + V occurs on three items. For the two labialized items, one has a labialized proto-form; the other does not. The degree of labialization is not very strong on either item with [fv], so it is considered to have a UR of [ft], and is not considered phonemic. • There are only two instances of [?]. They occur in items 37 ‘road’ [i?m0] and 38 ‘village’ [fa?m3]. We treat these as anomalies. [a:] occurs on 16 items and is phonemic. See minimal pair sets between [a], [a:], and [@].

2. Phonology of data points 287

• [H] occurs on nine items, all in the environment /__C#. [i] also occurs in this environment six times. [H] is definitely an allophone of [i], but [i] does not always change to [H] in the above environment. See rule. • There is only one occurrence of [e] and it is viewed as an anomalous variation of [D]. • [B] occurs on five items, while [o] occurs numerous times. However, there are three sets of minimal pairs and the vowel quality distinction between the two vowels is significant. [B] and [o] are seen to be separate phonemes. See minimal pairs set. • The situation between [T] and [u] is much the same as with [H] and [i]. [T] occurs four times, all in the environment /__C(stop)#. [u] also occurs in that environment, but only three times. See rule below. • [X] only occurs on four lexical items, while [=] occurs numerous times, but the two sounds are quite distinct. There are no perfect minimal pairs, but [X] mostly occurs in the environment /__# and [=] occurs several times in that environment as well. See minimal pair. 2.15.3. Minimal pairs [t], [ts], and [sb] 283 ‘to return’ [s`t4], 172 ‘cooking pot’ [sr`t4], 308 ‘to fear’ [sb`t0] [v] and [w] 9 ‘rain’ [uDm0], 319 ‘person’ [vDm1] [¯] and [n] 25 ‘earth (soil)’ [m`:l5], 451 ‘busy’ [¯`:l1] [a], [a:], and [@] 100 ‘spider’ [j`t0], 76 ‘horn’ [j`:t0], 344 ‘I’ [j@t0] 233 ‘to continue’ [s=4 o`t4], 355 ‘burn’ [o`:t0], 414 ‘empty’ [o@t4] [B] and [o] 48 ‘pig pen’ [jvBM4 l@t0], 118 ‘neck’ [jvnM4 vn1] 83 ‘bird’ [iBj7], 371 ‘six’ [inj6] 228 ‘nod one’s head’ [MBj7], 184 ‘rod, stick’ [mnj7 s=M3] [X] and [=] 477 ‘when?’ [srX1 k`1], 232 ‘to paddle’ [s=1] 2.15.4. Allophonic rules /s/ → [b]/__V[+front] (with one exception) → [s]/elsewhere

/i/ → [H]/__C# (with some exceptions) → [i]/elsewhere

/u/ → [T]/__C(+stop)# → [u]/elsewhere

288 2.15.5. Transcription of Qinglong Zitang word list

2.15.5. Transcription of Qinglong Zitang word list 晴隆县紫塘镇90年代与50年代语音糸统比较

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

1 阳光 fc=s24 fc`s24

2 闪电 kHl13oC33 khl24o`33

3 雷（名） o`33i`h30 o`24 o`44

4 月亮 fc`t13fct`h22 fc`m22st`h22

5 星星 fc`t22fc@h13 fc@t22fcDh13

6 天, 天空 fc=22fa=m22 fa=m02 fa=m22

7 云 ut24 ut24 ut44

8 风 i=l20 ihl20 ihl00

9 雨 uDm22 u=m22 u=m22

10 彩虹 st20vDh22 st20uDh22 udh44

11 雾 k@o23ln=24 k`o24ln24 ln44

12 早上 j`9M22w`s24 j`M22w`s24 gCs44

13 下午 srX20w@M30 Mv`m20

14 晚上 j`M22F`l13 j`M22w`l13 g=m00, gCl02

15 天, 日子 Mv`9m20 Mv`m20 MtCm00

16 年 o@h22 oDh22 odh22

17 早（来早） sr`t31 sr`t31 itCl02

18 晚（来晚） kt`s24 kt`24 ktCs44

19 早餐 w`t31itnl13 w`t31xt`l13

20 午饭 g=t22M`9h20 M`h20 M`h00

21 下午的餐 j=m22w=m20 w`t31w=M g=M00

22 晚饭 j=m22sr`t20 srË`t20 srCt00

23 水 i`l31 i`31 iCl31

24 井 fan13 fan24 fan13

25 土 m`9l13 m`l13 m`l02

26 石头 fc`j33ihm22 fc`j24 ihm22

27 沙 m`l13rtDh20 ihm22iD22

2. Phonology of data points 289

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

28 尘土（路上） l@m13m`l13 l=m13m`l13, lnj24l`m13 sCt02

29 金子 sbpl22 sbËhl22

30 银子 M`m30 M`m20 MCm00

31 铁 v`30 u`20 u`00

32 河 s`13 s`13 s`02

33 岸 oC44s`13 o`34s`13 gCm00

34 湖 s=M13 s=M13

35 海 w@h30 w`h31 g`h44

36 山 on22 on22 on22

37 路 fc`M22i?m22 s`M22iDm22 iCm22

38 村子 fc`22fa?m31 fa`m31 fa`m31

39 房子 fc`22i@m20 i?m20 i`m00

40 房顶 ¯@t24iDm20 ¯t22i?m20

41 门 oC44s@t22 s@t22 s=t22

42 木板（板子） sbDo24s`o13 sb`o24s`o13 faCm22

43 桌子 fc`2sbt`M30 fc`22srvBM20 srtCM00

44 凳子 fc`22s`M24 s`M13 sCM13

45 碗 fc`22stDh31 sth31 sth31

46 筷子 jC33s=13 j`22sL13 s=02

47 扫把 iHs13o`s24 ihs13o`s24 oCs44

48 猪圈 jvBM13l@t22 jv`M13l@t22

49 田（稻田） fc` m`20 m`20 m`00

50 地 fcC wDh13 wDh13 gdh02

51 大米 w`t31r`m22, w`t30w`t22 w`t31r`m22 gCt31g`t22

52 米饭 w`t31srTj13 w`t31w`t22 gCt31

53 糯米 w`t31sr=s24 w`t31sr=s24

54 糯米饭 w`t31fiD13 w`t31fiD24

55 秧苗 j`24 j`34 j`44

56 草（青嫩） ¯X22ftDm13 ¯`22i`t22 ¯h44

290 2.15.5. Transcription of Qinglong Zitang word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

57 甘蔗 fv`h31 fv`h31

58 树 jn22v@h31 v`h31 uCh31

59 （树）根 i`f24v@h31 i`31v`h31 i`31

60 竹子（总称） v@h31kt`h22, v@h10, i@s13 v`h31kt`h22（棉竹） iCs02（金竹）

61 森林 fcC fcnM22 fc`22fcnM22, sL31v`h31 fctCM22

62 叶子 fa`22inM22 fa`22inM22 faC22

63 刺（名） ft`m22 ft`m22 ftCm22

64 花 fc`h13 fctn24fc`h13 fc`h13

65 籽, 种子 v`m22'w`t31( v`m22 uCm22

66 水果 k=j31l`24 k=j13l`24 l`44

67 菜（蔬菜） o`j34 o`j44 oCj44

68 动物（总称） st20iD31 st20iD31

69 猪 st11l@t22 st20l@t22 l=t22

70 羊 st20fahD31 st20fahD31

71 狗 st20l`22 st20l`22 l`22

72 马 st22l`31 st20l`31 l`31

73 水牛 st22v`9h20 st20vDh20 u`h00

74 黄牛 st22sbh20 st20sbh20 sbh00

75 尾巴 o`9h33i=M22 o`h23ihM22 ihM22

76 角（牛） j`9t22 j`9t22 jCt22

77 老虎 st jTj24 jtj24 jtj44

78 熊 st lDh22 st200lDh22

79 猴子 st k=M20 st20k=M20 k=M00

80 蝙蝠 st22u`9t20 st20u@t20 uCt00

81 兔子 st22kn13 st20ktn13

82 老鼠 st20m`h13 st20m`h13 mCh13

83 鸟 st22iBj13 st20inj13 itCj02

84 鸟窝 ltnM20iBj13 lnM20inj13

85 鸡 st20j`h24 st20j`h13 jCh13

2. Phonology of data points 291

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

86 鸡冠 vDm22j`h24 u=m22 it44, u=m22

87 鸭子 st20ods24 o=s24 o=s44

88 鹅 st20w`m13 w`m24 g`m13

89 猫头鹰 iBj24j@t22lh`t24 inj13j@t22lh`t24 itCj02jCt44 lhCt13

90 翅膀 v=s13 u=s13 u=s02

91 羽毛 o=m22 o=m22 o=m22

92 爪子 iHo13k@h20 iHo24kdh31

93 蛋 fc`m22j`h24 fc`m22j`h13 jCh13

94 鱼 st20oC22 o`22 o`22

95 鱼鳍 v=s13j@h20 jdh20

96 蛇 st20MX20 ML20 M=00

97 蚊子 st20¯h`M20'j`22r`M22( mh`M20 ¯CM00

98 苍蝇 st20¯h`M20rC13 mh`M20r`13

99 蚂蚁 st l`s13 lCs13 lCs02

100 蜘蛛 inM20jnM24j`t22 itM20jtM13j`t22 j`t22

101 跳蚤 st20l`s24 l`s24 lCs44

102 臭虫 st20x=s13 xHs23 its02

103 蚯蚓 st20 fct=m22 fct=m22 fctm22

104 虱子 st20 m`m20 m`m20 mCm00

105 身体 fc`22 fc`M22 fc`M22 fc`M22

106 头 l`t22j`t24 j`t24 jCt44

107 头发 o=m22j`t24 odm22j`t24

108 脸 fa`m22m`24 fa`m22m`24 m`44

109 眼睛 k=j20 s`22 k=j13s`22 s`22

110 鼻子 l@t20fc=m22 fc=M22 fcCM22

111 耳朵 fa`22ih20 ih20 ih00

112 嘴巴 m`M44 o`24 m`M22o`24 o`13

113 牙齿 r=m22i`t22 r=m24i`t24 ih`t44

114 舌头 k=s13k=m31 k=j13k=m31 k=m31

292 2.15.5. Transcription of Qinglong Zitang word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

115 下巴 w`M20sh33 k`24w`M20 g`M00

116 胡子 l=l13 l=l13 l=l02

117 额头 m`22o`44 m`24o`24 o`44

118 脖子 jvnM13vn20 jvnm13vn20

119 肩膀 v`M30 fa`24 o`M30fa`13 fa`13

120 手 fcC22wnM20 fa` wnM20 gtM00

121 腿 vn13j`22 j`22 j`22

122 膝盖 l@t22vn13 l`t20vn13 un13

123 脚 fc=22s=m22 s=m22 s=m22

124 胸 o`33ot=m22 o`24o=m22, f=j24 fCj44

125 背 o`h13k`M22 o`h22k`M22 kCM22

126 甲状腺肿 vn20f`h22 vn20f`h22

127 心脏 fc`m22st`l13 fc`m22st`l24 st`l13

128 肺脏 o=s24 o=s24 o=s44

129 脑子 fTj24 ftj24 ftj44

130 肝 s`o34 s`o24 sCo44

131 肚子 fc`22snM31 stM31 stM31

132 肚脐 oBM33fc=22 oBM24fcX22 fc=22

133 肠子 r`h34 r`h24 rCh44

134 血 kt=s13 kt=s13 kts02

135 屎 fiD31 fhD31 fd31

136 骨头 fcn24 fcn24 fcn44

137 皮肤 m`M22 m`M22 mCM22

138 肉 mn13 mn13 mn02

139 油（猪） i@t20 i@t20 i=t00

140 大蒜 vn20k`t31 vn22k`t31 en22

141 姜 g=M22 w=M22 g=M22

142 盐 jt22 jt22 jt22

143 咬 w`o13 w`o13 gCo02

2. Phonology of data points 293

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

144 吃 j=m22 j=m22 j=m22

145 喝 fc`s24 fc`s24 fcCs44

146 酒 k`t24 k`t24 kCt44

147 醉（酒） k`t24fiHl13 fiHl13

148 呕吐 it31 it31 it31

149 煮 inM22 itM22 itM22

150 甜 M`13 M`13 u`m22

151 酸 r`l34 r`l24 rCl44

152 苦 w`l20 y`l20 gCl00

153 咸 w`m13 w`m13 fcCM13

154 辣 sr`s13 sr`s13 srCs02

155 饿 fih34 fh24 fh44

156 黄瓜 k=j13sh=M22 k=j13shM22 shM22

157 南瓜 k=j31jv`22 k=j13jt`22

158 丝瓜 k=j31sbD22 k=j13sbd22 sbd22

159 豆 k=j31o@h13 k=j13odh13 k=j02odh02

160 芋头 k=j31iHl31 k=j13iHl31

161 芦苇 u@h31Mtn31 v`h31Mn31

162 衣服 jvnM22ot13 jvnM24ot13 ot02

163 布 o`M20 o`M20 oCM00

164 棉 u`9h13 v`h24 u`h13

165 裤子 jvnM13v`13 jvnM24v`13 u`13

166 袜子 w`h31l`s13 l`s13 l`s02

167 席子 jvnM13fa=m31 jvnM24fa=m31 fa=m31

168 蚊帐 jvnM13iDo24 jvnM13iho24 iho44

169 斗笠 fc`22j`o24 fc`22j`o24 jCo44

170 刀 u`31s`t22 s`t22, lho13 lhs02

171 把（刀） v`31 v`31 u`31

172 锅 fc`22sr`t13 fc`22sr`t13

294 2.15.5. Transcription of Qinglong Zitang word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

173 锅盖 v`31ln=23 v`22lnf24 u`22

174 三脚架 j`22sbhM20 fc`22sbhM20 sbhM00

175 背带 jvnM13fc`22 jvnM24fc`22 fc`22

176 扇子 oiDm13o`h20 ohDm24odh20 odh00

177 秤 fc`200sr`M13 fc`22sr`M13 srCM02

178 锥子 m`l24s=13 l`l24sL13

179 剪子 v`31sb`t20 v`31sbË`t20 sbh`t00

180 钱 sbDm20 sbDm20, M`m20

181 雨伞 fc`22 kh=M34 khM24 khM44

182 锁 fc`22sr`t13 sr`t13

183 钥匙 j`m22sbh20 j`m4sbËh20

184 棍子 mnj13s=M31 mnj13s=M31

185 竹竿 mnj13r`t31 r`t31 r`t31

186 船 fc`22it20 it20 it00

187 斧头 j`m34v`m22 v`31v`m22 u`m22

188 犁 v`31sr`h22 sr`h22 srCh22

189 锄头 v`22j=M22, fa`34 fa`24 fa`13

190 扁担 w`m20 sh`t20w`m20 g`m00

191 麻 fc`h31 fc`h31 fc`h31

192 肥料 o=m13 o=m13 o=m02

193 石臼 vt22st@h13 ft22st`h13

194 杵 ih22srDh20 fh22srdh20

195 筛子 fc`22i`M22 fc`22i`M22 iCM22

196 簸箕 fcnM31v@h13 fcnM31vdh13 fct`M31

197 织布机 srnM20itn24 srnM20in24 srtM00

198 纸 r`22 r`22 r`22

199 墨水 l`j13 l`j13 lCj02

200 笔 j`m24oh20 j`m24oh20

201 唢呐 k`t31kDh31 k`t31kdh31

2. Phonology of data points 295

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

202 网 v`M31 v`M31

203 钩子 M`22M`t13 M`33M`t13

204 鬼 st22u`M20 st20u`M20 u`M00

205 神 r=m20 r=M22

206 力气 i`M30'i`M13k`t31( i`M20 ih`M00

207 影子 wt21M`9t20 M`t20 MCt00

208 梦 on31w=m30 on20w=m20

209 故事 unM20o@h20sr`t31 vnM20o`h20sr`t31

210 礼物 kDh13 ¯nM13¯`M13 kdh02, fa`h13

211 错误 oh`t22 o`m20oh`t22

212 闲空 u`M13 v`M13 u`M13

213 方向 o`h13 o`9h13

214 缝 ¯Do13 ¯Ho13 ¯ho02

215 喜欢 f`M24 f`M13 f`M13

216 爱 M`h13 M`h13

217 剥（果皮） faDh24 faDh24 s=m44, fadh13

218 抱（孩子） f=l31 f=l31 f=l31

219 背（孩子） f`l13 f`l13 fCl13

220 加（饭） sh`l22 srtn13

221 裂开 w`h22w`o24 sh=22, w`h22w`o24 fa=o44

222 编（篮子） r`m22 r`m22 r`m22

223 补（衣服） unM22 utM22 utM22

224 插（秧） fc`l22 fc`l22 fcCl22

225 尝（菜） sr@l20 sr=l20 sr=l00

226 穿（衣服） s`m34 s`m24 sCm44

227 漏（水） iB13 in13 in02

228 点（头） MBj13j`t22 MBj13

229 挂（在墙上） uDm22, v`h24 v`h24, uxDm22 uh`m22

230 滚（在地上） s=j13i@t31 kt13 g=M31

296 2.15.5. Transcription of Qinglong Zitang word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

231 过（河） jv`13 jv`24 ju`13

232 划（船） s=20 sL20

233 继续 s=13o`t13 jt31o`t13

234 借（钱） sbh13 sbh13

235 砍（树） u`j13 u`j13 uCm00, iCl44

236 烤（火） w=M22 w=M22 g=M22

237 咳嗽 f`h22 f`h22 fCh22

238 肿（腿） o`t20 o@t20

239 流（水） k`h22 k`h22 kCh22

240 起（床） iDm13 ihm13 i=m13

241 牵（牛） sbDM22 sbHM22 sbhM22

242 晒 s`34 s`24 s`44

243 筛（米） i`M22 i`M22

244 上（楼） j=m30 w=m24 g=m44

245 下（楼） sh33 inM20 it`M00

246 伸（手） wDh31 wdh31 fhs44

247 梳（头发） it`h22 xt`h22 it`h22

248 （头）疼 sbDs24 sbHs24 fhm22

249 踢 shD33 s=s24, fchd24, s=m22 s=s22

250 提（篮子） it33 it24 iht44

251 吞 fc=m31 fc=m31 fc=m31

252 脱（衣） st`s24 st`s24 st`s44

253 问 w`l13 w`9l13 gCl13

254 回答 w`m22 w`m22 g`m22

255 忘记 k=l20 k=l20 k=l00

256 下（雨） s@t33'vDm22( s`t24 sCt44

257 休息 ihs24m`h13 ihs24m@h24 ihs44m`h13

258 寻找 o@h22i`22 i`22 i`22

259 眨（眼） fi@o24s`22 fi`o24 fiCo44

2. Phonology of data points 297

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

260 住 fi@t13jvn13k`20 fi=t13

261 蒸（饭〕 m`M34 m`M24 mCM44

262 活 kDh31 kdh31

263 死 s@h22 s`h22 s`h22

264 病 o=M13 o=M13 o=M02

265 呼吸 srnM13rtDh22 srnM13rtdh22

266 听 ¯h22 ¯h22 ¯h22

267 看 lnM13 lnM13 ltM02

268 说, 讲 j`M34, m`t20 iD22, j`M24 mCt00, j`M44

269 笑 It22 it22 iht22

270 骂 fc`13 fc`13 fc`13, sCm22

271 哭 s`h34 sË`h24 sCh44

272 吹 on13 on13

273 打呵欠 i`t22i=l20 i`t22iHl20

274 睡觉 m=m20 m=m20 m=m00

275 站 fc=m22 fc=m22 fc=m22

276 坐 i`M13 i`M13 iCM02

277 走 o@h44 o`h24 o`h44

278 爬（小孩） It=m20 xtm20 itm00

279 爬（树） ohm22 ohm22 ohm22

280 来 l`22 l`22

281 去 o`h22 o`h22 oCh22

282 进入 l`22fc`22 o`h22fc`22 gCt44

283 回来 s`t24l`22 s`t13l`22 s`t13

284 飞 fahm22 fahm22 fahm22

285 骑 jvDh13 jvdh13 jth02

286 游泳 kht13 khDt13, f=o24

287 浮 w@t20 w@t20

288 玩 sr`l20 sr`l20 srCl00

298 2.15.5. Transcription of Qinglong Zitang word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

289 唱 sr`M13 sr`M13

290 鼓 fc`22 ¯hm20, fc`22 jv`M22 jv`M22, ¯hm20 jt`M22, ¯hm00

291 干活 s=13'jt32(v`M22 v`M22, sL13 uCM22

292 担 i`o24 i`o24 i`o44

293 关（门） f=o24 f=o24 f=o44

294 开（门） w`h22 w`h22 g`h22

295 开（嘴） w`h22'o`24( w`h22 f`31

296 推 sh`M22, fch`M22 fch`M22 fch`M22

297 拉 ktj24 ktj24

298 掉 snj13 snj24 st`j44

299 给 g`13 w`13 gC44

300 拿 f`t22 f`t22 s=00

301 选择 khD13 khd13 kd02

302 买 srX31 srq31 sr=31

303 卖 j`h22 j`h22 j`h22

304 偷 i`j13 i`j13 iCj02

305 想要 j`11f`t22 j`20f`t22

306 有 o`m20 o`m20

307 知道 m=13fc`h31, in31 in31 in31

308 怕 sD`t13 sb`t13

309 洗（手） rtDh13 rth13 rth13

310 洗（衣服） r`j13 r`j13 rCj02

311 捆 jv@s24 jv`s24, k`l13

312 擦（桌） fvTs24 ft=s24 sr`s44, fts44

313 切（肉） sr=o13 sr`o13

314 绳子 sh`t20sr`31 sr`31 sr`31

315 割（草） jv`m20 jv`m20 jtCm00

316 劈开（木头） o`13'v=m( o`13 o`13

317 木头 st`m13v`h31 v`h31

2. Phonology of data points 299

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

318 挖 o`31 o`31

319 人 st20vDm20 vDm20 u=m00

320 布依族 ot31fh31 ot31fh31 fh31

321 汉族 ot31w`33 ot31w`34 g`44

322 男人 ot31r`h22 ot31r`h22 r`h22

323 女人 l`h31fa=j24 l`h31fa=j24 fa=j44

324 巫师 ot31i`20 ot31ln22, ot31i`20 ln22

325 媒人 ot31rX=13 rq24 r=13

326 朋友 snM20oCm31 snM20o`m31

327 祖宗 o@t24i`13 sDh20o`t24sDh20i`13

328 父亲 on13 on13 on02

329 母亲 lD13 lhd13 ld02

330 小孩 k=j13mhD13 ot31¯hD3

331 丈夫 ot31jvDh20 o`t24jvDh20

332 妻子 i`13 i`13 i`02

333 兄姐 s`13, sbD31 s`13, sbhD31 odh31

334 弟妹 mnM31 mvnM31 mt`M31

335 独子 k=j12sn31 k=j13snf31

336 孙子 k`m22 k`m22 k`m22

337 公公 o`t24 sDh20o`t13 oCt13

338 婆婆 m`h22 m`h22

339 外公 o`t24s`22 o`t13s`22

340 外婆 i`13s`h24 i`13s`h13

341 客人 ot31iD34 iD24 id44

342 姓 r=M14 r=M24

343 名字 srn13 srvn13 srn02

344 我 j@t22 j@t22 j=t22

345 你 l=M20 l=M20 l=M00

346 他 khD22 shD22

300 2.15.5. Transcription of Qinglong Zitang word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

347 咱们 jDh24i@t20 jdh24i`t20 iCt00

348 我们 wn33i@t20, jD24j@t22 jdh24s@t22 s=t22

349 你们 wn33l=M20, r@t22 jdh24r@t22 r=t22

350 他们 wn33khD22 wn24khD22

351 别人 ot31f=m13 jdh24o`m31, ft31f=m13

352 柴 u=m20 v=m20 u=m00

353 火 vDh20 vdh20 udh00

354 火焰 k=m30vDh20, rtDh22vDh20 rvDh22'k=m31(vdh20

355 烧 o`t22 o`t22 oCt22

356 烧（做饭） fc`M13 fc`M13 fcCM13

357 灰尘 s`t13 s`t13 lt44l`m13

358 烟 uDh20u`m20 u`m20 uCm00

359 弓 fcnM20 m=M34 fcnM31m=M24 jt`M22

360 箭 m`13 m`o24m`M34, fcnM20m=M34

361 打猎 s=j24on22, k`h13on22 s=j24

362 杀 j`34 j`24 j`44

363 打架 s=j13sDh20 s=j24sdh20, w`h31htM20

364 一 fhHs24 fhs24

365 二 MDh13 Mdh13 Mdh02

366 一（一个人） 'ot31sn30( kh`t22 kh`t22

367 两（两个人） rnM22ot31 rnM22 rt`M22

368 三 r`9l22 r`l22 r`l22

369 四 rDh34 rdh13 rdh13

370 五 w`33 w`24 g`44

371 六 inj24 inj24 it`j44

372 七 sr`s24 sr`s24 srCs44

373 八 oiDs24 ohDs24 oh`s44

374 九 j@t33 j@t24

375 十 sr=o13 sr=o13 sr=o02

2. Phonology of data points 301

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

376 二十 MDh13sr=o13 Mdh13sr=o13

377 百 o`34 o`f24 o`44

378 千 w`M22 w`M22

379 都 s@t22 s=t22

380 一些 ¯D22kh`t22 ¯hd24kh`t22

381 多 k`h22 k`h22 k`h22

382 少 bDt34 mv`h24 bht44

383 每 kh`t22 kh`t22

384 大 k`t31 k`9t31 k`t31

385 小 mhD13 ¯d24

386 长 i`h20 i`h20 iCh00

387 短 s=m33 s=m24 s=m44

388 高 r`M22 r`M22 r`M22

389 矮 s`l13 s`l13 sCl13

390 圆 o`t31 o`t31 oCt31

391 扁 fa`m22 fa`m22 oh`o02

392 厚 m`22 m`22 m`22

393 薄 fa`M22 fa`_M22 fa`M22

394 宽 k`M13 k`M13 ju`M13

395 窄 m`j13 m`j13 srCm00

396 硬 fcnM31 fctBM31 fct`M31

397 软 ft=m13 ft=m24 ftm13

398 直 rn13 rn13 rn02

399 弯曲 j`t20 j`t20

400 快 ¯`l20 ¯`l20

401 慢 o=m13 o=m13

402 重 m`j34 m`j24 mCj44

403 轻 fa`t22 fa`t22 faCt22

404 胖 l`M13 l`M13 odh00

302 2.15.5. Transcription of Qinglong Zitang word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

405 瘦 ot`l22 ot`l22 ot`l22

406 黑 v`m31 v`m31 ut`m31

407 红 fc=M22 fc=M22 fc=M22

408 白 w`t22 w`t22 g`t22

409 黄 iDm34 iDm24 ih`m44

410 绿 i`t22 i`t22 ih`t22

411 蓝 fct`M13 fct`M13

412 干的 w=13 wL24, in20 g=13

413 湿 fc=j13, s`13 fc=j24, s`13

414 空的 o@t13 o=t13

415 满 iHl22 iHl22 ihl22

416 干净 r`22 r`22 rC22

417 脏（衣服） ¯h=m13 ¯hm13

418 新 ln13 ln13 ln13

419 年轻 i`M20 i`M20

420 聪明 jt`h13 jv`h13s=t13

421 傻 fcnj24 fcnj24, f`31

422 旧 j`t13 j`t13 jCt13

423 老 k`t31 sbd13

424 聋的 mtj34 mtj24 mtj44

425 热 fc`s24 fc`s24 fcCs44, iCt44

426 冷 sb`M31 sb`M31 sbh`M31

427 好 fcDh22 fcdh22 fch22

428 坏 ohD13 fi`24, oiD13

429 破 shD24 shd33

430 深 k`j13 k`j13 kCj02

431 浅 fanj24 fahDm22 fatCj44

432 斜 fahs33 fahs24 fahs44

433 亮 inM13 inM13 itCM02

2. Phonology of data points 303

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

434 暗 kDo24 k`o24

435 清 r`22 r`22

436 浑 mnM20 mnM20 mtCM00

437 壮 i`M20k`t31 i`M20k`t31

438 弱 M`t22 M`t22

439 淡 sr=s34 sr=s24 sr=s44

440 累 m@h13 m@h13 m`h13

441 （捆）紧 fc`s24 fc`s24 fcCs44

442 松 inM13 itM13 itM13

443 滑 i`t20 i`9t20

444 贵 j`13 j`13

445 便宜 bh`M22ihm22

446 嫩 ft=m13, m@l13 ft=m13, m=l13

447 难 m`m20 fi`24jt31

448 容易 fcDh22jt31 fcdh22

449 臭 w=t22fi`34 w`t22fi`24 gCt22

450 香 w`t22s`M22 w`t22s`M22 gCt22s`M22

451 忙 ¯`9l20, w`m22 w`m22

452 穷 vn24 vn24 un44

453 富 o=m20fcDh22 o`m20fcdh22

454 热闹 srtj24i=M20 srtj24i`M20

455 安静 o`j13k=j24 o`j13kdh22

456 漂亮（女） j@t20, r`t34fcDh22 r`t34fcDh22, j=t20 rCt44

457 狡猾 ¯`o24r`o24 j`t24khM24, ¯`o24r`j24

458 勇敢 i`22s@t13 fi`24s=t13

459 懒 sbHj24 sbHj24 sbhj44

460 努力 inM13i`M20 f`t22i`M20

461 远 j`h22 j`h22 jCh22

462 近 j`33 j`24 jC44

304 2.15.5. Transcription of Qinglong Zitang word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

463 里（面） fc`22 fc`22 fcC22

464 外（面） In31 in31 in31

465 右（边） jv`20 jt`20 ju`00

466 左（边） rtDh31 rvdh31 rth31

467 上面 o`h13j=m20 j=m20 j=m00

468 下面 o`h13sh33 sh24 k`44

469 这里 jtn13mDh31 mdh31 mdh31

470 那里 jtn13khD22 khD22

471 这个 j@h24mDh31 jdh24mdh31

472 那个 j@h24jn13 jdh24jn13

473 哪里 jvn13k`20 jn13k`20 kC00

474 谁 ot31k@20 ot31k`20

475 什么 j@h24l`20 jdh24l`20

476 怎么 jt13s=13 jt31fi=t13

477 什么时候 srX20k`20 srX20k`20

478 为什么 vDh13jDh24l`20 vdh13jdh23l`20 l`00

479 在 fi@t13 fi=t13 fht13

480 刚（来） k`M24k`M24 k`M13

481 马上（走） o`h22srDh31 o`h22srdh31

482 赶快（去） … ¯`l20 '¯`t13( ¯`l20¯`24

483 就 sbh20 sbËh20

484 先 jv`m13 jt`m13 jt`m13

485 常常（来） w@h13wDh13 wdh13wdh13

486 最(快) ¯`l13s@t13 s=t24

487 更（快） j=m13 j=m24

488 一起（作） 'snM31(jt31st`h13 jt31s`t13, stM31st`h13

489 只（买五斤） j`31 j`31

490 又（来） i@m13

491 再（说一遍） sr`h13…ln13

2. Phonology of data points 305

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

492 也 iD31

493 或者 l`22r=22 l`22m`t20

494 好象 j=l33ot31 k=l22ot31 k=l44

495 从 s`h24 s`h13

496 和 fcDh31 fcdh31 ihM00

497 因为 vDh13i=M13, j@t22i@t13 vdh13i=M13 ihm22udh13

498 如果 sr`24kh@m13 sr`24¯hM13

499 到 s`M20 s`M20 sCM00

500 是 sDhf22 shD22 sCh22, sr=m22

501 不 lDh20 ldh20 ldh00

502 没关系 lh30m@t22'i@t33(jD33l` ldh20m`t22

503 已经 jv`13o`h22kh`t31 jt`13kh`t31 2.16. Shuicheng Fa’er 2.16.1. Phone and phoneme inventory Initial consonants BiLab LaDe Alv PoAl AlPal Pal Vel Glo Plos vl o, og, [oeg], s, [sg], j, [jg], f, fv, [ou], [oi] [sv] jv fi, [fk] PreGlo fa fc Aff vl sr, sb, [srg] [sbg] Fric vl e r, [rv] b [w] [gv] vd u y, [y[] [Y] [I] F, [Fv] Nas vd l m [¯] M, Mv Lat vd k App vd [v] i, x Final consonants

o, s, j, f, m, M

306 2.16.2. Notes

Vowels Front Central Back unrd unrd unrd rd Close h [X] [L] t Near-close [H] [T] Close-mid [d] n, [n:] Mid = Open-mid D B Near-open ? @ Open `, `: Tone Category 1 2 3, 4 5 6 7, 8, 9 Pitch value 44 33 or 41 55 24 44 31 2.16.2. Notes • There is only one instance of final [p]. • [ph] only occurs four times and [oeg] also occurs four times, but only before rounded vowels. [ph] and [p] are contrastive. See minimal pair. [pfh] is in complementary distribution with [ph]. See rule. Item 328 ‘father’ was spoken as [out13] and [oegt13] as well. The [pv] sound will be viewed as a variation of [pfh], not as phonemic. • Aspiration on [t] and [k] is not seen as phonemic as it always occurs on a 42 or 41 falling tone. [th] occurs on seven items and [kh] also occurs on seven items (six morphemes). However, [t] also occurs six times with a 42 tone, and [k] occurs on one morpheme with a 42 tone. In the younger person’s speech, [ph] only occurs two times: on a 42 tone and a 41 tone. [th] occurs seven times: five times on 42 or 41 tones and two times on even tones 55 and 33. [kh] occurs five times: all on 42 or 41 tones. See rules for /t/ and /k/. • [t], [ts], and [sb] are contrastive. See minimal pairs. • [tsh] and [sbg] both occur one time, each time on a Chinese loan. For these reasons, even though there is phonemic aspiration on [p] and allophonic aspiration on [t] and [k], these two phones are not considered phonemic. • [tw] occurs on three items: one a Chinese loan and [tu_] also occurs two times. [tw] is considered a variation of [tu_] rather than a phoneme, because there is no historical basis for [tw], and the phonology is made simpler. • [v] and [w] are allophones: [v] occurring numerous times and [w] occurring on five mor- phemes. The sounds transcribed as [v] or [w] are often somewhere in between, closer to [v]. There is often variance in pronunciation for a single item. The phoneme is taken to be /v/. • [s] and [z] are contrastive. See minimal pair. [y[] only occurs once and is not considered phonemic. [b] and [s] are contrastive, though [s] never occurs before an [i]. See minimal pair.

2. Phonology of data points 307

[Y] is an allophone of [z]. See rule. [sw] only occurs once, has no historical source, and is taken as [su]. • [I] occurs only three times and is considered a variation of [j]. • [Fv] only occurs once, [Ft_] never occurs, and [Fv] is taken as [Ft_]. [x] and [F] are contrastive. See minimal pair. • [¯] and [n] are contrastive and [¯] occurs on a total of 13 morphemes. See minimal pair. • [M] occurs on seven morphemes, [Mv] occurs two times, and [Mt_] does not occur. In addition, since [Mv] occurs on 15 ‘day’ [Mv`m20], which has the proto-form *Mv=m1, it is considered phonemic. • [pj] occurs twice, though it does not occur on items related to proto-forms with *oi. The palatalization is also not very strong. [pi_] also occurs two times and [pj] is taken as [pi_]. [fi] occurs two times, both on items with *fi proto-forms: 189 ‘hoe’ and 260 ‘live/stay’. In the word list, there are three other items with *fi proto-forms. For this lect, one of those is a completely different lexical item, one is a Chinese loan, and the other has the initial [j]. Also, [fh_] never occurs. In view of this, [fi] is considered phonemic. See minimal pair. • [fk] occurs once, is regarded as a phonetic aberration, and is not phonemic. • [kw] occurs a number of times in varying environments and is phonemic. [fv] occurs only once: 421 ‘stupid’ [fv`31]. This lexical item often has the [fv] initial in Bouyei lects. However, 312 ‘to wipe’ has a *fv proto-form, but in this lect is [ft=s33]. There is a minimal pair with 421 [fv`31], 295 ‘to open (one’s mouth)’ [f`30]. It is difficult to know whether this phone is phonemic or not. Here we view it as phonemic and view item 312 ‘to wipe’ as having a [fv] initial in the UR. • [hw] occurs two times. Since [h] never occurs, this is viewed as [wv] in the UR. [xu_] occurs once. The items that have [hw] do not correspond to proto-forms with *xw or *hw. Therefore, [hw] is viewed as /xu/, and not phonemic. • [a] and [a:] are contrastive, though [a:] only occurs on nine morphemes. See minimal pairs. [@] occurs a large number of times and is contrastive with [a]. See minimal pair. [?] occurs on eight morphemes and is contrastive with [a]. See minimal pair. • [e] only occurs three times and is considered a variation of [D], while [D] occurs many times. • [H] is an allophone of [i] and only occurs four times. See rule below. • [o:] only occurs once and is not considered phonemic. [B] occurs on nine morphemes and is contrastive with [o]. See minimal pair. • [T] only occurs on three morphemes and is considered a variation of [u]. [u] occurs several times in the same environment as [T]. • [X] occurs six times, [L] occurs once, and [=] occurs numerous times. [X/L] always occurs in the environment /__(=)#. However, [=] occurs in the environment /__# four times. There is variation between [=] and [X.L] in this environment and [X/L] does not occur in any other environment.

308 2.16.3. Minimal pairs

[X/L] may be a lengthened version of [=] in this environment. However, [X/L] is treated as a variation of [=] according to the rule below and is not considered phonemic for this lect. • This lect has five emic pitches. Three of them are level. Regarding closed syllables (proto-D tones), the pitch is generally high level, but there are a very few exceptions with pitch values [42] and [34]. 2.16.3. Minimal pairs [p] and [ph] 332 ‘wife’ [l`31 o`31], 3 ‘thunder’ [og`31] [t] and [ts] 32 ‘river’ [s`13], 314 ‘rope/string’ [sr`23] [t], [ts], and [sb] 379 ‘all’ [s=M22], 225 ‘to lead (a cow)’ [sr=M22], 236 ‘to warm oneself’ [sb=M22] [s] and [z] 310 ‘wash clothes’ [r`j13], 304 ‘to steal (secretly)’ [y`j13] [s] and [b] 349 ‘you (pl.)’ [jh33 r@t22], 410 ‘green’ [b@t22] [x] and [F] 223 ‘to mend’ [wnM22], 209 ‘story’ [bh22 FnM20] [n] and [¯] 392 ‘thick’ [m`22], 56 ‘grass’ [¯`22] [f] and [fi] 124 ‘chest’ [o`f33 f`f33], 189 ‘hoe’ [u`13 fi`f33] [k] and [kw] 177 ‘scales (steelyard)’ [sr`M13 j`m22], 17 ‘early’ [jv`m22] [a], [a:], [@], 243 ‘to sift/sieve’ [r`M22], 457 ‘crafty’ [r`:M22], 456 ‘pretty (of a girl)’ and [?] [r@m22 fcDh22], 51 ‘paddy rice’ [F@t31 r?m22] [a] and [@] 44 ‘stool’ [fcDh22 s`M33], 149 ‘to boil’ [s@M33] [a] and [?] 4 ‘moon’ [fc`m22 fc`h22], 463 ‘in(side)’ [fc?h22] [o] and [B] 384 ‘big’ [kn31], 140 ‘garlic’ [et22 kB31] 424 ‘deaf’ [mnj33], 228 ‘to nod one’s head’ [mBj13] 2.16.4. Allophonic rules /ph/ → [pfh]/__V[+rd] (with one exception, where item #132 was spoken as [pfh] and also [ph]) → [ph]/elsewhere

/t/ → [th]/σ 31/30 (with six exceptions) → [t]/elsewhere

/k/ → [kh]/σ 31/30 (with one exception) → [k]/elsewhere

/z/ → [Y]/__V[+rd] (with one exception) → [z]/elsewhere

/i/ → [H]/__(=)C# (with three exceptions) → [i]/elsewhere

2. Phonology of data points 309

/=/ → [X/L]/__(=)# (with some exceptions) → [=]/elsewhere 2.16.5. Transcription of Shuicheng Fa’er word list 水城发耳90年代与50年代语音糸统比较

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

1 阳光 fc=m22fc@s24 fc=s44sb=t44

2 闪电 fkH=M20oË`f31 kh=M31oË`31

3 雷（名） oË`31 oË`31 oË`22

4 月亮 fcT=m22, fc`t22 fc@m22s`h22

5 星星 fcn22fcdh33 fcn22fc=h34

6 天, 天空 j=m20fa=m23 fa=m22 fa=m33

7 云 et31 et31 et22

8 风 y=M20 y[=M20 y=M00

9 雨 v=*m22 wt=m22 gtm33

10 彩虹 MX20rCf33 ML20r`22 M=00r`33

11 雾 k`j24lT=f22 k`j34lt=34 lt44

12 早上 j`9M22w@s24 w@s23 g`s44

13 下午 i`02krj24, sr=20y=M20 i`}20k`f34

14 晚上 j`9M22F`M13 F@M02 g=m00, GCM02

15 天, 日子 Mv`m20 Mv@m20 Mt`m00

16 年 oDh22 o=h22 odh33

17 早（来早） jv`m22 jt?m34 srCt11

18 晚（来晚） kt`s33 kt`s34 ktCs44

19 早餐 F@t31f`M31 F@t31f`M31

20 午饭 MD20 MhD20 Md00

21 下午的餐 y[=M20 y[=M20 ydM00

22 晚饭 s`t20 s@t20 sCt00

23 水 y`9M31 y[@M31 yCl11

24 井 faDh22ut33 ut34 fat44

25 土 m`9M13 m`M13 m`l13

310 2.16.5. Transcription of Shuicheng Fa’er word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

26 石头 l@t22rDm33 r[=m22 r=m44

27 沙 m`M13rvDh20 m@M13rtDh20

28 尘土（路上） m`M13¯`t20 lnm34l`m34 sCt02

29 金子 sb=M22 sbH=M22 sb=l33

30 银子 M`9m20 M`m22 MCm00

31 铁 u`20 u`20 u`00

32 河 fcDh22sC13 s`13 s`02

33 岸 o`33sC13, o`M32s`13 o`34'o@M31(s`13 GCm00

34 湖 fc`h22s=M13, FvnM20s=M13 FnM20s=M13

35 海 fc=h33wD31 wD31 gd22

36 山 fcDh22ot22 et20

37 路 k`9M22r`9m22 r`m22 rCm33

38 村子 faDh fa? m30 fa`m31 fa`m11

39 房子 y? m20 y[`_m20 y`m00

40 房顶 mh@t33y? m20 ¯ht34y[`_m20

41 门 oC33s@t22 s@t22 s=t33

42 木板（板子） sb`j24uD31 sb@j34uD31

43 桌子 fcDh sbBM20 srnM20 srt`M00

44 凳子 fcDh s`M33 s`M34 sCM44

45 碗 fcDh svDh31 sr`22, stDh31 sr`33

46 筷子 jC33s=13 s=X13 s=02

47 扫把 iHo13o`s33, ihs13s= o`s iHs13o`s34 oCs44

48 猪圈 jv`M13l@t22 jvBM13l@t22

49 田（稻田） m`20 m`20 m`00

50 地 yDh13 yDh13 yh02

51 大米 F@t31r? m22 F@t31r`m22

52 米饭 F@t31m`M30 F@t31m`M31 GCt11

53 糯米 F@t31vDm24 F@t31vDm34

54 糯米饭 F@t31ID33

2. Phonology of data points 311

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

55 秧苗 jt22jË`30 jË`31 jË`22

56 草（青嫩） ¯`22 ¯`22vDm34 ¯`22

57 甘蔗 v`9h31 v@h31 ft`h11

58 树 jt22uD31 uD31 uCh11

59 （树）根 y`13uD31 y`13 y`02

60 竹子（总称） uDf22kt`h22

61 森林 fch22fcnM22 fcnM22 fct`M33

62 叶子 fa`22uD31 fa`22 faC33

63 刺（名） m`M31v? mf33 v`m22 ftCm33

64 花 fcD33 fchD34 fcd44

65 籽, 种子 e`M22F`t31 e`m22 eCm33

66 水果 k=j13l`33 k=j13l`34 l`44

67 菜（蔬菜） o@j33 o`j33 oCj44

68 动物（总称） st20¯`j13mh33 st20¯`j34¯h34

69 猪 fcDh20l@t22 l@t22 l=t33

70 羊 fcDh22faD30 faD31

71 狗 fcDh22l`22 l`22 l`33

72 马 fcDh22l`31 l`31 l`11

73 水牛 uD20 uD20 u`h00

74 黄牛 sr=20 sr=20 srL00

75 尾巴 oD 22bh=M22 oD22bh=M22 b=M33

76 角（牛） fcDh22j`t22 j`t22 jCt33

77 老虎 fcDh22jnj33 jnj34 jt`j44

78 熊 o@t20u=M31

79 猴子 fcDh20k=M20 k=M20 k=M00

80 蝙蝠 fcDh31uB20 uB20 un00

81 兔子 fcDh31kt33 kT34

82 老鼠 fcDh31m`h33 m`h34 mCh44

83 鸟 fcDh31YBj24 y[nj13 ytCj02

312 2.16.5. Transcription of Shuicheng Fa’er word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

84 鸟窝 YnM20YBj24 y[nM20y[nj13

85 鸡 fcDh20sb@h33 sb`h34 jCh44

86 鸡冠 gv=m22sb@h33 wv=m22sb`h34

87 鸭子 fcDh31o=s33 o=s34 o=s44

88 鹅 fcDh31w`m33 w?m34 g`m44

89 猫头鹰 YBj24j`t22lh`t33 ynj13j`t22lh@t34

90 翅膀 fa`22F=s31 F=s13 F=s02

91 羽毛 o=m22vDm33 o=m22 o=m33

92 爪子 y=j23s=m22 sb`33¯`20

93 蛋 fc`m22sb@h33 fc@m22sb`h34 sbCh44

94 鱼 fcDh20o`22 o`22 o`33

95 鱼鳍 sbHj24oC22 sbHj34o`22

96 蛇 fcDh31MX20 Mv=20 M=00

97 蚊子 fcDh31¯`M20 ¯h`M20 ¯`M00

98 苍蝇 ¯`M20fcnM33 ¯h`M20, F@t31

99 蚂蚁 fcDh22l? s31 l@s23

100 蜘蛛 jvnM33jvB22 jtM34jvB22 jn33

101 跳蚤 fcDh31l@s24 l`s34 lCs44

102 臭虫 fcDh31Yt=s33 yt=s13 yts02

103 蚯蚓 fct33fct=m23 fcT34fct=m22 fctm33

104 虱子 fcDh22m`m20 m`m20 m`m00

105 身体 fcDh22fc`M22 fc`M22 fc`M33

106 头 fcDh jË`t30 jË`t31 jËCt22

107 头发 o=m22jË`t30 o=m22

108 脸 oh33m`30 m`30 m`22

109 眼睛 Mvh33s`22 s`22 s`33

110 鼻子 fc`M22fc=M22 fc`M22fc=M22 fcCM33

111 耳朵 fc`22¯h22 fa`22¯h22 yL00

112 嘴巴 mCM22o`33 o`34 o`44

2. Phonology of data points 313

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

113 牙齿 jC22b`t31 j`22b`t31 bh`t22

114 舌头 faC22k=m31 k=m31 k=m11

115 下巴 sËh22F`M20 F`M20 G`M00

116 胡子 l=M14 l=M13 l`l02

117 额头 m`31o`34 m`31o`34 o`44

118 脖子 jË@m31utn20 jË@t31ut20

119 肩膀 F`M20fa`}33 fa`34 fa`44

120 手 fcDh22uBM20 utM20 u=M00

121 腿 fcDh22j`22 j`22 j`33

122 膝盖 l`t20et33 l@t20et34 ut44

123 脚 fa`m22s=m22 s=m22 s=m33

124 胸 oCf33f`f33 f`j34 fCj44

125 背 fcDh22fc`M22 fcDh22fc`M22 kCM33

126 甲状腺肿 ut20fD33 uT20fD34

127 心脏 st`M33 st`M33 stCl44

128 肺脏 e=s33 e=s34 ods44

129 脑子 fBj33 fnj34 ftCj44

130 肝 s`j33 s`j34 sCj44

131 肚子 fcDh22snM31 stM31 stM11

132 肚脐 oËBM22fc=M22 enM20fc=M22 fch33

133 肠子 r@h30 r@h31 rCh22

134 血 kt=s13 kt=s13 kts02

135 屎 Ih30 Ih31 cPh11

136 骨头 fct33 fct34 fct44

137 皮肤 m`9M22 m`M22 mCM33

138 肉 mt13 mT13 mtn02

139 油（猪） i@t20 i@t20, kh=M31 iht00

140 大蒜 et22kB31 et22kB31 gt33

141 姜 b=M22 bh=M22 b=M33

314 2.16.5. Transcription of Shuicheng Fa’er word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

142 盐 l=m33jt22 jt22 jt33

143 咬 F`j13 F=j13 GCo13

144 吃 j=m22 j=m22 j=m33

145 喝 fc`_s33 fcCs34 fcCs44

146 酒 k`t30 k`t31 kCt22

147 醉（酒） iH=M33k`t30 iHM44

148 呕吐 Yt13 Yt13 yt02

149 煮 rtM22, s@M33 rtM22, s=M44 rtM33

150 甜 M`}f13 M`}13

151 酸 r`M30 r`M31 rCl22

152 苦 F`M20 F`M20 GCl00

153 咸 w`_m33 w`M34 fcCM44

154 辣 sD s13 s=s13 s`s02

155 饿 fa`_s33 ih34 cPh44

156 黄瓜 k=j13sh=M22 sh=M22 shM33

157 南瓜 k=j13jv`22 jv`22

158 丝瓜 k=j13sbh22 sbh22 sbh33

159 豆 k=j13o@h13 oDh13, st13 k=j02l=j02

160 芋头 oL33 o@t34 o=22

161 芦苇 uD30lt30 uD31lt31mDh34

162 衣服 jBM33ot13 ot13 ot02

163 布 o`M20 o`M20 oCM00

164 棉 eD33 eDf44 ed44

165 裤子 jvBM33e`33 e`44 e`44

166 袜子 iD 20sË`t33 sË@t44FD20

167 席子 o=m20fa=m31 fa=m31 fa=m11

168 蚊帐 jvBM33bh=j33j=33 bh=j44 b=o44

169 斗笠 fch22j`j33 j`j44 jCo44

170 刀 uCt ih33 ih22

2. Phonology of data points 315

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

171 把（刀） uC13 u`13 u`02

172 锅 fch22sbn33 sbB44

173 锅盖 eC22sbn33 e`22 e`33

174 三脚架 r`M22jC22sb=M20 r`M22j`22sbH=M20 sbLM00

175 背带 jvnM33fc`22 fc`22 fc`33

176 扇子 oi`M22oDh20 oDh20 odh00

177 秤 sr`M13j`m22 sr`M13 srCM02

178 锥子 sbhM13jC22sX33 sbh=M22j`22s=X33

179 剪子 uC13sb@tX20 sbh`t20 sbh`t00

180 钱 l@m13sbDm20 sbhDm20 bh`m00

181 雨伞 fcDh22kh=M31 kh=M31 khM22

182 锁 k=j13sr`t13 sr`t13

183 钥匙 sbX20sr`t13 srX20sr`t13

184 棍子 r`m31s@t31 st`m13sDh31

185 竹竿 r`m31rn31 r`m31rn31 rn11

186 船 fcDh22Yt20 yt20 yt00

187 斧头 uC13e`_m22 e`m22 e`m33

188 犁 u`13s`h33 s`h22 sCh33

189 锄头 u`13fi`f33 i`f44

190 扁担 shDt20F@m20 F@m20 G`m00

191 麻 fcD31 fcD31 fcd11

192 肥料 o=m13 o=m13 o=m02

193 石臼 fcdh22sv@h13 vn22sv@h13

194 杵 ih22srDh20 ih22

195 筛子 fcDh22r`9M22 r`M22 rCM33

196 簸箕 fcnM31e=h33 fcnM31e=h44 fct`M11

197 织布机 sbnM20rt33 srnM20rt44 srtM00

198 纸 rC22 r`22 r`33

199 墨水 y`M31l`j13 y`M30l`j13 l`j02

316 2.16.5. Transcription of Shuicheng Fa’er word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

200 笔 ohm22l`j13 ohm22l`j13

201 唢呐 kC31kDh31 k`31kDh30

202 网 fc`22bh22

203 钩子 j`t20M`t33 j`t20M`t34

204 鬼 sDh31u`M20 u`M20 u`M00

205 神 sDh31lh@t13 lh@t13

206 力气 srtM33i`M20 i`M20 ih`M00

207 影子 Mh33M`t20 M`t20 MCt00

208 梦 o@t31F=m20 ot31F=m20

209 故事 bh22FnM20

210 礼物 ¯`j24mh22 ¯`j44¯d44 kdh02, kh11

211 错误 oh`t22 en33, oh`t33

212 闲空 o@h20sb=X33 o@t22

213 方向 oD 13 oD13

214 缝 ¯@j13j`30 b@t30 ¯=o02

215 喜欢 srX=20jvCM34 Mh22f`M44 f`M44

216 爱 sb? h20 sb@h20 sbCh00

217 剥（果皮） faDh33 faDh44 fadh44

218 抱（孩子） f=M30 f=M31 ftl11

219 背（孩子） f`M33 f`l33 f`l33

220 加（饭） sh`M22 sh`M22, s`t33

221 裂开 sh33w@j34 sh44w@j44

222 编（篮子） r`9m22 r`m22 r`m33

223 补（衣服） wnM22 wtM22 gnM33

224 插（秧） fc`M22 fc`M22 fcCl33

225 尝（菜） sr=M20 sr=l20 sr=l00

226 穿（衣服） sË`m30 sË`m30 sËCm22

227 漏（水） Yt13 yt13 yt02

228 点（头） MBj13 Mnj13

2. Phonology of data points 317

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

229 挂（在墙上） bDm22 wv`_h31 eh`m33

230 滚（在地上） y=M31 y=M30 y=M11

231 过（河） jv`33 jv`44 ju`44

232 划（船） s=L20 s=X20

233 继续 k=M20j@t22 o@h22m`30

234 借（钱） sbËh33 sbËh44, i=M22 sbËh44

235 砍（树） u`j13 u`j13 uCm00, yCl22

236 烤（火） sb=M22 et44 r=M33, oCt44

237 咳嗽 r`t33 r`t44

238 肿（腿） o@t31 o@t20 utCj02

239 流（水） k`h22 k`h22 kCh33

240 起（床） r=m33 r=m44 r=m44

241 牵（牛） sr=M22 sr=M22 sr=M33

242 晒 s`33 s`44 s`44

243 筛（米） r`M22 r`M22

244 上（楼） w=m30 w=m31 g=m22

245 下（楼） YnM20 YBM20 yt`M00

246 伸（手） i=33 iDs44

247 梳（头发） rth22 rt@h22 rt`h33

248 （头）疼 sbDs33 sbDs44, Mt=m13 sbh`s44

249 踢 sh33 sh44 s=s44

250 提（篮子） sËh=t31 sËh=t30

251 吞 fc=m31 fc=m31 fc=m11

252 脱（衣） sv`s33 st`s44 stCs44

253 问 w`_M33 w`M33 g`M44

254 回答 w`_m22 w`m22 g`m33

255 忘记 k=M20 k=M20 kdl00

256 下（雨） sË`t30 sË`t30 sËCt22

257 休息 bh33mD33 bh33mD33

318 2.16.5. Transcription of Shuicheng Fa’er word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

258 寻找 r`22 r`22 r`33

259 眨（眼） i@j33 i@j34 cPCo44

260 住 fi@t34 i@t44

261 蒸（饭〕 m`M31 m`M31 mCM22

262 活 kdh31 kDh30

263 死 sD22 sD22 s`h33

264 病 sbD s33 sbDs44

265 呼吸 srnM33rtDh22 srtM44rtDh22

266 听 ¯h22 ¯h22 ¯h33

267 看 lnM13 lnM13 l=M02

268 说, 讲 bh22 bh22 mCt00, jË`M22

269 笑 bh=t22 bh=t22 bht33

270 骂 wt=s33 sCm22 sCm33

271 哭 sË`h30 sË`h30 sËCh22

272 吹 oËt33 et44

273 打呵欠 rn22y=M20 rn22y=M20

274 睡觉 s=j34m=m20 s=j33¯=m20 ¯=m00

275 站 fc=m22 fc=m22 fc=m33

276 坐 y`M13 y`M13 yCM02

277 走 i`M33, o`h22 o@h22 oËd22

278 爬（小孩） Yt=m20 yt=m20 ytm00

279 爬（树） w=m30 ohDm20F=m31 ohm00

280 来 l`22 l`22

281 去 o@h22 o@h22 oCh33

282 进入 lC22fc@h22 o@h22fc`h22

283 回来 sn33lC22 sn33l`22 sn44

284 飞 fa=m22 fa=m22 fa=m33

285 骑 jtDh13 jvDh13 jth02

286 游泳 rtDh33s`13 rtDh44s`13

2. Phonology of data points 319

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

287 浮 F@t20 F@t20 g=t00

288 玩 sr`M20 sr`l20 srCl00

289 唱 srË`M33 s=j44wv=M22

290 鼓 fcDh22¯Dm20, jvnM22 ¯dm20, jnM22 jt`M33, ¯hm00

291 干活 s=L13wnM22 s=X13wnM22 ut`M33

292 担 r@j33 r=j33 r`o44

293 关（门） f@j33 f=j44 gCo44

294 开（门） whD22 whD22 g`h33

295 开（嘴） f`30, whD22 f`31, whD22 f`22

296 推 j`h30 j`h30

297 拉 kt13 kt13

298 掉 snj33 snj44 stCj44

299 给 w`30 w`31 gC22

300 拿 f`t22 f`t22 s=00

301 选择 kh13 kh13 khd02

302 买 sr=X30 srX31 sr=22

303 卖 jD 33 jD22 jd33

304 偷 y`j13 y`j13 yCj02

305 想要 sb`20f`t22 s`20f`t22

306 有 I@t33 i@t44

307 知道 ft31 yt31 yt11

308 怕 jD13 jD13 kn33

309 洗（手） rtDh33 rtDh44 rth44

310 洗（衣服） r`j13 r`j13 rCj02

311 捆 jv`s33 jv`j33

312 擦（桌） ft=s33 ft=s33 sr`s02, fts44

313 切（肉） sr@j13 sr@s13

314 绳子 sh`t20sr`13 sr`13 sr`02

315 割（草） jv`m20 jt`m20 jtCm00

320 2.16.5. Transcription of Shuicheng Fa’er word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

316 劈开（木头） o`33wD22 o`44 o`44

317 木头 st`m13uD31 st@m13uD31

318 挖 o`13 o`13

319 人 sDh31uDm20 u=m20 u=m00

320 布依族 ot31Ih31 ih31 cPh11

321 汉族 o@t31w`_33 w`44

322 男人 o@t31rD22 rD22 rd33

323 女人 'k=j13(o@t311fa=j33 fa=j33, i`13 fa=j44

324 巫师 o@t31lt22, o@t31iC20 lt=22, i`20 lt33

325 媒人 o@t31rX33 rX44 r=44

326 朋友 snM20o? m31 snM20o`m31

327 祖宗 o@t33i`13 o`t44jnj44oh=M20

328 父亲 out13, oet13 et13 on02

329 母亲 lh13 lh13 lh02

330 小孩 k=j13j=20m@h33 k=j13mDh44

331 丈夫 sDh31jvD20 jtD20

332 妻子 lC31o`31 l`31o`31 i`02

333 兄姐 lnM20lnM20, m@M33mDh33 lnM20, m=M44 odh11

334 弟妹 mnM30mDh33 mnM31 mt`M11

335 独子 k=j13j=20st13 k=j23rd22st13

336 孙子 sDh20k`m22 k? m22 k`m33

337 公公 o@t33o@t34 o`t44o`t44 oCt44

338 婆婆 m`h22, i`13 i`13

339 外公 s`22s`22 s`22s`22

340 外婆 sD33sD33 sD33sD33

341 客人 o@t30bh33 bhf44 bh44

342 姓 r=M33 r[=M44

343 名字 srt13 srt13 srt02

344 我 j@t22 j@t22 j=t33

2. Phonology of data points 321

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

345 你 l=9M20 l=M20 l=M00

346 他 ot22D13 sDh22 sdh33

347 咱们 jh33y`t20 jh44y`t20 yCt00

348 我们 jh33s@t22 s=t33, yCt00

349 你们 jh33r@t22 r@t22 r=t33

350 他们 jvnM33oDh13 jtBM22oDh13

351 别人 o@t30f=m33 ot31f=m44 f=m44

352 柴 u=m20 u=m20 u=m00

353 火 uDh20 uDh20 udh00

354 火焰 k=m22uDh20 k=m31uDh20

355 烧 o`t22 o`t22 oCt33

356 烧（做饭） fc`M33 fc`M33 fcCM44

357 灰尘 s`t13 s`t13

358 烟 uDh20u`m20 u`m20 uCm00

359 弓 mnM22mt31 fcnM22jnM22 jt`M44

360 箭 m@M m`33 fcnM22jnM22 m`44

361 打猎 s=j34j=22mt13 k`h13et44

362 杀 jË`30 jË`31 jË`22

363 打架 snM31sDh20 snM30sDh20

364 一 ihs33, fch@t22 fhs33 fhs44, fch`t33

365 二 M@h13, rnM22 MDh13 Mdh02, rtCM33

366 一（一个人） fch@t22 ot31u=m20m`22 fch`t33

367 两（两个人） rnM22 rnM22 rt`M33

368 三 [r`M22 r`M22 r`l33

369 四 rDh33 rDh33 rdh44

370 五 w`31 w`31 g`22

371 六 rnj33 rnj44 rtCj44

372 七 sr`s33 sr`s44 srCs44

373 八 ohD s33 ohDs44 oh`s44

322 2.16.5. Transcription of Shuicheng Fa’er word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

374 九 jË@t30 jË@t30 jË=t22

375 十 sr@j13 sr=j13 sr=o02

376 二十 MDh14sr@j13 MDh13sr=j13

377 百 o`33 o`f44 o`44

378 千 r`M22 r`M22

379 都 s=M22, sT22 sËnM22

380 一些 i@t33¯`22 ¯h`22, ¯h33`22

381 多 sT22, kD22 kD22 k`h33

382 少 bDt30 bh@t30 bht22

383 每 s`M33o@t31 s`M44

384 大 kn31 ktB30 kn11

385 小 mDh33 mDh44

386 长 y`h20 y`h20 yCh00

387 短 s=h13 s=X13

388 高 r`M22 r`M22 r`M33

389 矮 s`M33 s`M44 sCl44

390 圆 o@t31 o`t30 oCt11

391 扁 faDm22 fahDm22 oh`m02

392 厚 m`22 m`22 m`33

393 薄 fa`M33 fa`M22 fa`M33

394 宽 jv`M33 jt`M44 ju`M44

395 窄 sr`m20 sr`m20 srCm00

396 硬 fcnM31 fcnM30 fct`M11

397 软 v=m33 v=m33 ftm44

398 直 rt13 rt13 rt02

399 弯曲 j`t34 j`t20

400 快 bh22, ¯`M20, w`m22 bx22, w`m22, ¯`M20

401 慢 o@m13, rnM33 o=m13

402 重 m`j33 m`j33 mCj44

2. Phonology of data points 323

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

403 轻 fa`t22 fa@t22 faCt33

404 胖 oDh20 oDh20 odh00

405 瘦 e`M22 e`M22 ot`l33

406 黑 u`m31 u`m30 ut`m11

407 红 fc=M22 fc=M22 fc=m33

408 白 wn22 wn22 gn33

409 黄 bDm30 bDm30 bh`m22

410 绿 b@t22 bh`t22 bh`t33

411 蓝 fcnM33 fcnM44

412 干的 wX33 wL=44 g=44

413 湿 s`33 s`44 s=l02

414 空的 o=t33 o@t44

415 满 r=M33 r=M22 r=M33

416 干净 r`22 r`22 rC33

417 脏（衣服） ¯Dm13 ¯H=m13

418 新 lt33 lt44 lt44

419 年轻 o@t31i`M20 i`M20

420 聪明 k=j33 k=j44

421 傻 fv`31 fc`j44, lnj13

422 旧 j`t33 j`t33 jCt44

423 老 kn30, l`M20 l`M20 sbh44

424 聋的 mnj33 mnj44 mnj44

425 热 fc=s33 fc=s44 fc`s44

426 冷 sb`M30 sb`M30 sbh`M11

427 好 fcDh22 fcDh22 fcdh33

428 坏 iC33 i`33

429 破 iC33, oh33'ohD33( i`33

430 深 k`j13 k`j13 kCj02

431 浅 fanj33 fanj44 fatj44

324 2.16.5. Transcription of Shuicheng Fa’er word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

432 斜 fa=s33, ¯`M33 fa=s44, ¯h`M44 fa=s44

433 亮 YnM13 YnM13 yt`M02

434 暗 k`j33 y`j13

435 清 r`22 r`f22

436 浑 mnM20 mnM20 mt`M00

437 壮 l@t30 l=t30

438 弱 ¯@h20 ¯@h30

439 淡 sr=s33 sr=h44

440 累 mD33 mD44 md44

441 （捆）紧 fc`s33 fc`s44 fcCs44

442 松 rnM22 rtM44 rtM44

443 滑 i=M30, o@s13s=13, y@t20 o@s13, y@t20

444 贵 j`13 j`f13

445 便宜 fa@t22 fa@t22

446 嫩 vDm33 vDm44

447 难 i`33jt13 i`44…

448 容易 fcDh22s=X13 fcDh22…

449 臭 w@t22i`33 w@t22i`44'm`t13( gCt33

450 香 w@t22fc`M22 w@t22s`M22

451 忙 w`m22 w`m22

452 穷 et30 et30 gt22

453 富 fcDh22 i@t44

454 热闹 srnj33i`M20 srnj44i`M20

455 安静 o@t31y=j24 y`j13, u=X20

456 漂亮（女） r@t22fcDh22 rdt22fcDh22 rdt33fcdh33

457 狡猾 r`9M22, Y`t20sbDh33 y`t20sb@h44, r`M22

458 勇敢 s@j33j`33kn31 s`o22kB30

459 懒 sb=j33 sb@j44 sb=j44

460 努力 jt21fcDh22 srnM44i`M20

2. Phonology of data points 325

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

461 远 sb@h22 jb`h22 jbCh33

462 近 jË`31 jË`20 jËC22

463 里（面） fc? h22 fc`h22 fcC33

464 外（面） Yt13 yt13 yt02

465 右（边） oD 13bh22 bx22

466 左（边） oD 13eD33 eD44

467 上面 oD 13j=m20 j=m20 j=m00

468 下面 oD 13k`31 k`30, sËh31 k`22

469 这里 jh31mDh31 ft44mDh31 mdh11

470 那里 sbh20jDh13 ft44jh13

471 这个 jh33mDh31 jh44mDh30

472 那个 jh33jhD13 jh44jh13

473 哪里 jh31k`20 j`20k`20 kC00

474 谁 o@t31k`20, jh33on30 ot30k`20

475 什么 jh33lC20 jh44l`20

476 怎么 jt20i@t33 jt20i@t44, jt20s=X13

477 什么时候 sh22o`20k`20 o`h20k`20

478 为什么 uDh13jh33l`20 vDh13lh44l`20 l`00

479 在 i@t33 i@t44 cPht44

480 刚（来） w`33lC22 w`}44

481 马上（走） kh20lC31 o@h22srDh30

482 赶快（去） sh22s`t31 jh44it20

483 就 lnM13sh31Yt31 sDh30

484 先 …jv`m33 jt`m44 jtCm44

485 常常（来） k`31o`h20 k=j44o@h20

486 最(快） s`h13bh22

487 更（快） j=m13bh22

488 一起（作） o`13 sX13sv`h13

489 只（买五斤） j`13f`t22 j`22

326 2.17.1. Phone and phoneme inventory

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

490 又（来） sh`M22 i@t13

491 再（说一遍） bh22sn33 sh`M22

492 也 mC20o`h22 m`31

493 或者 sb`M33j?t22, sb`M33l=M20 lD22, r=22

494 好象 iC20 k=M20s`23, r=m22sb`20 k=M22

495 从 s@h33 s`h44

496 （他）和（我） k`M22 sb`M22 ihM00

497 因为 s=X13r=X22 k`M22vDh13, r=X20uDh13

498 如果 i`20mn22 i`20mn13

499 到 s`M20 s@M20 sCM00

500 是 sËD31, sh22 sh22, sD22 sh33, rh33

501 不 lDh22 lDh22 ldh00

502 没关系 lDh22i@t33jh33lC20 lDh22mn22, lDh22i@t44l`20

503 已经 bh22jv`33, s=X13jv`33 jv`44 2.17. Wangmo Fuxi 2.17.1. Phone and phoneme inventory Initial consonants BiLab LaDe InDe Alv PoAl AlPal Pal Vel Glo Plos vl o, oi s j, jv f, [fv], fi PreGlo fa fc Aff vl sb Fric vl e S [r], b w, [g] [r[] [wv] vd u p, [y[], [Y] [G] [pv] [P] Nas vd l m ¯ M Lat vd k App vd i

2. Phonology of data points 327

Final consonants

o, s, j, l, m, M Vowels Front Central Back unrd unrd rd Close h [X], [O] t Near-close [H] [T] Close-mid [d] n, [n:] Mid = Open-mid D B Near-open @ Open `, `: Tones Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch value 24 42 52 31 35 33 35 34 2.17.2. Notes • [t] and [sb] are contrastive. See minimal pairs. • [f] and [v] seem to be separate phonemes, though they could arguably be considered in complementary distribution (with a few exceptions). Only [f] occurs before rounded vowels (four instances). [v] occurs mainly with odd numbered tones (with four exceptions): two of these being in the environment /CV#__V, which could cause an [f] → [v] change. [f] only occurs with an odd tone once—all other instances are with even tones. When comparing the [f] items with their proto-forms, it is found that [f] corresponds mainly to *mw and *v, with one correspondence each to *hm and *b. Historical forms were not found for a few of the items, and some of the words were a completely different lexical item. [v] corresponds to *v, *Fw, *w, *hw, *f, and *xw historically. [f] and [v] are tentatively considered separate phonemes. See near minimal pairs. • [s], [r[], and [S] can be considered allophones, with the degree of dental fronting varying at random. Most items are distinctly interdental, or have a large degree of dental fronting. [s], with no or little dental fronting, only occurs four times, and will not be considered a separate phoneme. The phoneme is taken to be /S/. • [b] occurs numerous times, and there is no question that it is a phoneme separate from /S/. Both occur on even and odd tones, though the near minimal pairs do not show this. See minimal pairs. • [y[] only occurs twice and is considered an allophone of [p]. [p] occurs numerous times. • [p] and [S] are distinct phonemes. See minimal pairs.

328 2.17.2. Notes

• [Y] and [P] each occur only one time and [Y] occurs before [B], as does [p]. There are no good minimal pairs between [Y]/[P] and [s]/[r[]/[S]. [Y] and [P] are not considered phonemic, but there are exceptions. • [¯] is a phoneme separate from [n]. It occurs before high vowels a number of times, but before other vowels as well. Also, [n] occurs before [i] once and [u] twice. See minimal pairs. [M] is also a separate phoneme, although it only occurs on three lexical items. Two of these items have proto-forms with *M—one with proto-form *fM. Each of these three lexical items occur on tone 2. However, [n] also occurs on tone 2. See minimal pairs. • [h] only occurs once and is considered a random variant of [x], while [x] occurs numerous times. [G] only occurs twice: once in the environment /V#__V. This too is considered a variant of [x]. • [fi] is phonemic and [f] occurs in the environment /__iV twice. Also, the degree of palatali- zation is generally quite strong—easily distinguishable from a [fh] – sequence. The situation of [fv] is different, however. [fv] occurs only once and [ft] + V sequences occur four times. The degree of labialization is not significant, so [fv] is not considered phonemic, but a variation of [ft]. • There are nine items with [oi] and [oi] is considered phonemic. [p] does not occur in the environment [pi] + V. The degree of palatalization is strong, and some of the items have a *pj proto-form. • [kw] occurs a number of times and is considered phonemic. [ku] + V occurs twice. The degree of labialization is quite strong, and the degree of vocality of the [u] in the two [ku] + V items is also quite clear. • [pv] only occurs once and [pt] + V occurs five times. [pv] should be considered to have an UR of /pt/ and is not phonemic. • [wv] occurs once, and [wT] + V occurs twice. The degree of labialization on the [xw] item is not sufficiently strong to warrant labeling it as phonemic, therefore, it is not seen as separate from [wt] + V. • Each of the phones [a], [@], and [a:] occur a large number of times and are all phonemes. See minimal pairs. • [e] only occurs once and is considered a variation of [D]. • [H] only occurs on five lexical items: all in the environment /C__C(+stop). However, [i] also occurs in this same environment seven times. [H] is an allophone of [i], though the change /i/ → [H] in that environment is not consistent. See allophonic rule. • [o:] occurs on nine lexical items and is distinctly longer than [o]. [B] occurs on eight items. These two phones are both phonemic. See minimal pairs. • [T] occurs on 14 lexical items—all in the environment /C__(=)C, except for one. However, [u] also occurs in that environment nine times. This situation between [u] and [T] is similar to [H] and [i]. See rule.

2. Phonology of data points 329

• [X] occurs a number of times, as does [=]. They are in complementary distribution and so are considered allophones. See rule. • The vowel [O] occurs once: on 325 ‘matchmaker’ [ot3 r[O4]. This occurrence is unexplained, and may be a variant of [X]. It is not considered phonemic. 2.17.3. Minimal pairs [t] and [sb] 495 ‘from’ [s@h4], 93 ‘egg’ [sb@h4] 429 ‘broken, torn’ [sD4], 423 ‘old (person)’ [sbD4] [v] and [f] 165 ‘pants’ [u`4], 31 ‘iron’ [e`1] 223 ‘mend’ [uX=M0], 434 ‘dark’ [eX=l1] [b] and [S] 154 ‘hot, spicy’ [b`s7], 167 ‘mat’ [S`s6] 172 ‘cooking pot’ [b`:t4], 185 ‘bamboo pole’ [S`:t1] [S] and [p] 195 ‘paper’ [S`0], 258 ‘to search’ [p`0] 310 ‘to wash (clothes)’, [S@j7], 304 ‘to steal’ [p@j7] [¯] and [n] 56 ‘grass (tender)’ [¯`0], 392 ‘thick’ [m`0] 365 ‘two (ordinal)’ [¯h5], 385 ‘small’ [mh4] [M] and [n] 20 ‘lunch’ [M`:h1], 440 ‘tired’ [m`:h4] 96 ‘snake’ [MX=1], 305 ‘to want’ [mX5 f`t0] [a:], [@], and [a] 443 ‘smooth’ [w`:t1], 52 ‘cooked rice’ [w@t3 w`:t0], 156 ‘cucumber’ [shDM5 w`t1] 105 ‘body’ [fc`:M0], 110 ‘nose’ [fc@M0], 458 ‘brave’ [fc`M4] [o] and [o:] 211 ‘error’ [knM0], 447 ‘loose’ [kn:l0] [o] and [B] 404 ‘fat (person)’ [fnm4], 63 ‘thorn’ [fBm0] 2.17.4. Allophonic rules /i/ → [H]/C__C(+stop) (this change occurs inconsistently) → [i]/elsewhere

/u/ → [T]/C__(=)C (change occurs inconsistently) → [u]/elsewhere

/=/ → [X]/C__# (with two exceptions: [jv=5] ‘to do’ and [j=3] ‘functional pronoun used with Wh words and locatives’) /C__=(C)# /CV__# (where V = [@] or [a] → [=]/C__C# /CV__(C)# (Where V = [u] or [i]

330 2.17.5. Transcription of Wangmo Fuxi word list

2.17.5. Transcription of Wangmo Fuxi word list 望谟县复兴镇平绕村90年代与50年代语音糸统比较

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

1 阳光 fc`s24 fc`s24

2 闪电 fi@o22oi`42 fi`o24oi`42

3 雷（名） oi`42 oi`42 oi`22

4 月亮 pnM22fchDm13 pnM22fchDm13

5 星星 fc`t22fch24 fc`9t22fch24

6 天, 天空 fa=m13 fa=m13 faLm02

7 云 uX=42 uX=42 uL=22

8 风 ptl20 ptl20 ytl00

9 雨 wv=m13 wTm13 gtm02

10 彩虹 e`M20bnM20 e`M20btM20 e`M00btM20

11 雾 k`o22ln24 k`o22ln24 ln24

12 早上 sb`42g`9s13 g`s24 gCs24

13 下午 w`13k`o24 bX20phM20

14 晚上 sb`42w`9l22 w@l22 gLm00, gCl42

15 天, 日子 Mn9M20 MBm20 MBm00

16 年 oh13 oh13 oh02

17 早（来早） b`t31 b@t31 bCt20, ynl42

18 晚（来晚） jv`9h20 jv`9h20kTs24 kns24

19 早餐 M`9h20pnl22, M`9h20mh=M20'pnl22( M`9h20mD22

20 午饭 M`9h20 M`9h20 M`h00

21 下午的餐 phM20 phM20 yhM00

22 晚饭 b`t20 b@t20 bCt00

23 水 p`l31 p@l31 yCl20

24 井 fan24 fan24 fan42

25 土 m`9l22 m`9l22 m`l42

26 石头 fc@j24phm13 phm13 yhm02

27 沙 pD24 pD24 yd24

2. Phonology of data points 331

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

28 尘土（路上） lnj24lnm24 lnj22lBm24 sCt42

29 金子 sbhl13 sbhl13 sbhl02

30 银子 M@m20 M@m20 MCm00

31 铁 e`20 e`20 e`00

32 河 s`22 s`22 s`42

33 岸 wDm20 wDm20 gCm00

34 湖 s`l20 s`l20

35 海 b@h33 w`9h42 g`h22

36 山 on13 on13 on02

37 路 pBm13 pnm13 yBm02

38 村子 fa`9m31 fa`9m31 fa`m20

39 房子 p`9m20 p`9m20 y`m00

40 房顶 mDM20p`9m20 mDM20p`9m20

41 门 st13 st13 st02

42 木板（板子） oDm42 oDm42 odm22

43 桌子 bnM20 bn9M20 bnM00

44 凳子 s`M24 s@M24 sCM24

45 碗 snh30st@h31 snh31 snh20

46 筷子 sX33 sX22 sL42

47 扫把 sbHs24¯t20 sbhs24¯t20 oCs24

48 猪圈 wn33, jvnM24lt13 wn22

49 田（稻田） m`20 m`20 m`00

50 地 ph33 ph22 yh42

51 大米 w@t31S`9m13 w@t31w`9t13 r`m02

52 米饭 w@t31w`9t13 w@t31btj22 gCt20

53 糯米 w@t31bts22 w@t31bTs22

54 糯米饭 w@t31m`M42 w@t31m`M42

55 秧苗 sb`42 sb`42 sb`22

56 草（青嫩） ¯`13 ¯h=42 ¯hd22, ¯`02

332 2.17.5. Transcription of Wangmo Fuxi word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

57 甘蔗 ft@h31 fnh31 fnh20

58 树 e`h31 e@h31 eCh20

59 （树）根 y[`33e`h31 p`22 y`42

60 竹子（总称） e`h31pBs22 e@h31fa@M24 yBs22（金竹）

61 森林 fcnM13e`h31 fcnM13 fcBM02

62 叶子 fa`X13e`h31 fa@L13 faCL02

63 刺（名） fBm13 fB9m13 fnm02

64 花 u`13 u`13 u`02

65 籽, 种子 wBm13 wBm13 gBm02

66 水果 l`24 l`24 l`24

67 菜（蔬菜） oiDj24 oi=j24 oiCj24

68 动物（总称） st=20st=20 st=20st=20

69 猪 lt13 lt13 lt02

70 羊 it@M20 it@M20 it9M00

71 狗 l`13 l`13 l`02

72 马 l`31 l`31 l`20

73 水牛 st31u`9h20 u`9h20 u`9h00

74 黄牛 st bh=20 bh=20 bhd00

75 尾巴 ph=M13 ph=M24 yh9M02

76 角（牛） jtj24 j@t13 jCt02

77 老虎 jtj24 jtj24 jtj24

78 熊 lT=h13 lt=h13 lnh02

79 猴子 khM20 khM20 khM00

80 蝙蝠 st u`9t20 u`9t20 u`t02

81 兔子 kh20on13 kh20on13

82 老鼠 st u`9t41 u`9t42 u`t22

83 鸟 pBj22 pnj22 yBj22

84 鸟窝 ptM20pBj22 pn9M20pnj22

85 鸡 j@h24 j@h24 jCh24

2. Phonology of data points 333

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

86 鸡冠 pt42j@h24 pt42j@h24 yt22

87 鸭子 oHs24 ohs24 ohs24

88 鹅 w`9m24 w`9m24 g`m24

89 猫头鹰 YBj22i`22GX22 pnj22j`22L22, yBj22sbCt22 pnj22jTj24mt13 ldt24

90 翅膀 eX=s13 e=s22 eL9s22

91 羽毛 o=m13mnl22 o=m13 oLm02

92 爪子 pHo24ptDh30 pho22

93 蛋 sb@h24 sb@h24 sbCh24

94 鱼 oi`13 oi`13 oi`02

95 鱼鳍 sbh20oi`13 sbh20

96 蛇 MX=20 MX=20 ML=00

97 蚊子 mDM20j`13p@h20 mDM20j`13p@h20 mdM00

98 苍蝇 mDM20S`24 mDM20S`24

99 蚂蚁 st lns13 lns22 lBs22

100 蜘蛛 st jv`t13 jv`9t13 ju`t02

101 跳蚤 st l`s24 l@s24 lCs24

102 臭虫 st ph=s22 ph=s22 yh9s22

103 蚯蚓 st fchDm13 fchDm13 fch9m02

104 虱子 st m@m20 m@m20 mCm00

105 身体 fc`9M13 fc`9M13 fc`M02

106 头 sb`t41 sb@t42 sbCt22

107 头发 o=m13sb@t41 liDt20 oiBl02

108 脸 m`42 m`42 m`22

109 眼睛 k=j31s`13 s`13 s`02

110 鼻子 fc@M13 fc@M13 fcCM02

111 耳朵 ph=20 ph=20 yhd00

112 嘴巴 bnM22o`24 o`24 o`24

113 牙齿 iDt42 ihDt42 idt22

114 舌头 khm31 khm31 khm20

334 2.17.5. Transcription of Wangmo Fuxi word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

115 下巴 k`42w`9M20 w`M20 g`M00

116 胡子 lTL33 ltl22 ltl42

117 额头 m`42oi`24 oi`24 oi`24

118 脖子 fDt13wn20 wn20

119 肩膀 o`M31fa`24 fa`24 fa`42

120 手 u`24e=M20 e=M20 eLM00

121 腿 j`13 j`13 j`02

122 膝盖 l@t42'sb@t42(wn13 l@t20wn24 gn24

123 脚 shm13 shm13 shm02

124 胸 f`j24 f`j24 fCj24

125 背 o`h33k`M13 k@M13 kCM02

126 甲状腺肿 f`h13 f`9h13

127 心脏 snl14 snl24 snl24

128 肺脏 o=s24 o=s24 oLs24

129 脑子 ftj24 ftj24 ftj24

130 肝 s`o24 s@o24 sCo24

131 肚子 snM31 stM31 stM20

132 肚脐 ot41fchD13 ot24fch=13 fchd02

133 肠子 r@h42 r[@h42 rCh22

134 血 kh=s33 kh=s22 kh9s22

135 屎 fD31 fD31 fD20

136 骨头 fcB24 fcn24 fcn42

137 皮肤 m@M13 m@M13 mCM02

138 肉 mn33 mn22 mn42

139 油（猪） k`9t20 k`9t20 k`t00

140 大蒜 Sn@h24 r[n9h24 rnh24

141 姜 whM13 whM13 ihM02

142 盐 jt=13 jt=13 juL=02

143 咬 w`o22 g`9o22 gCo22

2. Phonology of data points 335

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

144 吃 j=m13 j=m13 jLm02

145 喝 fcBs24 fcBs24 fcBs24

146 酒 k@t42 k`t42 kCt22

147 醉（酒） k@t42eh20 eh20

148 呕吐 fnj33 pt=22, fnj22 yuL=42

149 煮 pTM13 ptM13, bh42 ytM02

150 甜 u`9m13 u`9m13 u`m02

151 酸 SBl41 Snl42 rBl22

152 苦 w` l20 w`l20 gCl00

153 咸 w`m24 w@m24 fcCM42

154 辣 b`s22 b`s22 b`s22, l`m42

155 饿 snM31fhD13 fh=24, fc@s24 fhd42

156 黄瓜 shDM22w`t31 sh@M13w@t31 sh9M02

157 南瓜 k=j22jv`13 jv`13

158 丝瓜 k=j22jvD13 jvD13 jud02

159 豆 st=33 st=22 kLj22suL=42

160 芋头 k=j oX=24 oX=24 oL=24

161 芦苇 e@h31Mn31j@h24 Mn31j@h24

162 衣服 oX=33 oL=22 oL=42

163 布 o`M20 o`M20 oCM00

164 棉 u`9h24 u`9h24 u`h24

165 裤子 u`24 u`24 u`24

166 袜子 l`s22 l`9s22 l`s22

167 席子 S`s24 fahm31, e`s22 fahm20

168 蚊帐 ph=o24 ph=o24 yh9o24

169 斗笠 sbno24 sbno24 sbBo24

170 刀 lHs22 lhs22 lhs22

171 把（刀） e`33 e`22 e`42

172 锅 b`9t24 b`9t24

336 2.17.5. Transcription of Wangmo Fuxi word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

173 锅盖 u`13u@h24'b`9t24( u`13 u`02

174 三脚架 sbh=M20 sbh=M20 sbh9M00

175 背带 fc`13 fc`13 fc`02

176 扇子 oDm24oh20 oh20 oh00

177 秤 b`9M33 b@M22 bCM42

178 锥子 bDm24et13 bDm24et13

179 剪子 e` s`9t13 s`9t13 s`t02

180 钱 bDm20 bdm20 bdm00

181 雨伞 kh@M42 kh=M42 kh9M22

182 锁 St`42 r[v`42 ktM22

183 钥匙 bh=20St`42 bh=20r[v`42

184 棍子 sb`M24e@h31 s=M31

185 竹竿 S`9t31 r[`9t31 r`t20

186 船 pt=20 pt=20 yuL=00

187 斧头 e`33u`m13 u`9m13 u`m02

188 犁 b@h13 b@h13 buCh02

189 锄头 e`22fi`24 fiv`24 fiu`42

190 扁担 w`9m20s`9m13 w`9m20 g`m00

191 麻 fc`9h31 fc`9h31 fc`h20

192 肥料 o=m33 o=m22 oLm42

193 石臼 stDh33 ptl13snh22 ytl02

194 杵 oiD13bh20 fi=13bh20

195 筛子 fc=m p`M13 p@M13 yCM02

196 簸箕 fcnM31uh24 fcnM31uh24 fcBM20

197 织布机 bnM20pn24 bnM20pn24 bt9M00

198 纸 S`13 r[`13 r`02

199 墨水 p@L31l@j22 p`l31l`j22 lCj22

200 笔 ohm24l@j22 ohm24l`j22

201 唢呐 w`9t22 o`20kD20

2. Phonology of data points 337

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

202 网 pD13 pD13 yd02

203 钩子 M@t24 M@t24

204 鬼 st=21e`9M20 e`M20 e`M00

205 神 st=31bh=31 bh=31

206 力气 pDM20 pD9M20 ydM00

207 影子 M@t20 M@t20 MCt00

208 梦 e`20w@m20 o`20w=m20

209 故事 bDt13jn9m24 bDt22jn9m24

210 礼物 s@M20i@M22, k@h31 k@h31 kCh20, fa`h24

211 错误 kBM13 kn9M13 kBM02

212 闲空 u`9M24 u`9M24 u`M24

213 方向 ih=M24 ih=M24

214 缝 ¯ho22 ¯ho22 ¯ho22

215 喜欢 f`M24i`9M22 l@h42 f`M42

216 爱 sb@h20 sb@h20 sbCh00

217 剥（果皮） fah24 fah24 sLm22, fah42

218 抱（孩子） fnl31 ftl31 ftl20

219 背（孩子） fX13 fX13 fL02

220 加（饭） shl20 sHl20

221 裂开 fa`24 fa`24w`o24 fato24

222 编（篮子） S`9m14 S`9m13 r`m02

223 补（衣服） uX=M13 uX=M13 uL9M02

224 插（秧） fc@l13 fc@l13 fcCl02

225 尝（菜） bhl20 bhl20 bhl00

226 穿（衣服） s@m42 s@m42 sCm22

227 漏（水） pn22 pn22 yn42

228 点（头） M`j23sb@t42 m`j23

229 挂（在墙上） uDm13 uD9m13 udm02

230 滚（在地上） phM31 phM31, pt31 yhM20

338 2.17.5. Transcription of Wangmo Fuxi word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

231 过（河） jv`24 jv`24 ju`24

232 划（船） j`t13 jt`9t13 ju`t02

233 继续 jv=33p@X31p@X31 p@L31p@L31

234 借（钱） bhD24's`M31iDl20( bh=24 bhd24

235 砍（树） p@l31 p@l42 eCm00, yCl22

236 烤（火） S`t13'eh20( r[@t13 yhM02, rCt02

237 咳嗽 f@h13 f@h13 fCh02

238 肿（腿） eBj22 enj22 eBj22

239 流（水） k@h13 k@h13 kCh02

240 起（床） pt=m24 p=m24 ytm24

241 牵（牛） bhM13 bhM13 bhM02

242 晒 s`24 s`24 s`24

243 筛（米） p@M13'w@t31( p@M13

244 上（楼） w=m42 w=m42 gLm22

245 下（楼） pnM20 pB9M20 yBM00

246 伸（手） fhDs24 fiDs24 fh9s24

247 梳（头发） ptDh13'sb@t( pnh13 ynh02

248 （头）疼 'sb@t(sbDs24 sbDs24 fhm02, sbds24

249 踢 shs24 kD24 shs24

250 提（篮子） phtf42 pht42 yht22

251 吞 fctm31 fct=m31 fctm20

252 脱（衣） sns24 sns24 sns24

253 问 w`l24 w@l24 gCl24

254 回答 w`9m13 w`9m13 g`m02

255 忘记 kTl20 kTl20 ktl00

256 下（雨） s@t42'v=m( s@t42 sCt22

257 休息 fh=s22m`h24 fiDs24m`9h24 fh9s22m`h24

258 寻找 p`13 p`13 y`02

259 眨（眼） fi@o24's`13( fi@o24 fiCo24

2. Phonology of data points 339

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

260 住 fit24'j= k@L( fit24

261 蒸（饭〕 m`M43'w@t( m@M42 mCM22

262 活 sb@t13 sb@t13 sbCt02

263 死 s`9h13 s`9h13 s`h02

264 病 ohM33 ohM22 ohM42

265 呼吸 sDt14bX13 sDt24bh=13

266 听 j`33¯h=13 ¯h=13 ¯hd02

267 看 bhl13 bhl13 kdm42, mdm42

268 说, 讲 j`9M42, m@t20 m@t20, j`9M42 mCt00, j`M22

269 笑 pDt13 pDt13 ydt02

270 骂 wTs24 fc`24, wTs24 fc`42

271 哭 s@h42 s@h42 sCh22

272 吹 on24 on24

273 打呵欠 pv`t14ptL20 p@t3ptl20

274 睡觉 mhm20 mhm20 mhm00

275 站 fcTm14 fcT=m13 fctm02

276 坐 m@M33 m@M22 mCM42

277 走 oi`9h42 oi`9h42 oi`h22

278 爬（小孩） pt@m20 pt=m20 yt9m00

279 爬（树） ohm13 ohm13 ohm02

280 来 l`13 l`13

281 去 o@h13 o@h13 oCh02

282 进入 w@t42fc@L13 w@t42 gCt22

283 回来 s`t24l`13 s`t24l`13 s`t24

284 飞 fahm13 fahm13 fahm02

285 骑 jtDh33 jnh22 jnh42

286 游泳 bDt33s`33 kD9t22s`13

287 浮 et20 et20 et00

288 玩 jv=33b`l30 bTl20 bCl00

340 2.17.5. Transcription of Wangmo Fuxi word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

289 唱 b`M13 jt=22v=m13

290 鼓 sbnM13¯Dm20, sbnM13, ¯Dm20 sbnM02, ¯h9m00 sbnM13m`M13

291 干活 jv=33wn9M13 jt=22wnM13 gnM02

292 担 p`9o24 y[`o24 y`o24

293 关（门） w`o24 w`o24 gCo24

294 开（门） w`9h13 w`9h13 g`h02

295 开（嘴） f`31o`14 f`31 f`20

296 推 fcdM13 bt=h13 fcdM02

297 拉 kn22, bt`t22 bv`9t22

298 掉 snj14 snj24 sBj24

299 给 w@L42 w@L42 gCL22

300 拿 f@t13 pht42 sL00

301 选择 kD33 kD22 kd42

302 买 bX31 bX31 bL20

303 卖 j`9h13 j`9h13 j`h02

304 偷 p@j22 y[@j22 yCj22

305 想要 mX33f`t13 mX22f@t13

306 有 kh31 kh31 kh20

307 知道 pn31wD33 y[n31 yn20

308 怕 k`9t13 k`9t13 k`t02

309 洗（手） p`24 p`24 rnh24, y`24

310 洗（衣服） jv=33S@j22 r`j22 rCj22

311 捆 w=9s22 w=s22, btj22

312 擦（桌） ft=s24 ft@s24 b`s22, ft9s22

313 切（肉） pT=m22, b`o22 y[n9m24 ynm24

314 绳子 b`22 b`22 b`42

315 割（草） jnm20 jBm20 jBm00

316 劈开（木头） o`24 o`24 knh42

317 木头 fc`j24e@h31 fc`j24e@h31

2. Phonology of data points 341

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

318 挖 o`22 o`22

319 人 wT=m20 wt=m20 gtm00

320 布依族 ot31fi`h31 fi@h31 fiCh20

321 汉族 ot31w`13 w`24 g`24

322 男人 k=j22S`9h13 r[`9h13 r`h02

323 女人 k=j22fa=j24 bh20i`22 faLj24

324 巫师 ot31i`20, ot31ln13 ln13, i`20 ln02

325 媒人 ot31r O24 rq24 rL24

326 朋友 uDh22sbh24 u=h22sbh24

327 祖宗 o@t24i`33 o@t24i`22

328 父亲 on33 on22 on42

329 母亲 lD33 lD22 ld42

330 小孩 bh20k`9m13 k`9m13mh24

331 丈夫 jv`m13, o@t24 o@t24, jv@m13

332 妻子 i`33 i`22 i`42

333 兄姐 oh31 oh31 oh20

334 弟妹 mt@M31 mt@M31 mt9M20

335 独子 k=j31sn33 k=j22sn22

336 孙子 k`9m13 k`9m13 k`m02

337 公公 o@t24 o@t24 oCt24

338 婆婆 m@h33 i`22

339 外公 o`t24s`13 s`13

340 外婆 i`33s`9h13 s`9h13

341 客人 ot31wD24 wD24 gd24

342 姓 u@h13 u@h24

343 名字 bn33 bn22 bn42

344 我 jt13 jt13 jt02

345 你 l=M20 l=M20 lLM02

346 他 sD13 sD13 sd02

342 2.17.5. Transcription of Wangmo Fuxi word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

347 咱们 wn33p@t20 p@t20 yCt00

348 我们 on20p@t20 p@t20 st02

349 你们 wn33sD13 rt13 rt02

350 他们 on20sD13 wn24sD13

351 别人 ot31f=m24 ot31f=m24 eL=20, fLm42

352 柴 e=m20 e=m20 eLm00

353 火 eh20 eh20 eh00

354 火焰 oi`9h13eh20 oi`t13eh20

355 烧 bts24 bnl22 oiCt02

356 烧（做饭） fc`M31 fc@M31 fcCM42

357 灰尘 s@t33 s@t22 lnj24lBm24

358 烟 wn9m20eh20 wBm20 gBm00

359 弓 m`24jn9M13 jBM13 jBM02

360 箭 m`l42m`24 m`24 m`24

361 打猎 s=j24s@t24 s@j24s@t24

362 杀 j`42 j`42 j`22

363 打架 snM31w`9h31 stM31w`9h31

364 一 fcDt13, fhs24 fhs24

365 二 Mh33, rnM13 ¯h42

366 一（一个人） fcD9t13 fcdt02

367 两（两个人） r[nM13 rnM02

368 三 r`9l13 S`9l13 r`l02

369 四 r[h24 r[h13 rh24

370 五 w`42 w`42 g`22

371 六 pnj24 y[nj24 yBj24

372 七 bDs24 bDs24 bDs24

373 八 oDs24 oDs24 ods24

374 九 jt42 jt42 jt22

375 十 bho22 bho22 bho22

2. Phonology of data points 343

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

376 二十 Mh22bho22 Mh22bho22

377 百 o`24fcDt13 o`24 o`24

378 千 bhDm13fcDt13 bhDm13

379 都 st33s`M31b`h20 sX24…kD9t31

380 一些 on20fcDt13 on20fcDt13

381 多 k`9h13 k`9h13 k`h02

382 少 mtDh24 mnh24 rdt22

383 每 fhs24 fhs24

384 大 k`9t31 k`9t31 k`t20

385 小 mh24 mh24

386 长 y[@h20 p@h20 yCh00

387 短 shm31 shm42 shm22

388 高 r[`9M13 r[`9M13 r`M02

389 矮 s@l24 s@l24 sCl24

390 圆 o@t31 o@t31 oCm20

391 扁 oDl42 oDl42 faDo24

392 厚 m`13 m`13 m`02

393 薄 faDM13 faD9M3 faDM02

394 宽 jv`9M24 jt`9M24 ju`M24

395 窄 bDm20 bDm20 bDm00

396 硬 fcBM31 fcnM31 fcnM20

397 软 fT=m24s@X13 ft=m24 ftm42

398 直 rn22 r[n22 rn42

399 弯曲 jnM24j}n20 jtM24jn20 jn00

400 快 ¯`l20 ¯@l20

401 慢 ¯tDl33 ¯xdl22

402 重 m@j24 m`j24 mCj24

403 轻 fa@t13 fa@t13 faCt02

404 胖 fnm24 oh20 oh00

344 2.17.5. Transcription of Wangmo Fuxi word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

405 瘦 oinl13 oinl24 oinl02

406 黑 enm31 enm31 enm20

407 红 fchM13 fchM13 fchM02

408 白 w`9t13 w`9t13 g`t02

409 黄 wDm42 wDm42 gdm22

410 绿 knj22 knj22 kBj22

411 蓝 oHj24 oHj24

412 干的 GX24 wL24 gL24

413 湿 kTo24 kTo24

414 空的 jn9m13 jn9m13

415 满 phl13 phl13 yhl02

416 干净 r[@L13 r[@L13 rCL02

417 脏（衣服） pn24 y[B24

418 新 ln24 ln24 ln24

419 年轻 ot31bn20 bn20 bn00

420 聪明 jv`h13 jv`h13 ju`h02

421 傻 fv`31 fv`31

422 旧 j@t24 j@t24 jCt24

423 老 sbD24 sbD24 sbd24

424 聋的 mtj34 mtj24 mtj24

425 热 f`M13 f`M13 fc`s24, yCt22

426 冷 bDM31 bDM31 mhs24, bdM20

427 好 fch13 fch13 fch02

428 坏 u`9h22 u`9h22 u`h42

429 破 sD24 sD24

430 深 k`j22 k`j22 kCj22

431 浅 fanj24 fanj24 faBj24

432 斜 MDM24 MdM24, bv`h31 fahs24

433 亮 pnM33 y[nM22 ynM42

2. Phonology of data points 345

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

434 暗 eX=l31 k@o22, kt=20

435 清 S@X13 r[@L13

436 浑 mnM20 mBM20 mBM00

437 壮 fnm24 fn9m24

438 弱 s@X24 s@L24

439 淡 bTs24 bTs24 bts24

440 累 m`9h23 m`9h24 m`h24

441 （捆）紧 fc`s24 fc`s24 fcCs24

442 松 kn9l13 kB9l13 ytM24

443 滑 w`9t31 w`9t31

444 贵 oDM20 oDM20 odM00

445 便宜 s=j22 s=j22

446 嫩 ft=m24 ft=m24

447 难 ¯Ds24 mDs24, fi`24, m`m20

448 容易 fch13jv=33 fch13, M`9h22

449 臭 w`t13 w@t13 gCt02

450 香 wnl13 wn9l13 gnl02

451 忙 w@m13 w@m13

452 穷 wn42 wn42 gn22

453 富 o@m20fch13 o@m20fch13

454 热闹 fch13l@h20 l@h20 lCh00

455 安静 oi`j22phj33 oi`M22y[hj22, fc@l31phj22

456 漂亮（女） b`t22'fch13( b`9t22 b`t42

457 狡猾 fDm24 fD9m24

458 勇敢 fc`M24 fc@M24

459 懒 sbhj24 sbhj24 sbhj24

460 努力 p@j24pDM20 p`j24pDM20, M`L20

461 远 sb@h13 sb@h3 sbCh02

462 近 sb@X42 sb@L42 sbCL22

346 2.17.5. Transcription of Wangmo Fuxi word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

463 里（面） 'o`h33(fc@X13 fc@L13 fcCL02

464 外（面） 'o`h33(pn22 y[n22 yn42

465 右（边） 'o`h33(jv`20 jv`20 ju`00

466 左（边） 'o`h33(StDh31 r[nh31 rnh20

467 上面 'o`h33(j=m20 j=m20 jLm00

468 下面 'o`h33(k`42 k`42 k`22

469 这里 j=20j=31mDh31 j=20mh31 mh20

470 那里 j=20sD13 j=20sD13

471 这个 j`h24mDh31 j`9h24mDh31

472 那个 j`h24sD13 j`9h24sD13

473 哪里 j=20k@X20 j=20k@L20 kCL00

474 谁 ot31k@X20 ot31k@L20

475 什么 j=24l`20 l`20

476 怎么 s=M24k@X20 s@M24k@X20

477 什么时候 bX20k@X20 bh=20k@L20

478 为什么 j`h24jD24l`20 j`h24j=24l`20 l`00

479 在 fit24 fit24 fht42

480 刚 b@t31 b@t31

481 马上（走） o@h13o@h13fcDt13 o@h13o@h20fcDt13

482 赶快（去） o@h13¯@l20mnh33 ¯`l20lnh22

483 就 bh22 bh31

484 先 jn9m24 jn9m24 jnm24

485 常常（来） bh`20bh`20 jt24jt24

486 最(快) '¯@l(sb`31bh20… bns22

487 更（快） '¯@l20(o=33kDt31 sb`20bh20

488 一起（作） o@h13sn33'jv=33( o@h20sn22

489 只（买五斤） s`L42'bX w` j@m( s@L31, s`9l20

490 又（来） s`t24'l` ot fcDt(, …ln24 …ln24

491 再（说一遍） 'm@t20(s`t24'sDl13( …sDl24

2. Phonology of data points 347

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

492 也 b@h20 i`22

493 或者 lh31bh33 lh20bh22

494 好象 k=l42ot31w`20 ktl24ot31 ktl22

495 从 s@h24 s@h24

496 和 ph@M20 ph=M20 yh9M00

497 因为 fit24ih@M22l`20 ih=M22l`20 ihm42uLh24

498 如果 b`31m@t20 b`31m@t20, fh24m@t20

499 到 s`M20p`m20o@h s`M20 sCM00

500 是 sDM13 sDM13 sL22, bhm02

501 不 lh20 lh20 lh00

502 没关系 lh20j=24l`20 lh20kh31j=24l`20

503 已经 jv`24o@h13 jt`24ih=24 2.18. Xingyi Bajie 2.18.1. Phone and phoneme inventory Initial consonants BiLab LaDe Alv PoAl AlPal Pal Vel Glo Plos vl o, oi s j, jv f, [fi], [fv] PreGlo fa fc Aff vl sb Fric vl e r b [w] g, [gv] vd u y, y[ Y [F] G Nas vd l m ¯ M, Mv Lat vd k App vd v i Initial consonants

o, s, j, f, l, m, M

348 2.18.2. Notes

Vowels Front Central Back unrd unrd unrd rd Close h [X], [O] [L] t Near-close [H] [T] Close-mid n, [n:] Mid =, =: Open-mid D, [D:] [B] Near-open [?], [?:] @ Open `, `: Tones Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Pitch value 33 52 25 35 24 41 24 44 23 or 31 22 2.18.2. Notes • [sb] and [t] are phonemically distinct. See minimal pairs. • [v] and [f] are considered phonemically distinct, even though [f] only occurs with even tones in phrase final position. [v] mostly occurs with odd tones and does occur on tones 2 and 6 in word phrase final position. The [f] and [v] phones do not occur on a voicing continuum, but are pronounced distinctly. No perfect minimal pairs could be found, but near minimal pairs are given below. • [z] and [y[] can be considered to be the same phone—the degree of dentalness varying over a continuum. [y/y[] and [Y] are allophones and [Y] occurs before rounded vowels (with three exceptions). [y/y[] occur before nonrounded vowels (with one exception). See rule below. The phoneme is seen as /z/. • [s], [b], and [y] are separate phonemes. See minimal pairs. • [x] occurs only once, while [h] occurs a large number of times. [x] is not considered phonemic, but a variation of [h]. • [F] occurs on only two items and [G] occurs on only three items. They are considered one phoneme /G/, with a phonetic difference in the degree of fricativeness. Though they together only occur a total of five times, they are still considered phonemic. See minimal pairs with [h]. • [¯] generally occurs before the vowels [i] and [D], although it also occurs before [a] once. [M] only occurs on seven items. These two phones are phonemic and separate from [n]. See minimal pairs. • [w] only occurs on five items and [hw] occurs on one item: 319 ‘person’ [gvTm1]. However, ‘person’ was pronounced without aspiration on another lexical item (207 ‘shadow’ [M`t1 v=m1]), although here the phone in question is in the environment /V#__V. The phone [hw]

2. Phonology of data points 349

will be considered as a random variant of [w], although it could arguably be considered phonemic, in view of the fact that [kw], [Mv], and [fv] are phonemic. [w] and [v] are contrastive. See minimal pair. • [pj] occurs on nine lexical items and is contrastive with [p]. See minimal pairs. • [kw] occurs on only seven items, but is phonemic. See minimal pairs. • [Mv] only occurs on two items, and there are no good minimal or near minimal pairs between it and [M]. However, [Mv] should still be considered as phonemic. The distinction between [Mv] and [Mt] is quite clear—the degree of labialization is quite strong on the two items with [Mv]. For example, in 203 ‘hook’ [Mvn0 Mt@s0/], the [Mv] sound is distinct from the [Mt] sound. • There is only one occurrence of [fv] and [ft] + V occurs on four lexical items. Here, the distinction between [fv] and [ft] is not clear. For this reason, [fv] is not considered phonemic, although further investigation is needed to make a definite analysis. • Both [?:] and [?] only occur on one item each, and are nonphonemic variants of [a:] and [a], respectively. [a:], [@], and [a] are each phonemic. See minimal pair sets. • [H] occurs on seven lexical items, all in the environment /__C# and is an allophone of [i]. See rule below. [i] also occurs in that environment several times, so there is no consistent change between [i] and [H] in that environment. • [D:] occurs on four items and [D] occurs numerous times. There is no occurrence of [e]. The length on [D:] is not distinct enough to be phonemic. • [o:] occurs on five items, but the length is not distinct enough to be phonemic. • The situation between [u] and [T] is almost exactly the same as between [i] and [H]. [T] occurs on five items (four in the environment /__C# and one in the environment /w__V) and is an allophone of [u]. See rule. [u] also occurs in the first environment several times, although it never occurs in the second environment. • [=:] occurs on five items. In the other lects, four of these five items usually have diphthongs, so the length here on [=:] is seen as significant. However, there is another item in this lect that has a short [=] (4 ‘moon’ [fc=m0]), though this nucleus is generally comprised of diphthongs in other lects. This makes the situation between [=:] and [=] somewhat unclear. Since there are close minimal pairs, and [=:] generally occurs in items where the nucleus is long due to diphthongs, we view [=:] and [=] as separate phonemes. • [X] occurs on a number of lexical items, all in the environments C__# or C__V(C). (There are exceptions in the environment C__#. That is, when it is followed by another syllable, it is often realized as C=# + σ.) [=] only occurs in the environment C__C, with the exception of 78 ‘bear’ [l=h0]. So [X] and [=] are in complementary distribution, with the exception of 78 ‘bear’. [X] is considered an allophone of [=], though further investigation may give a clearer picture. See rule below.

350 2.18.3. Minimal pairs

2.18.3. Minimal pairs [sb] and [t] 461 ‘far’ [sb`h0], 263 ‘to die’ [s`h0] 179 ‘scissors’ [sbDt1], 190 ‘shoulder pole’ [sDt1 g`m1] [v] and [f] 165 ‘pants’ [u`4], 31 ‘iron’ [e`1] 196 ‘dustpan’ [fcnM0 uh4], 353 ‘fire’ [eh1] [s] and [b] 325 ‘matchmaker’ [ot3 rX4], 127 ‘heart’ [r`h0 bX0] 398 ‘straight’ [rn5], 343 ‘first name’ [bn5] [s] and [z] 369 ‘four’ [rh4], 50 ‘field (dry)’ [yh5] 198 ‘paper’ [r`0], 258 ‘to search’ [y`0] [G/F] and [h] 13 ‘afternoon’ [F`4 k`o6], 370 ‘five’ [g`2] 492 ‘also’ [Gn3], 488 ‘together’ [s`M1 gn3] [w] and [v] 9 ‘rain’ [v=m0/vDm0], 229 ‘to hang’ [uDm0] [M], [¯], and [n] 30 ‘silver’ [M`m1], 98 ‘fly (insect)’ [MDM1 ¯`m0], 137 ‘skin’ [m`M0] [¯] and [n] 365 ‘two (ordinal)’ [¯h0], 471 ‘this’ [mh3] [M] and [n] 207 ‘shadow’ [M`t1], 268 ‘to speak’ [m`t1] [pj] and [p] 67 ‘vegetable’ [oi`j6], 318 ‘to dig’ [o`j8] 277 ‘to walk’ [oi`h2], 213 ‘direction’ [o`h5] [fi], [f], and [j] 447 ‘difficult’ [fi`4 jt=5], 295 ‘to open (mouth)’ [f`2], 337 ‘wife’ [i`5] [kw] and [k] 420 ‘smart’ [jv`h0], 85 ‘chicken’ [j`h4] [a:], [@], and [a] 408 ‘white’ [g`:t0], 282 ‘to enter’ [g@t2 l`0], 449 ‘fragrant’ [g`t0 gn:l0] 440 ‘tired’ [m`:h4], 338 ‘paternal grandmother’ [m@h0], 82 ‘mouse, rat’ [m`h2] [=:] and [=] 75 ‘tail’ [y[=:M0], 8 ‘wind’ [y[=l1] 2.18.4. Allophonic rules /z/ → [Y]/__V(+round) (with four exceptions) → [z]/elsewhere

/i/ → [H]/__C# (with several exceptions) → [i]/elsewhere

/u/ → [T]/__C# (with several exceptions) → [T]/w__V → [u]/elsewhere

2. Phonology of data points 351

/=/ → [X]/C__# → [X]/C__V(C)# (with one exception) → [=]/C__C → [=]/C(w)__# + σ (/=/ occurs in no other environments) 2.18.5. Transcription of Xingyi Bajie word list 兴义巴结90年代与50年代语音糸统比较

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

1 阳光 fc`s13 fc`s13

2 闪电 k=m13oiCf24 k=m23oi`24

3 雷（名） oi`24 oi`24y[`h31 oi`24

4 月亮 fc=m22fc=m22 fc@m22fc`m22, y[nM20fc=m22fc`t22

5 星星 fc`t24fch13 fc`t22fch13, fc@m22fch13

6 天, 天空 fa=m22 fa=m22 faLm22

7 云 uX24 uT=24 uL=24

8 风 y[=l31 y[Tl31 ytl20

9 雨 v=m22 v=m22 gtm22

10 彩虹 YnM20v`22 y[nM20u`22 ynM20u`22

11 雾 yCl24lnj13 y[`9m34lnf13 lnj24

12 早上 sb`M22F`s24 sb`M22w`s24 gCs24

13 下午 F`n13k`o24 w`13k`o24

14 晚上 sb`M22g`L30 sb`M22w`l20 gCl00

15 天, 日子 v`m31 v@m31 uCm20

16 年 lh@t33 lh`t31 oh22

17 早（来早） YtBl20 y[nl20, bh`t24 bCt42, ynl00

18 晚（来晚） k`o13 jv`h31, k`o24

19 早餐 g@t31M`h30Ym@l20 M`h31y[nl20

20 午饭 g@t31yhM30 w`t31M`h31 M`h20

21 下午的餐 g@t31b@t31 w`t31y[hM31 yhM20

22 晚饭 g@t31b@t31 w`t31bh`t31 bCt20

23 水 yCl24 y[`l34 yCl42

352 2.18.5. Transcription of Xingyi Bajie word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

24 井 fan13 fan13 fan02

25 土 m`l20 m`l20 m`l00

26 石头 fc`j24y[hm22 y[hm22 yhm22

27 沙 y[hm22yD13 y[[hm22y[D13, y[D13 yd02

28 尘土（路上） y[hm22r`l22 lTj22l@m13, m`l20o=m20 sCt00

29 金子 sbHl22 sbhl22 sbhl22

30 银子 MCm30 m`M31 MCm20

31 铁 e`30 e`31 e`20

32 河 sD33¯D22 ¯h=22, s`20 s`00

33 岸 gDm31¯D22 wDm31wnM13, o`M34wnM13 gCm20

34 湖 s`l30 s`l31

35 海 w`h24 w`9h24 g`h24

36 山 sD22on22 on22

37 路 s`M13y`m22 s?M13y[@m22 yCm22

38 村子 fa`m34 fc=22k=9M13, fa`m31 fa`m42

39 房子 sD13y[`9m30 fc=22y[`9m31 y`m20

40 房顶 ¯Dt22y`9m30 j=m31y[`9m31

41 门 o`j22st22 o`j13st22 st22

42 木板（板子） s`o20 faDm13s`o20 odm00

43 桌子 sD22bnM30 bnM31 bnM20

44 凳子 sD22s`M13 s`M13 sCM02

45 碗 sXh34 sTDh34, f`9M13 sLh42

46 筷子 sX20 sL20 sL00

47 扫把 oh20iHs22 oh20ihs24 oCs24

48 猪圈 jnM20lt22 jvnM20lt22

49 田（稻田） m`31 m`31 m`20

50 地 yh20 y[h20 yh00

51 大米 g@t34r`m22 w`t34r`m22

52 米饭 g@t34bTj22 w`t34w`t22 gCt42

2. Phonology of data points 353

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

53 糯米 g`t34bHs22 w`t34bh9s22

54 糯米饭 g`t34fD13 w`t31fD13

55 秧苗 sb`24 sb`24 sb`24

56 草（青嫩） ¯hD24 ¯h=24 ¯d24

57 甘蔗 fnh34 fnh34 fnh42

58 树 l@h34 l@h34 lCh42

59 （树）根 y[`j20l@h34 y[[`j13l`h34 y`j20

60 竹子（总称） l`h34y[=s22 l`h34e`h31 yCs22（金竹）

61 森林 fcnM22l`h34 fcnM22l`h34 cnM22

62 叶子 fa@X22YnM22 fa`L22 faCL22

63 刺（名） ft`m22 fnm22 fnm22

64 花 fcnf13v`22 fcnj13v`22 u`22

65 籽, 种子 u`m22 u@m22 uCm22

66 水果 l`j13 l?j13 l`j24

67 菜（蔬菜） oi`j13 oi`j13 oiCj02

68 动物（总称） sn20sX=30on22 snj20sL=31

69 猪 lt22 s=31lt22 lt22

70 羊 s=31iBM30 i`M31 iL9M20

71 狗 s=31l`22 l`22 l`22

72 马 s=31l`34 l`34 l`42

73 水牛 s=31u`9h30 v`9h31 u`h20

74 黄牛 s=31bh=30 bhD31 bhd20

75 尾巴 y[=9M22 y[X=M22 yL9M22

76 角（牛） j@t22 j`t22 jCt22

77 老虎 s=31jtj24 s=31jTj24 jtj24

78 熊 s=31l=h22 lXh22 lLh22

79 猴子 s=31khM30 khM31 khM20

80 蝙蝠 s=31u`t30 s=31v`9t31 u`t20

81 兔子 s`22kn13 s=31s`22kn13

354 2.18.5. Transcription of Xingyi Bajie word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

82 老鼠 s=31m`h13 s=31m@h13, s=31k`9h24 mCh02

83 鸟 s=31ynj22 y[[nj22 ynj22

84 鸟窝 ynM31ynj22 y[nM31

85 鸡 j`h13 s=31j@h13 jCh02

86 鸡冠 Yt24j`h13 y[t24j@h13

87 鸭子 s=31oXs13 ohs24 ohs24

88 鹅 s=31g`9m13 w? m13 g`m02

89 猫头鹰 Ynj23sb@t13lDt24 y[nj34sbh`t13lDt24

90 翅膀 eX=s10 eX=s20 eL9s20

91 羽毛 o=m22ft=m13 o=m22 oLm22

92 爪子 l`j13r`t34 y[ho22

93 蛋 sb`h13 sb`h13 sbCh02

94 鱼 oi`22 oi`22 oi`22

95 鱼鳍 sbh30 sbh31

96 蛇 s=31MX=30 s=31ML=31 ML=20

97 蚊子 s=31mDM30 mDM31j`13y[`h31 mdM20

98 苍蝇 mDM31¯`m22 mDM31¯Dm22

99 蚂蚁 s=31l`s22 s=31l`s22 lCs22

100 蜘蛛 sbnM13sb`t22 sbnM13sbh`t22 sb`t22

101 跳蚤 s=31l`s24 l`s24 lCs24

102 臭虫 s=31y=s20 y[=s20 yL9s22

103 蚯蚓 s=31fc=m22 fc=9m22 fcL9m22

104 虱子 s=31m@m30 m`m31 mCm20

105 身体 fc=22fc`9M22 fc`L22fc`M22 fc`M22

106 头 sb`t24 sb@t13 sbCt24

107 头发 o=m22l`t31'sb`t24( oi`l22l`9t31 oiCl22

108 脸 faDm13m`24 m`24 m`24

109 眼睛 k=j22 s`22 k=j22s`22 s`22

110 鼻子 o`j20fc`M22 bnM20fc`M22 fcCM22

2. Phonology of data points 355

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

111 耳朵 o@=31yX=30 fa`L22y[X=31 yL=20

112 嘴巴 bnM20o`j13 bnM20o`j13 o`j02

113 牙齿 gDt24 gDt13 gdt02

114 舌头 khm34 khm34 khm42

115 下巴 j`o13g`9M30 w`M31 g`M20

116 胡子 l=l20 ltl31 ltl00

117 额头 m`24oi`j13 m`34oi`j13 oi`j02

118 脖子 gn30 r`h22wn31

119 肩膀 gnM31fa`13 wnM31fa`13 fa`02

120 手 e=M30 e=M31 eLM20

121 腿 j`22 j`22 j`22

122 膝盖 l`t24Gn13 l`t24Fn13 gn02

123 脚 u`13sHm22 shm22 shm22

124 胸 o`j13fCj24 o`j13f`j24 fCj24

125 背 o`h20k`M22 oD20k`M22 kCM22

126 甲状腺肿 oA31f`h22 f`9h22

127 心脏 r`h22bX22 fcD22rhm22

128 肺脏 o=s24 o=s24 oLs24

129 脑子 fTj24 fTj24 ftj24

130 肝 sCo24 s`o24 sCo24

131 肚子 sD22stM34 stM34 stM42

132 肚脐 ot23fcX=22 ot24fcX=22 fcL=22

133 肠子 r`h24 r@h24 rCh24

134 血 kX=s20 k=s20 kL9s20

135 屎 fDf33 fD34 fd42

136 骨头 fc=j22fcnj13 fcnj13 fcnj24

137 皮肤 m`M22 m`M22mn20 mCM22

138 肉 mn20 mn20 mn00

139 油（猪） k`t42 k`9t31 k`t20

356 2.18.5. Transcription of Xingyi Bajie word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

140 大蒜 rnh13 rnh13 rnh02

141 姜 khM22 ihM22 ghM22

142 盐 jt=22 jt=22 juL=22

143 咬 g`o22 w`o24 gCo22

144 吃 j=m22 j=m22 jLm22

145 喝 fc=s24 fc=s24 fcLs24

146 酒 k`t24 k@t24 kCt24

147 醉（酒） eh30 k@t24eh31

148 呕吐 fnj20 y[nf34 yL=00

149 煮 YnM22 y[tM22 ytM22

150 甜 fc`M13 s=M31, fc`M13 u`m22

151 酸 r`l24 r@l24 rCl24

152 苦 g`l30 w`l31 gCl20

153 咸 g`j24 jt=22fc@M24 fcCM02

154 辣 b`s20 b`s20 l`m00, b`s20

155 饿 ih?j13 stM34fi`j13 fh9j02

156 黄瓜 k=j31 sh`M22 k=j13sh`M22 sh9M22

157 南瓜 k=j31 e`j22 k=j13e`j24 ju`22

158 丝瓜 k=j31jvD22 k=j13jvD jud22

159 豆 sH=20sX=20 sL`20 kLj22suL=00

160 芋头 k=j13oX=j13 k=j13oX@j13 oL9j02

161 芦苇 jn22fahm24 jnj22fahm24

162 衣服 oX=20 oX=20 oL=00

163 布 o`M31 o`M31 oCM20

164 棉 u`9h13 v`h13 u`h02

165 裤子 u`13 u`13 u`02

166 袜子 l`s20 l`j20 l`s20

167 席子 fahm24 fahm24 fahm42

168 蚊帐 y[h@o13 y[h@o13 yh9o02

2. Phonology of data points 357

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

169 斗笠 sb`o24 sb`o24 sbCo24

170 刀 b`f33 b`24 lhs22

171 把（刀） e`j20 e`j20 e`j20

172 锅 b`t13 b`9t13, ln24

173 锅盖 u`22sbHl20 v`22ln24 u`22

174 三脚架 sD22sbh`M30 sbh@M31 sbh9M20

175 背带 fc`22 fc`22 fc`22

176 扇子 oDm13oh30 v`f20oh31 oh20

177 秤 sD22b`M20 b`M20 bCM00

178 锥子 e`f13Mvh24 Mth24

179 剪子 e`f13sbDt30 sbhDt31 sbdt20

180 钱 bDm30 bDm31 bdm20

181 雨伞 sD22k=9M24 kX=M24 kL9M24

182 锁 sD22knM13 knM24 ktM24

183 钥匙 bD30knM13 bhD31knM24

184 棍子 s=M34 s=M24, wn20l`h24

185 竹竿 r`t33 r`9t24 r`t22

186 船 s=22Y=30 y[L=31 yL=20

187 斧头 e`j31u`m22 v`m22 u`m22

188 犁 e`j31b@h22 e`f20b@h22 bCh22

189 锄头 e`j31i`j13 fi`j13 cP`j02

190 扁担 sDm31g`m30 w`9m31 g`m20

191 麻 fc`h24 fc`9h24 fc`h42

192 肥料 o=m20 o=m20 oLm00

193 石臼 Ytl23snh20 snh20, sX=M24 ytl22

194 杵 sbDm13bh30 sbDm22bh31

195 筛子 sD22y`M22 fc=22y[`M22 yCM22

196 簸箕 fcnM33uh13 fcnM24uh13 fcnM42

197 织布机 b`M30Ynj13 b`M31y[nj13 bL9M20

358 2.18.5. Transcription of Xingyi Bajie word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

198 纸 r`22 r`22 r`22

199 墨水 y`l34l`j22 y[`l34l`j22 lCj22

200 笔 oiDm22l`j22 oh@m22l`j23

201 唢呐 fanj13m`t30 fanj13kD31

202 网 lX=M24 y[D22

203 钩子 Mvn22Mt@s20 Mn22wnh24

204 鬼 e`M30 s=31e`M31 e`M20

205 神 snf24sh20 sn24sh20

206 力气 snj22y[DM30 snf02y[DM31 y`M20

207 影子 M`t31v=m30 M`t31 MCt20

208 梦 o@m31g@m30 o`m31w=m31

209 故事 bDt31jnm13 o`h34oD20

210 礼物 rnM13kh34 m@h31i`M20 kCh42, kh42

211 错误 kh22 jt=20kh22 knM22

212 闲空 oit13 fc@h31v`M13 u`M02

213 方向 o`h20k`L30 o`h20k`L31

214 缝 rDt24, ¯ho22 rD9t24, ¯ho22 ¯ho22

215 喜欢 f`M13 f`M13 f`M02

216 爱 M`h13 l`h34

217 剥（果皮） fah13 fah13 sLt24, fah02

218 抱（孩子） fTl34 fTl34 ftl42

219 背（孩子） sh?20 sh=20 fL22

220 加（饭） shl30 shl31

221 裂开 sDj13 w`h22, sDj13 fato24

222 编（篮子） r`m22 r`m22 r`m22

223 补（衣服） uX=M22 v=M22 uL9M22

224 插（秧） fc`l22 fc`l22 fcCl22

225 尝（菜） bhl30 bhl31 bhl20

226 穿（衣服） s`m24 s@m24 sCm24

2. Phonology of data points 359

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

227 漏（水） Yn30 yn20 yn00

228 点（头） M`o13 M`j22

229 挂（在墙上） uDm22 vDm22 udm22

230 滚（在地上） ot@h13o`h22, jt=m24 yhM42 ot@h13s`t13

231 过（河） jv`13 jt`13 ju`02

232 划（船） j`t22 v`h24

233 继续 sbhM22jv=24, snM31s`l22 jn20sDl22

234 借（钱） bhD13 bh?13 bhd02

235 砍（树） y`l24 y[`l24 eCm20, yCl24

236 烤（火） r@t22eh30 r`t22 yh9M22, rCt22

237 咳嗽 f`h22 fch22 fCh22

238 肿（腿） jX20 jL20 enj22

239 流（水） k`h22 k`h22 kCh22

240 起（床） Y=m13 y[=m13 yLm02

241 牵（牛） bhM22 bhM22 bhM22

242 晒 s`j13 s`j13 s`j02

243 筛（米） y`M22 y[`M22

244 上（楼） g=m24'b`m22( w=m24 gLm24

245 下（楼） YnM30 y[nM31 ynM20

246 伸（手） sbDs13, fiDs13 ihs22 fL9s02

247 梳（头发） Yn22'sb`t24( y[v@h22 ynh22

248 （头）疼 fHm22 fhm22 fhm22

249 踢 shm22snf24 sn24 shs24

250 提（篮子） y[h@t24 y[h`t24 ydt24

251 吞 fc=m34 fc=m24 fcLm42

252 脱（衣） st@s13 stns13 sns24

253 问 g`l13 w`l13 gCl02

254 回答 g`9m22 w`m22 g`m22

255 忘记 ktl30 ktl31 ktl20

360 2.18.5. Transcription of Xingyi Bajie word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

256 下（雨） s`t24'vDm22( s@t24 sCt24

257 休息 iDs13m`h13 fiD13m`9h13

258 寻找 y`22 y[`22 y`22

259 眨（眼） fi`o24 fi@o24 cPCo24

260 住 fit13 fit13

261 蒸（饭〕 m`M24 m`M24 mCM24

262 活 sb@t22 sb`t24 sbCt22

263 死 s`h22 s`9h22 s`h22

264 病 fhm22 o`m31fhm22, ohM20 ohm00

265 呼吸 sh`t22bX22 sh`t22bhL22

266 听 ¯h?22 ¯h?22 ¯hd22

267 看 kX=24 Mnm31, MD9t34 Mnm42, kL=24

268 说, 讲 j`9M24, m`t30 m@t31, j`M24 mCt20, j`M24

269 笑 y[hDt22 y[h`t22 ydt22

270 骂 fc`13 fc`13 fc`24, sCm22

271 哭 s`h24 s`h24 sCh24

272 吹 on13 on13

273 打呵欠 y`t22lDt30 y[`9m22lDt31 yCt24mhm20

274 睡觉 y`t13mhm30 mhm31 mhm20

275 站 fc=m22 fc`m22 fcLm22

276 坐 m`M20 m`M20 mCM00

277 走 oi`h24 oi`9h24 oi`h24

278 爬（小孩） o`m20 o`l20

279 爬（树） ohm22 ohm22 ohm22

280 来 l`22 l`22

281 去 o`h22 o@h22 oCh22

282 进入 g@t13l`22 w@t24l`22 gCt24

283 回来 s`t13l`22 s`t24l`22 s`t02

284 飞 fahm22 fahm22 fahm22

2. Phonology of data points 361

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

285 骑 jXDh20 jX=h20 jLh00

286 游泳 f`o13s`20 ehDt31y[`l24

287 浮 ehDt30 et31 et20

288 玩 Jv=30b`l31 jn31b`l31 bCl20

289 唱 fc`M22 fc`M22

290 鼓 sbnM22kH=M20, sbnM22 sbnM22, sbnM22m`M22 ¯h9m20

291 干活 jvn20gnM22 jn31wnM22 gnM22

292 担 y`9o13 y[`o13 y`o02

293 关（门） f`o22'st22( f`o24 fCo24

294 开（门） g`h22 w`9h22 g`h22

295 开（嘴） f`34 f`34

296 推 fcDM22 j@h24 fcdM22

297 拉 b`t30 y[`M13, bh`m20

298 掉 snj24 snj24 snj24

299 给 g`L24 w`L24 gCL24

300 拿 f`t22 v`31 sL20

301 选择 kD20 sbho24 kd00

302 买 bX24 bhL34 bL42

303 卖 j`9h22 j`h22 j`h22

304 偷 y`j13 y[`s24 yCj22

305 想要 sbD31f`t22 sbhD31f`t22

306 有 lh31 lh31

307 知道 Yn33fcD13 y[n34fcD13 yn42

308 怕 k`9t22 k`t22 k`t22

309 洗（手） rXDh13 r@h13 rLh02, y`02

310 洗（衣服） r`j22 r`j24 rCj22

311 捆 gX=s20 w=s20, btj24

312 擦（桌） l`s20 l`s20, ftns13 bCs22, ft9s02

313 切（肉） Yn9m13 ynm13 ynm02

362 2.18.5. Transcription of Xingyi Bajie word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

314 绳子 b`j31 b`j20 b`j20

315 割（草） jvD24 jtD24 jnm20

316 劈开（木头） o`13 o`13 knh00

317 木头 l@h34 on13l@h24

318 挖 o`j13 fa`_j13

319 人 gvTm30 v=m31 gtm20

320 布依族 ot31fiDh34 ot31finh34 cPCh42

321 汉族 ot31g`j13 ot31w`_j13

322 男人 bnt31o`t13, ot31r`h22 b`31o`t13, ot31r`9h22 r`h22

323 女人 bn31i`20 bt31i`20, v=m31lD20fa=j24 faLj24

324 巫师 ot34ln22 ot31ln22 ln22

325 媒人 ot34rX13 jn20l=h20 rL02

326 朋友 gn24sbh13 wn34sbh13

327 祖宗 o@t13i`20 o`t13i`31

328 父亲 shD22 on20 on00

329 母亲 lD20 lhD20 ld00

330 小孩 k=j23¯D30 ot31fh34, k=j22¯hD31

331 丈夫 o@t13 o@t13

332 妻子 i`20 i`31 i`00

333 兄姐 jn22j`t34, sbD33k`t34 oh34, sbhD34 oh42

334 弟妹 m=M34 mX=M24 mL9M42

335 独子 k=j22snj30 k=j22snj20

336 孙子 k`9m22 k`m22 k`m22

337 公公 ihD22iD22 ihD20ihD22 oCt02

338 婆婆 m@h22 m@h22

339 外公 s`22 s`22

340 外婆 s`h13 s`9h23

341 客人 ot31gDj13 ot31wDj13 gdj24

342 姓 sbnM13 srnM13, bhM23

2. Phonology of data points 363

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

343 名字 bn20 bn20 bn00

344 我 jt22 jt22, wnh13(客气) jt22

345 你 l=M31 lX=M31 lLM20

346 他 sD22 sD22 sd22

347 咱们 jDh13y@t31 wn24y[@t31 yCt20

348 我们 gn24y@t31 wn24jt22 yCt20

349 你们 gn22yX=22 wn24y[X=22 rt22

350 他们 gn33sD22 wn23sD22

351 别人 ot31fi`22 o@m34 eL=42

352 柴 e=m31 e=m31 eLm20

353 火 eh30 eh31 eh20

354 火焰 rDh22eh30 k=m31eh31, r@h22eh31

355 烧 oi`t22 y[Dl24, bh`l20 oidt22

356 烧（做饭） fc`M34eh30 fc`M34 fcCM42

357 灰尘 lnj24l@m13 s@t20

358 烟 ft=m13 fnm13, kv@m20 uCm02

359 弓 jn9M22 jnM22 jnM22

360 箭 mC13r`l22 m`13 m`j02

361 打猎 s=j24s@t13 s=j13o`9m31

362 杀 j`24 j`24 j`24

363 打架 snM31sh31 snM31sh31

364 一 fcDt22, fihs24 Mh20 fhs24

365 二 ¯h22 Mh00

366 一（一个人） ot31vDm22fcDt22 fcDt22 fcdt22

367 两（两个人） rnM22 rn9M22 rnM22

368 三 r`9l22 r`9l22 r`l22

369 四 rh13 bh13 rh02

370 五 g`24 w`_24 g`24

371 六 Ynj24 y[nj24 ynj24

364 2.18.5. Transcription of Xingyi Bajie word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

372 七 b?s24 b@o24 bCs24

373 八 oDs13 oDs13 ods24

374 九 jt24 jt24 jt24

375 十 bho22 bho22 Ph=o22

376 二十 ¯h20bho22 Mh20bho22

377 百 o`j20 o`j13 o`j02

378 千 yDM22 y[DM22

379 都 sn22 sn34

380 一些 fa`M24 fh24fcDt22

381 多 k`9h22 k`9h22 k`h22

382 少 mn9h24 bh`t24, mt@h24 rdt24

383 每 m`f24 ot34

384 大 k`t34 k`9t34 k`t42

385 小 fhf24 fh24

386 长 y`h31 y[@h31 yCh20

387 短 jtl24 jtl24 shm24

388 高 r`9M22 r`9M22 r`M22

389 矮 s`l13 s@l13 sCl02

390 圆 o@t34 o`t24 oCt42

391 扁 oD9l22 faD9m22, fa`9l24, faDs34, fa`o02 faDs31

392 厚 m`22 m`22 m`22

393 薄 faDM22 faDM22 fadM22

394 宽 k`M20 k`9M20 ju`M02

395 窄 b`m30 m`j22 bCm20

396 硬 fcnM34 fcnM34 fcnM42

397 软 ft=m13 ft=m13, i`9h20 ftm02

398 直 rn20 rn20 rn00

399 弯曲 jn31 jn31 jn20

400 快 yhDm31 y[h`t31

2. Phonology of data points 365

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

401 慢 l`m13 lhDm20

402 重 m`j24 m`j24 mCj22

403 轻 fa@t22 fa`t22 faCt22

404 胖 fnm13 fn9m13 oh20

405 瘦 Yn30 y[n31

406 黑 enm34 lh24, enm34 enm42

407 红 fchM22 fchM22 fchM22

408 白 g`9t22 w`9t22 g`t22

409 黄 gDm34 wDm24 gdm24

410 绿 knj22 knj22 knj22

411 蓝 gD9t22 wDm22

412 干的 gL13, y`L24 wX13 gL02

413 湿 fchj24 fchs24

414 空的 oit13 oit13

415 满 y[hl22 yh[l22 yhl22

416 干净 r`X22 r`L22 rCL22

417 脏（衣服） Gh31 mhm20

418 新 ln13 ln13 ln02

419 年轻 ot31yDt20 ot34y[Dt20 bn20

420 聪明 jv`h22 jv`9h22, fnj24l@m13 ju`h22

421 傻 fv`34 fv`34

422 旧 j@t13 j@t13 jCt02

423 老 sbD13 sbD13 sbd02

424 聋的 mtj24 mTj24 mtj24

425 热 f`M22, fc`s13 f`M22 fc`s02, yCt24

426 冷 bDM34 bDM34 mhs24, bdM42

427 好 fch22 fch22 fch22

428 坏 uC9h20 v`9h20 u`h00

429 破 u`9h30 v`9h20

366 2.18.5. Transcription of Xingyi Bajie word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

430 深 k`j22 k`j22 kCj22

431 浅 fanj24 fanj24 fanj24

432 斜 fahs24, MDM13 fahs24, MDM13 fahs24

433 亮 YtnM20 y[nM20 ynM00

434 暗 k`o24 k`o24

435 清 r`X22 wDt22

436 浑 mnM31 mnM31 mnM20

437 壮 fch22 o@m31y[DM31

438 弱 lh20fch22 lh31o@m31y[DM31

439 淡 bhs24 bhs13 bhs24

440 累 m`9h13 m`9h13 m`h02

441 （捆）紧 fc`s24 fc`s24 fcCs24

442 松 fat22 fat22 ytM02

443 滑 kt@l24 kt`l24, y[t31y[`o20

444 贵 oDM31 oDM31 odM20

445 便宜 s=j22 s=j24

446 嫩 ft=m13 ft=m13

447 难 m`m30'fi`24jt=20( m`9m31

448 容易 fch22jt=20 fch22jt=20

449 臭 g`t22ftf24 w`t22ftj24 gCt22

450 香 g`t22gnl22 w`t22wn9l22 gnl22

451 忙 g`m22 w@9m22

452 穷 gn14 o@m31wn24 gn24

453 富 fch22 o@m31fch22

454 热闹 rn24 rnj24 lCh20

455 安静 oh@j22 oi`j22

456 漂亮（女） r`t22fch22 r`t22fch22 r`t22

457 狡猾 YnM31y`j20, jv`h22jv`13 jt`9h22jt`13

458 勇敢 i`f34 s`9l13k`9t24

2. Phonology of data points 367

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

459 懒 sbhj24 sbhj24 sbhj24

460 努力 j`m34 bDM13y[DM31

461 远 sb`h22 sb@h22 sbCh22

462 近 sb`L24 sb`L24 sbCL24

463 里（面） o`h20fc`L22 fc`L22 fcCL22

464 外（面） o`h20Ynj20 y[nj20 ynj22

465 右（边） e=M33jv`31 jt`31 ju`20

466 左（边） e=M33rDh34 rvDh34 rLh42

467 上面 o`h20j=m30 o`h20j=m31 jLm20

468 下面 o`h20k`24 o`h20k`24 k`24

469 这里 mh34 sh20mh24, o`9h20mh24 mh42

470 那里 sh31sDm33 o`h20fn=m24, o`h20sDm22

471 这个 jDh13mh34 jDh13mh22

472 那个 jDh13sDm22 jDh13sDm22

473 哪里 sh20k`X30 sh20k`L31 kCL20

474 谁 ot31k`X30 ot34k`L31

475 什么 jDh13l`30 jDh13j`22l`31

476 怎么 j=31l`30 jn20k`L31

477 什么时候 bh30k`X30 bX31

478 为什么 vDh13j=30l`30 w`t13k`L31 l`20

479 在 fht13 fit13 cPt02

480 刚（来） m`9M13 l` m@M13

481 马上（走） g`33o`h22jt22mh34 j`24m=h31

482 赶快（去） j=m24mnh22o`h22 y[h`t31

483 就 Mnm31¯Dt13 sb`t13

484 先 jn9m13 jn9m13 jnm02

485 常常（来） sD iDm31l`22, bX30bX30 bX31bX31

486 最(快） fDj24yht30 yt=h13, yhDt31

487 更（快） j=m13 …m`s24, …m@hf20

368 2.19.1. Phone and phoneme inventory

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

488 一起（作） s`M20gn33o`h22jvt=30 snM31bhd31

489 只（买五斤） Yh22rhX g` j=m , srO34 bn34

490 又（来） i`t13l` s`t13l`22

491 再（说一遍） s@t13m`t o` sDl l`t31…sD9l22

492 也 Gn34 jn24

493 或者 l`33…l`22 kn34

494 好象 jt20ktL24 kTl13w`24, wn24kTl13 ktl24

495 从 rnM20 sD13

496 和 fch33mh34 fch34 yL9M20

497 因为 vDh13g`t23mh34 v=h13w`9t13mh24

498 如果

499 到 s`M30 s`M31 sCM20

500 是 sD22 bL20 bL00, sd22

501 不 lh30 lh31 lh20

502 没关系 fan22lh30o`m31, fat22lh31w`=12k`L31 j=22l`31

503 已经 sD l` kDt31 snf24 2.19. Zhenfeng Mingu 2.19.1. Phone and phoneme inventory Initial consonants BiLab LaDe InDe Alv AlPal Pal Vel Glo Plos vl o, oi s j, jv f, fi, fv PreGlo fa fc Aff vl sb Fric vl e S r [b] [I] g vd u p [F] G Nas vd l m ¯ M, Mv Lat vd k App vd [v] i

2. Phonology of data points 369

Final consonants

o, s, j, f, l, m, M Vowels Front Central Back unrd unrd rd Close h [X] t Near-close H [T] Close-mid n Mid = Open-mid D Near-open @ Open `, `: Tones Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch value 34 42 45 52 24 31 45 42 2.19.2. Notes • [t] and [sb] are phonemically distinct. See minimal pairs. • [w] only occurs on three morphemes and one of these morphemes also was transcribed with a [v] on another instance. The pronunciation of these phones is often similar, so [w] is consid- ered an allophonic variation of [v]. One exception is 15 ‘day’ [vt=m1]. The proto-form for this word is *Mv=m1 and this is the only instance of [w] or [v] occurring before [u]. • [f] only occurs with even tones and [v] occurs mostly on odd tones, but there are a few exceptions. The pronunciations are quite distinct and both [f] and [v] are phonemic. See minimal pairs. • The pronunciations of [s] and [S] are distinctly different from each other and each is consid- ered phonemic. They both occur about the same number of times within the word list. [p] is also phonemically distinct from [S]. See minimal pairs. • [b] occurs 12 times (all in front of vowels [i], [H], or [D]) and is an allophone of [s] due to complementary distribution. See rule below. [s] never occurs before these vowels. • There are nine items with [j] and one with [I]. [I] is not considered phonemic, but a variation of [j]. • [G] and [F] were transcribed about the same number of times, but the articulation of these two phones is not very distinct. They seem to occur on a continuum between [G] and [F]. For example, the morpheme for neck occurs twice—once with [G] and once with [F]: 118 ‘neck’ [S`2 Gn1], 126 ‘goiter’ [Fn1 f`h0]. The morpheme with [G] occurs in the environment

370 2.19.3. Minimal pairs

/V#__V and the other morpheme occurs phrase initial. This is not a general rule, however. For this lect, these two phones are considered allophones of /G/. • [¯] occurs on five items: before vowels [a], [i], [H], [X], and [D]. This sound is distinctive phonemically from [n]. See minimal pairs. • [M] is also phonemically distinct from [n]. See minimal pairs. • [h] only occurs on three morphemes, but is pronounced distinct from [G]. It is, therefore, considered phonemic. • [pj] occurs on several items, while no [pi] + V combination occurs. Therefore, [pj] could be viewed as [pi] underlyingly. However, the palatalization is quite distinct for many of the sounds, so is considered phonemic for this lect. • [kw] occurs on 14 items. The combination [ku] + V does not occur. So, similar to [p] and [pj], [kw] could be considered to be [ku] underlyingly. However, the labialization is quite distinct from [ku], so is considered phonemic. • [Mv] only occurs on one item and [Mt] does not occur at all. In view of the fact that the labialization is distinct and that [kw] is considered phonemic, [Mv] is also considered phonemic. • [fv] occurs on two items and [ft] + V also occurs on three items. The labialization is not very distinct on 57 ‘sugar cane’ [fv@h3]. Since the labialization on 421 ‘stupid’ [fv@3] is distinct, we consider [fv] to be phonemic for this lect. • [fi] occurs on 10 morphemes and [fh] + V does not occur. The palatalization is quite distinct, so is considered phonemic. • [a:], [a], and [@] are all phonemically distinct. See minimal pair sets. • [H] occurs on seven items, all in the environment /C__C(+stop). [i] also occurs in this environment a few times. [H] is an allophonic variation of [i]. See rule below. • [T] occurs on four items: three in the environment /C__C. It is considered an allophonic variation of [u] (with some exceptions). See rule below. • [X] occurs several times, only in the environments /C__# and /C__=. [=] also occurs in the first environment, but almost exclusively on commonly used classifiers and function words. For this lect, [X] is considered an allophone of [=]. See rule below. 2.19.3. Minimal pairs [t] and [sb] 55 ‘rice seedling’ [sb`2], 242 ‘to dry in the sun’ [s`2] 461 ‘far’ [sb@h0], 495 ‘from’ [s@h0] [v] and [f] 358 ‘smoke’ [u=m1], 352 ‘firewood’ [e=m1] 196 ‘dustpan’ [fcnM1 uh4], 353 ‘fire’ [eh1] [S] and [s] 435 ‘clear’ [S@h0], 188 ‘plough’ [r@h0] 185 ‘bamboo pole’ [shDt1 S`:t1], 297 ‘to pull’ [r`:t1]

2. Phonology of data points 371

[S] and [p] 198 ‘paper’ [S`0], 258 ‘to search’ [p`0] 367 ‘two (cardinal)’ [SnM0], 149 ‘to boil’ [pnM0] [¯] and [n] 68 ‘animal’ [st1 ¯`4], 360 ‘arrow’ [m`4] 290 ‘drum (bronze)’ [¯Dm1], 98 ‘fly (insect)’ [mDM1 S`4] [M] and [n] 20 ‘lunch’ [M`:h1], 401 ‘slow’ [m`:h5] 207 ‘shadow’ [M@t1], 268 ‘speak/talk’ [m@t1] [a:], [a], and [@] 425 ‘hot (weather)’ [fc`:s6], 1 ‘sunshine’ [fc`s6], 145 ‘to drink’ [fc@s6] 460 ‘diligent’ [jt5 p`:h1], 486 ‘most’ [s= p`h3], 230 ‘to roll’ [p@h3] 2.19.4. Allophonic rules /s/ → [b]/__V(+high) → [b]/__V(+mid,+front) → [s]/elsewhere

/i/ → [H]/C__C (with some exceptions) → [i]/elsewhere

/u/ → [T]/C__C (with exceptions) → [u]/elsewhere

/=/ → [X]/C__# → [X]/C__= → [=]/elsewhere 2.19.5. Transcription of Zhenfeng Mingu word list 贞丰县珉谷（巧贯）90年代与50年代音位糸统比较

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

1 阳光 SD13fc`s34

2 闪电 knl34oi`f34

3 雷（名） oi`f34 oi`44

4 月亮 pnM20fchDm22

5 星星 fc`T23fch13 fc`t22fch13

6 天, 天空 sb`M13fa=m13 faLm22

7 云 uX34 ut44

8 风 pTl20 ytl00

9 雨 u=m22} uLm22

372 2.19.5. Transcription of Zhenfeng Mingu word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

10 彩虹 MX20pt`13 stM00

11 雾 k`o33 44lnf34 ln44

12 早上 sb`M22G@s24 23 G@s44

13 下午 k`34M`9h20

14 晚上 sb`M22F@lf20 GLm00, G@l20

15 天, 日子 vt`m20 u@m00

16 年 lhDt20, oh13 oh22

17 早（来早） r@t31 r@t42

18 晚（来晚） kt@s24 kns44

19 早餐 M`9h20r@t31

20 午饭 j=m13M`9h20 M`h00

21 下午的餐 g`t31phM20 yhM00

22 晚饭 g`t31r@t20 r@t00

23 水 p@l31 y@l42

24 井 fcD fan13 fan13

25 土 m`lf20 11 20 m`l20

26 石头 phm13 yhm22

27 沙 m`lf20pD24 yd13

28 尘土（路上） m`lf20l@m13 s@t20

29 金子 jhl23 sbhl22

30 银子 M@m20 M@m00

31 铁 e`20 e`00

32 河 fcD33s`20 s`20

33 岸 'F@m20(o`M31s`20 F@m00

34 湖 fcD22s@l20

35 海 fcD22G`h24 f`h44

36 山 fcD22on13 on22

37 路 p@m13 y@m22

38 村子 fc`9m31 fa`m42

2. Phonology of data points 373

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

39 房子 fcD22p`9m20 y`m00

40 房顶 mDM20p`9m20

41 门 st13 st22

42 木板（板子） s`o20

43 桌子 fcD rnM20 rnM00

44 凳子 s@M13 s@M13

45 碗 sD31 sLh42

46 筷子 sXf20 sL20

47 扫把 ih=20 o@s24 o@s44

48 猪圈 jnMf20lt13

49 田（稻田） m`20 m`00

50 地 phf30 yh20

51 大米 g`t31G`t13 g@t42g`t22

52 米饭 g`t31G`t13 G`t42

53 糯米（生的） g`t31rt=s11fcHo24

54 糯米（熟的） g`t31fD13

55 秧苗 sb`34 sb`44

56 草（青嫩） ¯X34 ¯h44

57 甘蔗 fL@h31 fnh42

58 树 e@h31 e@h22

59 （树）根 p`f21e@h31 y`20

60 竹子（总称） e@h31ktDh23 y@s00（金竹）

61 森林 sb=20fcnM13'23( fcnM22

62 叶子 fa@h13pnM14'23( fa@h00

63 刺（名） ftnm13'23( fnm22

64 花 u`22'23( u`22

65 籽, 种子 u`m13 u@m22

66 水果 k=j21l`34 l`44

67 菜（蔬菜） oi@j24 oi`j44

374 2.19.5. Transcription of Zhenfeng Mingu word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

68 动物（总称） st20¯`13

69 猪 st20lt13'23( lt22

70 羊 st20inM20 inM00

71 狗 st20f@t31, l`13 l`22

72 马 st20l`31 l`42

73 水牛 st20u`9h20 u`h00

74 黄牛 st20bX20 bh00

75 尾巴 ph=M13 yhM22

76 角（牛） j@t13 j@t22

77 老虎 jtj34 jtj44

78 熊 l@h23 lth22

79 猴子 khM20 khM00

80 蝙蝠 s=20u`t20 u`t00

81 兔子 s`22kn13

82 老鼠 s=20pnm20 m@h13

83 鸟 pnj20'10( ynj00

84 鸟窝 pnM31pnj20

85 鸡 s=20j@h13 j@h13

86 鸡冠 pt34j@h13

87 鸭子 s=20ohs24 ohs44

88 鹅 s=20F`9m13 G`m13

89 猫头鹰 pnj20sb@t34lDt13

90 翅膀 e=s21 eLs00

91 羽毛 odm23e=s20'11( oLm22

92 爪子 pHo21

93 蛋 sb@h13 sb@h13

94 鱼 oi`13 oi`22

95 鱼鳍 jh20oi`13

96 蛇 st20MX20 ML00

2. Phonology of data points 375

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

97 蚊子 mDM20j`22pD20 mdM00

98 苍蝇 mDM20S`13

99 蚂蚁 s=20l=s20 l`s00

100 蜘蛛 jnM34jv`t13 ju`t22

101 跳蚤 s=20l@s34 l@s44

102 臭虫 s=20phDs21 yhs00

103 蚯蚓 s=20fchDm13'23( fchHm22

104 虱子 s=20m@m20 m@m00

105 身体 fcD22fc`9M13 fc`M22

106 头 sb@t34 sb@t44

107 头发 o=m13sb@t24 oi@l22

108 脸 m`34 m`44

109 眼睛 k=j21s`13 s`22

110 鼻子 l@t31fc@M13 fc@M22

111 耳朵 fc@h13phX20 yh00

112 嘴巴 rnMf21o`34 o`44

113 牙齿 gDt34 idt44

114 舌头 khm31 khm42

115 下巴 k`33G`9M20 G`M00

116 胡子 l=lf20 ltl20

117 额头 m`34oi`f34 oi`44

118 脖子 S`34Gn20

119 肩膀 o`M31fa`13 fa`13

120 手 etM20 eLM00

121 腿 j`13'23( j`22

122 膝盖 l`t31Fn13 Gn13

123 脚 shm13'22( shm22

124 胸 f@j24 f@j44

125 背 o`h31k@M23 k@M22

376 2.19.5. Transcription of Zhenfeng Mingu word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

126 甲状腺肿 Fn20f`h13

127 心脏 S@l13 snl13

128 肺脏 o=s34 oLs44

129 脑子 ftj34 ftj44

130 肝 s@o23 s@o44

131 肚子 stM31 stM42

132 肚脐 fan34fihX13'22( fcL22

133 肠子 S@h34 r@h44

134 血 khDs20 kh9s00

135 屎 fD31 fd42

136 骨头 fcn34 fcn13

137 皮肤 m@M13 m@M22

138 肉 mnh20

139 油（猪） k`t20 G`00

140 大蒜 St@h13 rt`h13

141 姜 ihM22 GhM22

142 盐 jvX22 juL22

143 咬 F`o20

144 吃 j=m13'23( jLm22

145 喝 fc@s34 fc@s44

146 酒 k@t34 k@t44

147 醉（酒） k@t34eh20

148 呕吐 ptf20 yt20

149 煮 pnM13 ytM22

150 甜 s@h31 u`m22

151 酸 S@l34 r@l44

152 苦 F@l20 G@l00

153 咸 F@m13 fc@M13

154 辣 r`s21 l`m20

2. Phonology of data points 377

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

155 饿 fihX34 cPh13

156 黄瓜 k=j sh@M13 shHM22

157 南瓜 k=j jv`22'23(

158 丝瓜 k=j jvD13'22( jud22

159 豆 st=f21 kLj44stL20

160 芋头 k=j21oX34 oL44

161 芦苇 jn33fDs34

162 衣服 oXf20 oL20

163 布 o@M20 o@M00

164 棉 u`9h13 u`h13

165 裤子 u`13 u`13

166 袜子 l`s21 l`s00

167 席子 fahm31 fahm42

168 蚊帐 ph@o24 yho44

169 斗笠 fcD sbDo24 sb@o44

170 刀 s`t13 lhs00

171 把（刀） s`l23 e`20

172 锅 fcD r`9t13

173 锅盖 u`14'22(r`t13 u`22

174 三脚架 j`13'22(sbh@M20 sbhHM00

175 背带 fc`13'23( fc`22

176 扇子 oDm13oh30 oh00

177 秤 fcD r=Mf20 b@M20

178 锥子 e`31Mv=h31

179 剪子 s`24sb@t13 sbdt00

180 钱 bDm20 bdm00

181 雨伞 fcD kh@M34 kh9M44

182 锁 fcD ktM34 ktm44

183 钥匙 bh20ktM34

378 2.19.5. Transcription of Zhenfeng Mingu word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

184 棍子 s=M31

185 竹竿 shDt20S`9t31 r`t42

186 船 pt=20 yt00

187 斧头 e@M20u`9m13 u`m22

188 犁 v@m31r@h14'23( r@h22

189 锄头 e` fi`24 cP`13

190 扁担 shDt20F`9m20 G`m00

191 麻 fc`9h31 fc`h42

192 肥料 o=mf30 oLm20

193 石臼 ptl24stnhf30 ytl22

194 杵 iX13bh20

195 筛子 fc@m14p=M13'23( y@M22

196 簸箕 fcnM31uh13 fcnM42

197 织布机 rnM20pn4 rnM00

198 纸 S`13'23( r`22

199 墨水 p@l31l@j20 l@j00

200 笔 oiDm13'22(l@j20

201 唢呐 fan33kD20

202 网 s`t13l@M31

203 钩子 j@t24M@t13

204 鬼 st e`9M20 e`M00

205 神 s= bX=31

206 力气 pDM20 ydM00

207 影子 s= M@t20 M@t00

208 梦 oX20G=m20

209 故事 k=j21sn20

210 礼物 k@h31 k@h42

211 错误 rt`h13 knM22

212 闲空 u`9M13 u`M13

2. Phonology of data points 379

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

213 方向 o=M24

214 缝 MHo20 ¯ho00

215 喜欢 f`M13 f`M13

216 爱 sb@h20 sb@h00

217 剥（果皮） fah14 sLm44

218 抱（孩子） ftl31 ftl42

219 背（孩子） fX20 fL22

220 加（饭） shl20

221 裂开 sD34G`h13

222 编（篮子） S`m13 r`m22

223 补（衣服） u=M13 u@M22

224 插（秧） SDo24 fc@l22

225 尝（菜） bhl20 bhl00

226 穿（衣服） s@m24 s@m44

227 漏（水） pnf20 yn20

228 点（头） M@o20'sb@t(

229 挂（在墙上） u@h34

230 滚（在地上） p@h31

231 过（河） jv`13 ju`13

232 划（船） j`9t22

233 继续 stM31s`l13

234 借（钱） bX13 rh13

235 砍（树） e@j20 e@m00

236 烤（火） phm13, S@t13'eh( oi@t22

237 咳嗽 f@h23 f@h22

238 肿（腿） jXf30 enj00

239 流（水） k@h23 k@h22

240 起（床） pt=m13 yLm13

241 牵（牛） bhM22 bhM22

380 2.19.5. Transcription of Zhenfeng Mingu word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

242 晒 s`34 s`44

243 筛（米） p@M22

244 上（楼） G=m34 GLm44

245 下（楼） pnM20 ynM00

246 伸（手） fiDs34

247 梳（头发） ptDh13 ynh22

248 （头）疼 f=m13 sbds44

249 踢 shs34 shs44

250 提（篮子） pht34 ydt44

251 吞 fct=m31 fcLm42

252 脱（衣） st@s34 sns44

253 问 F@l13 G@l13

254 回答 F`9m13'23( G`m22

255 忘记 kul20 ktl00

256 下（雨） s@t34'uDm( s@t44

257 休息 iDs24m`9h13

258 寻找 p`13 y`22

259 眨（眼） fi@o24's`13('22( cP@o44

260 住 fit13'j= k@h(

261 蒸（饭〕 m@M34 m@M44

262 活 sb@t23 sb@t22

263 死 s`9h13 s`h22

264 病 ohMf30 ohM20

265 呼吸 sh@t13SD33'23(

266 听 mnX23 ¯h22

267 看 i@t13 i@t13

268 说, 讲 m@t20, j`9M34 m@t00

269 笑 ph@t13'23( ydt22

270 骂 fc`13 fc`13

2. Phonology of data points 381

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

271 哭 s@h34 s`h44

272 吹 on13

273 打呵欠 p`9t13ptl20

274 睡觉 'Mnj21(mhm20 mhm00

275 站 fct=m22 fcLm22

276 坐 m`Mf20 m@M20

277 走 oi`9h34 oi`h44

278 爬（小孩） o`mf30

279 爬（树） ohm13 ohm22

280 来 l`13

281 去 o@h13 o@h22

282 进入 F@t24fc@h22 G@t44

283 回来 s`t13l`22 s`t13

284 飞 fahm13'22-23( fahm22

285 骑 j@hd30 jth20

286 游泳 khDtf21p@l31

287 浮 et20 et00

288 玩 jtf30r@l20 r@l00

289 唱 fc=M23

290 鼓 ¯Dm20, sbnM23m`M33 sbnM22

291 干活 jt31GnM23 GnM22

292 担 p`9o34 y`o44

293 关（门） G@o34 G@o44

294 开（门） G`9h23 G`h22

295 开（嘴） f`31o`34 f`42

296 推 fcDM13 fcdM22

297 拉 r`9tf30

298 掉 snj34 snj44

299 给 G=h34 G@h44

382 2.19.5. Transcription of Zhenfeng Mingu word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

300 拿 j@l13 sL00

301 选择 kDf30 kd20

302 买 rX31 rL42

303 卖 j`9h13 j`h22

304 偷 p@j20 y@j00

305 想要 sb@h20f@t23

306 有 o@m20 kh42

307 知道 pn31 yn42

308 怕 k`9t23 k`t22

309 洗（手） SD13 rth13

310 洗（衣服） S`j20'oX( r@j00

311 捆 jvtm24

312 擦（桌） l`s20 r`s44

313 切（肉） r`o20

314 绳子 r`f20 r`20

315 割（草） jv@m20 jnm00

316 劈开（木头） o`13 o`13

317 木头 sb`Mf30e`h31

318 挖 o`f30

319 人 u=m20 uLm00

320 布依族 ot31fiD31

321 汉族 ot31G`34

322 男人 oD31S`9h13 r`h22

323 女人 ot31fa=j34 faLj44

324 巫师 ot31ln13 ln22

325 媒人 ot31SX13

326 朋友 Gn24jh13

327 祖宗 o@t13i`20

328 父亲 onf30 on20

2. Phonology of data points 383

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

329 母亲 lDf30 ld20

330 小孩 m`33mD13

331 丈夫 jv`m14'23(

332 妻子 o`20 i`20

333 兄姐 jn22sbD31 oh42

334 弟妹 mnM31S`9h13, mnM31fa=j24 mnM42

335 独子 k=j31snf30

336 孙子 k`9m23 k`m22

337 公公 jnM23 o@t13

338 婆婆 m@h23

339 外公 s`22

340 外婆 s`9h13

341 客人 ot31GD34 Gd44

342 姓 sbnM13

343 名字 rnf30 rn20

344 我 jt23 jt22

345 你 l=M20 lLM00

346 他 sD23 sd22

347 咱们 sbnM34p@t20 y`t00

348 我们 Gn24p@t20 st22

349 你们 Gn24ph=23

350 他们 Gn24sD23'22(

351 别人 eX31 eL42

352 柴 e=m20 eLm00

353 火 eh20 eh00

354 火焰 pt24eh20

355 烧 SDl34 oi@t22

356 烧（做饭） fc@M31eh20 fc@M42

357 灰尘 s`tf30

384 2.19.5. Transcription of Zhenfeng Mingu word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

358 烟 u=m20 u@m00

359 弓 jnM23 jnM22

360 箭 m`13 m`13

361 打猎 s=j34s@t13

362 杀 j`34 j@44

363 打架 s=j24F`9h31

364 一 fcDt13, fhs34 fhs44

365 二 SnM13, Mhf30 ¯h20

366 一（一个人） ot31fcDt13 fcdt22

367 两（两个人） SnM23ot31

368 三 S`l23 r`l22

369 四 Sh13 rh13

370 五 G`34 G`44

371 六 pnj34 ynj44

372 七 r@s34 r@s44

373 八 oDs34 ods44

374 九 jt34 jt44

375 十 bHo20 bho00

376 二十 Mhf20bho20'bHo30(

377 百 o`34 o`44

378 千 bDm23

379 都 st34

380 一些 fa`M31

381 多 k`9h23 k`h22

382 少 mnh13 rdt44 383 每

384 大 k`9t31 k`t42

385 小 mD13

386 长 p@h20 y@h00

387 短 shm34 shm44

2. Phonology of data points 385

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

388 高 S`9M23 r`M22

389 矮 s@l13 s@l13

390 圆 o@m31 o@t42

391 扁 o`9l34 fa@o00

392 厚 m`23 m`22

393 薄 fa`M23 fa`M22

394 宽 jv`M13 ju`M13

395 窄 m`j20, r=mf30 r`m00

396 硬 fcnM31 fcnM42

397 软 ft=m13 ftm13

398 直 St@m31, Snf30 rn20

399 弯曲 jtM31jn30 jn00

400 快 G@m23

401 慢 m`9hf30

402 重 m@j34 m@j44

403 轻 fa@t23 fa@t44

404 胖 ft@m13 l@M20

405 瘦 pn20

406 黑 e=m31 e@m42

407 红 fchM23 fchM22

408 白 F`9t23 G`t22

409 黄 GDm34 Gdm44

410 绿 knj30 knj44

411 蓝 oHj34

412 干的 FX13 GL13

413 湿 fcHs34

414 空的 oiDt13

415 满 phl23 yhl22

416 干净 S@h23 r@h22

386 2.19.5. Transcription of Zhenfeng Mingu word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

417 脏（衣服） Mhmf20

418 新 ln13 ln13

419 年轻 ot31pDM20 rn00

420 聪明 k=j34k@h23 ju`h22

421 傻 fv`31

422 旧 j@t13 j@t13

423 老 jD13 jd13

424 聋的 mtj34 mtj44

425 热 fc`9s34 fc`s44

426 冷 bDM31 bdM42

427 好 fch23 fch22

428 坏 fi`34u`9h20 u`h20

429 破 oD34

430 深 k`j20 k@j44

431 浅 fanj34 fanj44

432 斜 fa`9h13 fahs44

433 亮 pnMf30 ynM20

434 暗 k@o34

435 清 S@h23

436 浑 mnM20 mnM00

437 壮 l@Mf30

438 弱 oi@l23

439 淡 rt=s34 bLs44

440 累 m`9h13 m`h13

441 （捆）紧 fc@s34 fc@s44

442 松 ot23

443 滑 p@t20

444 贵 oDM20 odM00

445 便宜 s=j20

2. Phonology of data points 387

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

446 嫩 ft=m13

447 难 m`9m20

448 容易 fch13jv=f30

449 臭 G@t23 G@t22

450 香 u`m23, Gnl23 Gnl22

451 忙 o@tf30

452 穷 Gn34 Gn44

453 富 o@m31fch23

454 热闹 fch23l@h20 l@h00

455 安静 oi@j20pHj30

456 漂亮（女） S`9t34fch23'22( r`t22

457 狡猾 jvh34jv`9h13

458 勇敢 fc@M13

459 懒 jhj34 jhj44

460 努力 jtf31pt`9h31

461 远 sb@h23 sb@h22

462 近 sb@h34 sb@h22

463 里（面） 'o`h31(fc@h23 fc@h22

464 外（面） 'o`h31(pnf20 yn20

465 右（边） 'o`h31(jv`20 ju`00

466 左（边） 'o`h31(pD31

467 上面 'o`h31(j=m20 jLm00

468 下面 'o`h31(sbh34, k`34 k`44

469 这里 j=20mh31 mh42

470 那里 j=20sD23

471 这个 j`h13mh31

472 那个 j`h13sD23

473 哪里 j=20k@h20 k@h00

474 谁 ot31k@h20

388 2.19.5. Transcription of Zhenfeng Mingu word list

汉语 布依语90年代 布依语50年代

475 什么 jt31j`h13l`20

476 怎么 jtf20fit24

477 什么时候 rX20k@h20

478 为什么 uDhf30jt31l`20 l`00

479 在 fit24 fiht13

480 刚（来） 'k@M34'l`(

481 马上（走） 'o@h(s@M20sh31

482 赶快（去） fi@o34fit`h13'o`h12(

483 就 bh22

484 先 jv`m13 jnm13

485 常常 jt@m24 '…l@h20l@h20…(

486 最(快） fi`o24s=f31p`h31

487 更（快） fi@o24m=m31

488 一起（作） o@h20snf30'jtf30(

489 只（买五斤） s`lf31'rX F` j@m(

490 又（来） i@tf20'l`22(

491 再（说一遍） 'm@t31s`t13fcDt13(sDl23

492 也 iD31

493 或者 l`34m@t20

494 好象 k=l34k@h20 ktl44

495 从 s@h13

496 和 fch31, pD9t31 yh9M00

497 因为 vDhf20fch31

498 如果 r`31m@t20

499 到 s@M20 s`M00

500 是 sD23 sd22

501 不 lh20 lh00

502 没关系 lh20j=20jt20l`20

503 已经 jv`13…kDt31

2. Phonology of data points 389

2.20. Zhenning Banle 2.20.1. Phone and phoneme inventory Initial consonants BiLab LaDe InDe Alv PoAl AlPal Pal Vel Glo Plos vl o, [og], s j, jv f, oi fi PreGlo fa fc Aff vl sb Fric vl e [S] r b, [bv] [w] vd u p y, [y[] [Y] F [G] Nas vd l m ¯ M, Mv Lat vd k App vd i Final consonants

o, s, j, f, l, m, M Vowels Front Central Back unrd unrd unrd rd Close h [X] [L] t Near-close [H] [T] Close-mid [d] n, [n:] Mid = Open-mid D Near-open @ Open `, `: Tones Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch value 33 31 55 42 35 24 35 24 2.20.2. Notes • [ph] only occurs once, and aspiration occurs nowhere else. Therefore, this instance of aspiration is not viewed as phonemic. • [sb] occurs before many different vowels, not just high vowels. It is clearly phonemically contrastive with [t]. See minimal pair. • [f] and [v] are contrastive. See minimal pair.

390 2.20.2. Notes

• [s] and [b] are contrastive. See minimal pair. • [z] and [Y] act as allophones. [Y] only occurs before [o] and [u] (with two exceptions), whereas [z] never occurs before these vowels. See rule below. • One item was transcribed with a [bv] initial. However, there is no other item with this initial, nor is [sbv] found. Therefore, the UR of this initial is taken as [bt_] instead. • [p] and [z] are also contrastive. An exact minimal pair is not found in the word list, but two close pairs were found. See minimal pairs. [p] occurs before [i] except for two items. • [S] only occurs once and [r[] also occurs once. These are not regarded as phonemic, but as variations of [s]. • [x] only occurs two times and [h] does not occur. There seems to be a “hole” in the phonology. No voiceless back fricative occurs enough times to be viewed as phonemic, and there is no phonetically similar phone that it could be an allophone of. [x] is treated as nonphonemic. The proto-forms with initial *x and *h have all gone to one of the following: [G], [F], [i], [j], or [f]. This indicates that these two phones, [x] and [h], are being lost in this lect, merging with a variety of other initials. • [G] and [F] both occur numerous times, with [G] occurring more often than [F]. These sounds occur with varying degrees of fricativeness. Though they are transcribed as either [G] or [F], they are more likely a sound which is between velar and glottal. The phoneme will be taken to be [F]. • [¯] occurs five times: four times before [i] or [H]. [n] only occurs before [i] on one morpheme. [¯] could be treated as an allophone of [n], but on three occurrences, the proto-form also is *¯. Also, there is one minimal pair for [¯] and [n]. Therefore, [¯] is taken to be phonemic. • Both [oi] and [fi] occur a number of times, mostly on items with a *pj and *fi initial proto- form, respectively. [piV] occurs twice and [fhV] does not occur. [pj] and [fi] are both considered phonemic. • [kw] occurs on eight lexical items: some having proto-initial *kw. [kuV] occurs once. This indicates that [kw] is probably phonemic. [M] occurs 10 times and [Mv] occurs once: 178 ‘awl’ [e`13 Mv`h31]. Since the labialization is distinct, we consider it phonemic. [ftV] occurs a few times, but each instance has more of a vowel-like quality than a labialized initial quality. • [a] and [a:] are contrastive. See minimal pair. [a] and [@] are also contrastive. See minimal pair. • [e] only occurs six times, while [D] occurs numerous times. The sounds of these phones actually vary in the vowel space, generally occurring closer to [D]. These two sounds are considered one phoneme [D].

2. Phonology of data points 391

• [H] occurs eight times, always in the environment C__C, and is considered a variation of [i]. See rule. [i] also occurs a few times in this environment. • [B] occurs twice and is considered a variation of [o]. • [T] occurs once and is considered a variation of [u]. • Except for a number of classifiers occurring before other syllables, [=] always occurs in closed syllables with one exception: 155 ‘hungry’ [stM31 fi=24]. [X] occurs only twice in the environment C__C[+stop]—other times occurring on an open syllable. These phones are considered in complementary distribution, with the three exceptions mentioned above. The phoneme taken to be /=/. 2.20.3. Minimal pairs [t] and [sb] 242 ‘to dry in the sun’ [s`44], 55 ‘rice seedling’ [sb`44] [s] and [b] 398 ‘straight’ [rn13], 220 ‘to add’ [bn13] [f] and [v] 406 ‘black’ [e@m31], 15 ‘day’ [u`m20] [z] and [p] 168 ‘mosquito net’ [yDo24], 102 ‘bedbug’ [pDs13] [n] and [¯] 392 ‘thick’ [m`22], 56 ‘grass’ [¯`22] [a] and [a:] 110 ‘nose’ [fc`M22], 105 ‘body’ [fc`:M22] [a] and [@] 187 ‘axe’ [u`m22], 65 ‘seed’ [u@m22] 2.20.4. Allophonic rules /z/ → [Y]/__V[+rd] (with two exceptions) → [z]/elsewhere

/i/ → [H]/__C (with some exceptions) → [i]/elsewhere

/=/ → [X] or [L]/__# (with one exception) → [=]/elsewhere (with two exceptions) 2.20.5. Transcription of Zhenning Banle word list 镇宁六马板乐村90年代与50年代语音糸统比较

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

1 阳光 khDm33fcCs24 k.skhDm24fc`s33

2 闪电 fiCo24oiC33 fi`o24oi`33

3 雷（名） oiC33'yDh30( oi`33 oi`44

4 月亮 YnM13fchDm22 ynM13fch@m22

392 2.20.5. Transcription of Zhenning Banle word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

5 星星 fcC9t22fch24 fc`9t22fch24

6 天, 天空 sbCM fa=m22 fa=m22 faLm22

7 云 uL44 uX24 uL44

8 风 y=l30 y[=l20

9 雨 uDm22 u=m22 uLm22

10 彩虹 st32snM20 stM20stM20 stM20

11 雾 kCo24ln44 k`o24ln44 ln44

12 早上 sbCM22M@s24 sb`M22F`s24 FCs24

13 下午 kC24phM30 k`24y[hM20

14 晚上 sbCM22GCl13 sb`M24F`l13 FLm20, FCl02

15 天, 日子 uCm20 Mt@m20 uCm20

16 年 oh22 oh22 oh22

17 早（来早） bh@t42 bh@t31 bCt31, ynl02

18 晚（来晚） ktCs24 k=ns24 kts24

19 早餐 F`t31MC9h30 M`h20bh@t31 M`h20

20 午饭 phM30 M`9h20 M`h20

21 下午的餐 y[hM20 yhM20

22 晚饭 bhCt30 F`t31b`t20 bCt20

23 水 y@l31 y[`l31 yCl31

24 井 fa=22 fan24 fan13 fan24

25 土 mC9l13 m`9l13 m`l02

26 石头 y[hm22 y[hm22 yhm22

27 沙 mC9l13rt@h20 m`9l13rt@h20 yd24

28 尘土（路上） GBj24l@m13 lnj44l@m24 sCt02

29 金子 sbHl22 sbhl22 sbhl22

30 银子 MCm20 M@m20 MCm20

31 铁 e`20 e`20 e`20

32 河 sC13 s`13 s`02

33 岸 j=m20sC13 o`M31 FCm20

2. Phonology of data points 393

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

34 湖 sCl20

35 海 fc=22GC9h24 F`9h24 F`h44

36 山 on22 on22 on22

37 路 p@m22 y[@m22 yCm22

38 村子 fcC9m31 fc=22fa`9m31 fa`m31

39 房子 fc=22FC9m20 F`9m20 y`m20

40 房顶 mDM20FC9m20 ¯Dt22F`9m20

41 门 st22 u`22st22 st22

42 木板（板子） jDo33sCo02 ohDm24s`o13

43 桌子 fc= bnM20 bnM20 bnM20

44 凳子 sCM24 s`M24 sCM24

45 碗 st@h31 sv@h31 snh31

46 筷子 sL13 s=13 sL02

47 扫把 sbDm22o@s24 jDm22o@s24 oCs24

48 猪圈 jvn9M13lt22 jnM13lt22

49 田（稻田） mC20 m`20 m`20

50 地 mC20pDm31, ph13 y[h13 yh02

51 大米 GCt31rCm22 F@t31r`m22 r`m22

52 米饭 GC9t31btj02 F@t31F`9t22 FCt31

53 糯米 GC9t31bt=s02 F@t31bTs13r`m22

54 糯米饭 GC9t31fD24 F@t31fD24

55 秧苗 sbC44 sb`34 sb`44

56 草（青嫩） ¯C22 G`20iDt22 ¯L=44, ¯`22

57 甘蔗 fnh31 fnh31 fnh31

58 树 jn22eCh31 e`h31 eCh31

59 （树）根 y`13eCh31 Y`13 y`02

60 竹子（总称） eCh31y@s10 e`h31e`9h20'sxod( yCs02（金竹）

61 森林 fc=22fcnM22 fcnM22e`h31 fcnM22

62 叶子 fa`22pnM22 fa`22y[nM22 faCL22

394 2.20.5. Transcription of Zhenning Banle word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

63 刺（名） ftCm22 ft@m22 fnm22

64 花 fcn33uC22 u`22, fc`9h24 u`22

65 籽, 种子 u@m22 u@m22 uCm22

66 水果 lC44 l`24 l`44

67 菜（蔬菜） oi@j34 fi`j24 oiCj24

68 动物（总称） st20 st20st20

69 猪 lt22 lt22 lt22

70 羊 in9M20 xnM20 ih9M20

71 狗 _lC22 l`22 l`22

72 马 lC31 l`31 l`31

73 水牛 uC9h20 u`9h20 u`9h20

74 黄牛 bL20 bX20 bhd20

75 尾巴 oiC9h22phDM22 y[h@M22

76 角（牛） jC9t33 j`t22 jCt22

77 老虎 jtj24 jTj24 jtj24

78 熊 lnh22

79 猴子 khM30 kh=M20, j`9M22 khM20

80 蝙蝠 uC9t20 u`9t20 u`t20

81 兔子 sC33kn24 s`22kn24

82 老鼠 st m@h24 m@h24 uCh24

83 鸟 YBj13 y[nj13 ynj02

84 鸟窝 YnM20Ynj13 y[nM20y[nj13

85 鸡 j@h24 j@h24 jCh24

86 鸡冠 u=m22j@h24 u=m22j@h24

87 鸭子 ohs24 ohs24 ohs24

88 鹅 G`9m13 F`9m13 F`m24

89 猫头鹰 Ynj23sbCt33lhCt24 ynj13sb@t24lhDt13

90 翅膀 e=s13 e@s11 eCs02

91 羽毛 o=m22 o=m22 oLm22

2. Phonology of data points 395

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

92 爪子 yho24shm22 j`22o`13

93 蛋 sbCh24 sb@h24 sbCh24

94 鱼 oiC22 oi`22 oi`22

95 鱼鳍 sbh20oiC22

96 蛇 ML20 ML20 ML=20

97 蚊子 st20mDM31'jC22pCh30( ¯h@M20j`22y`h20 mdM20

98 苍蝇 st20mDM31kBj13 ¯h@M20

99 蚂蚁 st10l@s13 l@s13 lCs02

100 蜘蛛 st10jvC9t22 jt`9t22 ju`t22

101 跳蚤 st20l@s24 l@s24 lCs24

102 臭虫 st pDs13 yDs13

103 蚯蚓 fchDm22 fchDm22 fch9m22

104 虱子 m@m30 m@m20 mCm20

105 身体 fc= fcC9M22 fc`9M22 fc`M22

106 头 sbCt44 sb@t24 sbCt44

107 头发 o=m22sbCt44 l`9t20 oinl22

108 脸 oDm13mC44 m`44 m`44

109 眼睛 k=j sC22 k=j13s`22 s`22

110 鼻子 bnM13fcCM22 l`t20fc`M22 fcCM22

111 耳朵 fa=33phL20 fa`=22y[h=20 yL=20

112 嘴巴 bnM13oC33 bnM13o`24 o`44

113 牙齿 fD9t44 iDt33 idt44

114 舌头 fa` khm31 fa`22khm31 khm31

115 下巴 kC33GC9M20 k`34F`9M20 F`M20

116 胡子 l=l13 l=l13 ltl02

117 额头 mC44oiC44 m`44oi`24 oi`44

118 脖子 rCh22Gn20 r`h22Fn20

119 肩膀 oCM31faC24 o@M31fa`24 fa`24

120 手 GC13enM30 e=M20 eLM20

396 2.20.5. Transcription of Zhenning Banle word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

121 腿 fc=22jC22 j`22

122 膝盖 lC9t20Gn24 l`9t20Fn24 Fn24

123 脚 shm22 shm22 shm22

124 胸 oC33f@j24 o`44f`j24 fCj24

125 背 oC9h13kCM22 o`h13k`M22 kCM22

126 甲状腺肿 Gn20fCh22 Fn20f`h22

127 心脏 snl24 fc`22st`l24 snl24

128 肺脏 oXs44 o=s24 oLs24

129 脑子 fTj44 ftj24 ftj24

130 肝 sCo44 s@o24 sCo24

131 肚子 fc= stM31 stM31 stM31

132 肚脐 fan44fch=22 fan24fch22 fcL=22

133 肠子 rCh33 r@h44 rCh44

134 血 khDs13 kDs13 kh9s02

135 屎 fDf31 fD31 fd31

136 骨头 fcn33 fcn24 fcn44

137 皮肤 mCM22 m`M22 mCM22

138 肉 mn13 mn13 mn02

139 油（猪） i@t20 It20 k`t20

140 大蒜 rt@h24 rt@h24 rnh24

141 姜 khM22 ihM24 ihM22

142 盐 jt22 jt22 jt22

143 咬 jC9l20 j`9l20, F`o13 FCo02

144 吃 j=m22 j=m22 jLm22

145 喝 fc@s24 rt=s24, fc`s24 fcCs24

146 酒 kCt33 k`t24 kCt44

147 醉（酒） kCt33eh20 eh20

148 呕吐 Yt13 y[t13

149 煮 YtM22 y[tM13

2. Phonology of data points 397

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

150 甜 M`13 M`}13 u`m22

151 酸 r@l33 r@l24 rCl44

152 苦 FCl20 F`l20 FCl20

153 咸 GCm24 F@m24 fcCM24

154 辣 bCs13 b@s13 l`m02, b`s02

155 饿 stMf31fi=24 fh=24 fiL44

156 黄瓜 k=j20shDM22uDm22 sh@M22F`t31 sh9M22

157 南瓜 k=j20jvC22 k=j13jt`22 ju`22

158 丝瓜 k=j20jvD22 k=j22jtD22 jud22

159 豆 k=j20st13 st13 kLj02st02

160 芋头 k=j21y=l31 k=j22oL=24, y=l31 oL`44

161 芦苇 jn22fDs24 fDs24

162 衣服 oL13 oL13 oL02

163 布 oCM20 o`M20 oCM20

164 棉 uCh24 u`9h34 u`h24

165 裤子 uC24 u`34 u`24

166 袜子 lCs13 l`9s13 l`s02

167 席子 fahm31 fahm31 fahm31

168 蚊帐 yDo24 yDo24 yh9o24

169 斗笠 fc= sb@o33 sb@o24 sbCo24

170 刀 sC9t22on20 s`9t22 lhs02

171 把（刀） eC13 e`13 e`02

172 锅 bC9t24 b`9t24

173 锅盖 uC22bC9t24 u`22b`9t24 u`22

174 三脚架 fc= sb@M20 sbh@M20 sbh9M20

175 背带 fcC22 fc`22 fc`22

176 扇子 oCt13oh30 o`t13oh20 oh20

177 秤 fc= bCM13 bh`M13 bCM02

178 锥子 eC13Mv=h31 e`13Mt=h31

398 2.20.5. Transcription of Zhenning Banle word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

179 剪子 sbCt30 sb@t20 sbdt20

180 钱 bhdm20 bDm20 bdm20

181 雨伞 fc= kh@M44 khDM24 kh9M44

182 锁 fc= ktM24 ktM24 ktM44

183 钥匙 FCm20bh20 F@m20bh20

184 棍子 s=M31 r=m24e@h31

185 竹竿 mnj13rC9t31 mtj13r`9t31 r`t31

186 船 fc= Yt20 y[t20 yt20

187 斧头 eC13uCm22 u`9m22 u`m22

188 犁 eC13b@h33 b@h22 bCh22

189 锄头 eC13fiCf44 fi`24 jtL=24

190 扁担 sh@t20FC9m20 F@m20 F`m20

191 麻 fcC9h31 fc`9h31 fc`h31

192 肥料 o=m13 o=m13 oLm02

193 石臼 ft22snh13 ft22st@h13

194 杵 fih22F`9M22

195 筛子 fC= yC9M22 y[@M22 yCM22

196 簸箕 fcnM31uh24 fcBM31uh24 fcnM31

197 织布机 bhCM20Yn33 b@M20y[n24 b`M20

198 纸 rC22 r`22 r`22

199 墨水 lCj13 y@l31l`j13 lCj02

200 笔 ohDm33lCj13 ohDm22l`j13

201 唢呐 fc=33mCt20 fa`M13m@t20

202 网 l=M31, pD22 l`M31 yd22

203 钩子 jtM33MCt24 j=24M`t13

204 鬼 st21eC9M20 e`9M20 e`9M20

205 神 st20rdm33 st20rDm22

206 力气 y[DM20 snj13y[hDM20 ydM20

207 影子 st20MCt20 M`t20 MCt20

2. Phonology of data points 399

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

208 梦 o=20G=m20'F=m20( oL20F=m20

209 故事 k=m13uCM30 k=m13u`M20

210 礼物 rnM24kdh31 k`h31kh13 kCh31

211 错误 btC9h22 bt`h22

212 闲空 it33kC9M24 u`9M24 u`M24

213 方向 o@h22'o=M33(k@30 o`9h13

214 缝 ¯Ho24 ¯ho12 ¯ho02

215 喜欢 fC9M14ph@t22 f`9M24yDt22 f`M24

216 爱 MC9h13 M`9h13 sbCh20

217 剥（果皮） fah24 fah24 fah24, sLm44

218 抱（孩子） f=l31 f=l31 ftl31

219 背（孩子） fX20 f=20 fL=20

220 加（饭） bn13GC9t31 bn24, s`j44

221 裂开 faDf44 sD44fd31

222 编（篮子） rCm22 r`m22 r`m22

223 补（衣服） u@9M22 u@M22 utM22

224 插（秧） fc@l22mC20 fc@l22 fcCl22

225 尝（菜） bHl20 bhl20 bhl20

226 穿（衣服） s@m44 s@m24 sCm44

227 漏（水） Ytn13 yn13 yn02

228 点（头） Mnj13 MBj13

229 挂（在墙上） uDm22 u@h24, uDm22

230 滚（在地上） st13kt31 st22kt31

231 过（河） jvC24 jt`13 ju`24

232 划（船） jC9t24 j`9t22

233 继续 o@h13y@o13 …o`h22k`24

234 借（钱） bL24 bhX13 bL=22

235 砍（树） y@l33 e@j13, y@l24 eCm20, yCl44

236 烤（火） rCt22eh20 r`t22 yhm22

400 2.20.5. Transcription of Zhenning Banle word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

237 咳嗽 f@h22 f@h22 fCh22

238 肿（腿） jX13 jL13

239 流（水） k@h22 k@h22 kCh22

240 起（床） y=m24 y[=m24

241 牵（牛） bhM22 bhM22 bhM22

242 晒 sC44 s`24 s`24

243 筛（米） yCM24 y[@M22

244 上（楼） G=m24 F=m24 FLm44

245 下（楼） YtnM31 y[nM20 ynM20

246 伸（手） ids24, iDm13 ih@m13

247 梳（头发） ft@h33 Ynh22 ynh22

248 （头）疼 sbDs24 sbDs24 fhm22, sbds24

249 踢 shs24 shs24 shs24

250 提（篮子） pht24 y[ht24 yht44

251 吞 fc=m31 fctm31 fcLm31

252 脱（衣） stCs24 sns24 sns24

253 问 FC9l24 F`l13 FCl24

254 回答 FC9m22 F`9m22 F`m22

255 忘记 k=l20 k=l20 ktl20

256 下（雨） sCt33 s`t44 sCt44

257 休息 iHs24mC9h13 ihs44m`9h13

258 寻找 y`22 y`22, jt@h13 y`22

259 眨（眼） fi@o24 fi@o24 fiCo24

260 住 fit24 fht24

261 蒸（饭〕 m@M24 m@M44 mCM44

262 活 sbCt22 sb@t22 sbCt22

263 死 sC9h22 s`9h22 s`h22

264 病 ohM13 ohM13 ohM02

265 呼吸 btCs24bt@9h22 rTs24rt@h22

2. Phonology of data points 401

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

266 听 ¯X22 ¯X22

267 看 i@t13 i@t24 iCt24

268 说, 讲 jC9M33, mCt20 m@t20, j`9M44 mCt20, j`M44

269 笑 ph@t22 yDt22 ydt22

270 骂 u=s24 u=s24, s@m22 fc`24

271 哭 s@h24 s@h24 sCh44

272 吹 on13 on13

273 打呵欠 yC9t33y=l20 y`22y=l20

274 睡觉 s=j24mD20 s=j24mhm20 mhm20

275 站 fc=m22 fc=m22 fcLm22

276 坐 mCM13 m`M13 mCM02

277 走 o`h22, oiC9h24 oi`h24 oi`h44

278 爬（小孩） o`_m13 y[t@m20

279 爬（树） ohm33 ohm22 ohm22

280 来 lC22 l`22

281 去 oCh22 o@h22 oCh22

282 进入 lC22fcC22 l`22fc`,22 FtC44

283 回来 s`9t24lC22 s`t24l`22 s`t24

284 飞 fahm22 fahm22 fahm22

285 骑 j@h13 j@h13 jnh02

286 游泳 kh=t13sC13 kh@t13s`13

287 浮 et20 et20 et20

288 玩 Jt13b@l30 bh@l20 bCl20

289 唱 u@m22 jT13u@m22

290 鼓 fc= sbnM33, mhDm20 ¯hDm20 sbBM22, ¯hm20

291 干活 jt13GnM22 jt13FnM FnM22

292 担 yC9o44 y[`o24 y`o24

293 关（门） FCo24 F`o24 FCo24

294 开（门） FC9h22 F`9h22 F`h22

402 2.20.5. Transcription of Zhenning Banle word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

295 开（嘴） fC31oCf24 f`31 f`31

296 推 fcDM22 fchDM22 fcdM22

297 拉 snj13 k`12

298 掉 snj44 snj24 snj24

299 给 G`23 F`,24 FL=44

300 拿 pht44 f`t22 sL20

301 选择 kD13 kD13

302 买 bX=31 bhX31 bL31

303 卖 jC9h22 j`9h22 j`h22

304 偷 y@j13 y[@j13 yCj02

305 想要 sb@h20fCt22 sb@h20y@t22

306 有 fit24 kh31 kh31

307 知道 Yn31, YtB31y[D13 y[n31y[D13 yn31

308 怕 kC9t22 k`9t22 k`t22

309 洗（手） bt@h24 rt@h24, y`24 rnh24

310 洗（衣服） r@j13 r@j13 rCj02, y`24

311 捆 F=s13 u@s13

312 擦（桌） lCs13 l@s13 b`s24, fts24

313 切（肉） bCo13 b@o13

314 绳子 sh@t20bC13 b`13 b`02

315 割（草） jv@m31 jt@m20 jnm20

316 劈开（木头） oC24 o`24 o`24

317 木头 eCh31 fc@j44e@h31

318 挖 oC13 o`13

319 人 st21 u=m20 u=m20 uLm20

320 布依族 ot32fi@h31 ot31fi@h31

321 汉族 ot21GC24 ot31F`24

322 男人 k=j rC9h22 k=j13r`9h22 r`h22

323 女人 k=j faXj24 k=j13fa=j24 faLj24

2. Phonology of data points 403

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

324 巫师 ot31ln22, iC13iC30 i`13i`20 ln22

325 媒人 ot31rX24 ot31rX24 rL24

326 朋友 ot31o`m31 ot31o`m31

327 祖宗 k=f22oCt24 k@t31o`t24

328 父亲 on13 on13, sD22 on02

329 母亲 lD13 lD13 ld02

330 小孩 kC22mD24 k=j13m@h13

331 丈夫 oCt24 b@h13o@t24

332 妻子 iC13 b@h13i`13 i`02

333 兄姐 ot24oh31, sbD24 oh31, sbD24 oh31

334 弟妹 mnM31 mt@M31 mnM31

335 独子 btCh31sn13 k=j13sn=13

336 孙子 kC9m33 k`9m22 k`m22

337 公公 jnM22

338 婆婆 m@h33

339 外公 oCt24 s`22 s`22

340 外婆 iC13sCh24 s`9h24

341 客人 ot31GD24 FD34 Fd44

342 姓 sbnM24 sbnM24

343 名字 bn13 bn13 bn02

344 我 jt22 jt22 jt22

345 你 l=M20 l=M20 lLM20

346 他 sD22 sD22 sd22

347 咱们 Gn44y[C9t20 Fn24y[`t20, jD44y[`t20 yCt20

348 我们 Gn44y[C9t20 Fn24y[`t20, jD44y[`t20 st22

349 你们 Gn44rt22 Fn24r[t22, jD44l=M20 rt22

350 他们 Gn44sD22 Fn24sD22

351 别人 ot32f=m24 ot31f=m24 fLm24

352 柴 e=m20 e=m20 eLm20

404 2.20.5. Transcription of Zhenning Banle word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

353 火 eh20 eh20 eh20

354 火焰 oiC9h22eh20 oi`h22eh20

355 烧 oCt22 oi@t22 oiCt22

356 烧（做饭） fcCM31eh20 fc@M31 fcCM31

357 灰尘 sCt13 s`t13

358 烟 fiDm33 u@m20 uCm20

359 弓 fcnM22kh=f44 jn9M22 jnM22

360 箭 mCL24mC13 ML24 m`24

361 打猎 mDo13on22 ¯@o13on22

362 杀 j`44 j`44 j`44

363 打架 s=j24sh20 s=j24sh20

364 一 fch@t22, fHs24 fhs24, fcdt22

365 二 rnM22, ¯h13 Eh02 ¯h02, rnM22

366 一（一个人） fchDt22, ot31k`,22 fcdt22

367 两（两个人） rnM rnM22

368 三 rC9l22 r`9l22 r`l22

369 四 ph24, rh24 rh24 rh24

370 五 GC24 F`44 F`44

371 六 YnJ24 ynj24 ynj24

372 七 bCs24 bhDs24 bds24

373 八 oDs24 oDs24 ods24

374 九 jt44 jt44 jt44

375 十 bXo13 bHo13 bho02

376 二十 ¯h13bHo13 Eh02bHo13

377 百 oC44 o`44 o`44

378 千 bDm22 bDm22

379 都 st22… st44

380 一些 shM20mD13 fa@s24j`9h13

381 多 kC9h22 k`9h22 k`h22

2. Phonology of data points 405

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

382 少 ShDt22 r[Dt24 rht44

383 每 sCM13

384 大 kC9t31 k`9t31 k`9t31

385 小 mD24 mD24

386 长 y@h20 y[@h20 yCh20

387 短 shm44 shm44 shm44

388 高 r[C9M33 r`9M22 r`M22

389 矮 s@l24 s@l24 sCl24

390 圆 oCt31 o@t31 oCm31

391 扁 oCl33 oDl44 o`o02

392 厚 m`22 m`22 m`22

393 薄 faCM22 fa`M22 fa`M22

394 宽 jtCM24 jt`9M24 ju`M24

395 窄 b@m30 b@m20 bCm20

396 硬 fcnM31 fcnM31 fcnM31

397 软 ft=m24 ft=m24 ftm24

398 直 rn13 rn13 rn02

399 弯曲 jC9t20 jtM24j@t20 jn20

400 快 fiCo24 fiho44fi`h24

401 慢 k=l13 k=l24, m`9h13

402 重 mCj24 m@j24 mCj24

403 轻 faCt22 fa@t22 faCt22

404 胖 lCM13, oh20 l@M02 oh20

405 瘦 sbdh24 oh@l22 oinl22

406 黑 e@m31 e@m31 e`m31

407 红 fchM22 fchM22 fchM22

408 白 FC9t22 F`9t22 F`t22

409 黄 GDm24 iDm24 idm44

410 绿 knj13 knj13 knj02

406 2.20.5. Transcription of Zhenning Banle word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

411 蓝 sCt13 oHs24

412 干的 FX24 FL24 fL24

413 湿 sCf24 fc`,24

414 空的 oit24 oh=t24

415 满 phl22 y[hl22 yhl22

416 干净 r`22 r`,22 rCL22

417 脏（衣服） sCm33 s`m44

418 新 ln24 ln13 ln24

419 年轻 ot31pDM20 ot31yDM20 bn20

420 聪明 khj24 khm44 ju`h22

421 傻 Mnj24 M`l31, fv`31

422 旧 jCt13 j`t24 jCt24

423 老 MCt13 M@t24, jD24 jd24

424 聋的 mtj24 mTj44 mtj24

425 热 YC9t24 y[@t44 fc`s24, yCt44

426 冷 bdM31 bDM31 mhs24, bdM31

427 好 fch22 fch22 fch22

428 坏 uCh13 sbt13, u`9h13 u`h02

429 破 sD24 sD44, u`9h02

430 深 kCj13 k@j13 kCj02

431 浅 faDm22 fanj44 fanj24

432 斜 MDM13 MDm24 fahs24

433 亮 YnM13 ynM13 ynM02

434 暗 o=l20, k@o24 u@l31, o@l20

435 清 r`22 r`,22

436 浑 mnM20 mnM20 mnM20

437 壮 fc@M24 fc`M13

438 弱 Yn20 yn20

439 淡 bvHs24 bTs44 bts24

2. Phonology of data points 407

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

440 累 mC9h24 m`9h24 m`h24

441 （捆）紧 fc@s33 fc@s44 fcCs24

442 松 YnM13 ytM13

443 滑 YCt20 y@t20

444 贵 oDM20 ohDM20 odM20

445 便宜 s=j13 s=j12

446 嫩 ft=m24 fT=m24

447 难 mC9m20 fi`24jt13

448 容易 fch22jt13 fch22jt13

449 臭 w@t22 w@t22m@t13 FCt22

450 香 uC9m22 w@t22Ft@l22 FCt02Fnl22

451 忙 GCm13 F@m22

452 穷 fn24 Fn44 Fn44

453 富 o@m20fch22 o@m20fch22

454 热闹 fch22l@h20 fch22l@h20 lCh20

455 安静 oi@j13 eL20

456 漂亮（女） rCt33fch22 liDm44, r@t44fch22 rCt44

457 狡猾 rC9l33 r@l22

458 勇敢 sCl33oiC33 s`o44oi`44

459 懒 sbhj24 sbhj44 sbhj24

460 努力 btj24pDM30 bnj44yhDM20

461 远 sb@h33 sb@h22 sbCh22

462 近 sb`33 sb`,44 sbL=44

463 里（面） fcC22 fc`,22 fcCL22

464 外（面） Ytn13 y[n02 yn02

465 右（边） jvC20 jt`20 ju`20

466 左（边） btDh31 rt@h31 rnh31

467 上面 j=m20 j=m20 jLm20

468 下面 kC33 k`44 k`44

408 2.20.5. Transcription of Zhenning Banle word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

469 这里 j=31mh31 jD13mh31 mh31

470 那里 j=31sD22 jD13sD22

471 这个 j=33mh31 j=44mh31

472 那个 j=33sD22 j=44sD22

473 哪里 j=33j@=20 j=20k`,20 kCL20

474 谁 ot31k@=30 oL31

475 什么 jt33lC30 j=44k`,20

476 怎么 oCm13fit24 jt44jt13

477 什么时候 bL2020k@=30 ih13k`,20

478 为什么 uh24jt33lC30 vDh13j=44l`20 l`20

479 在 fRt24 fht24 fit24, fht24

480 刚（来） …k=M33… k=M44b`20

481 马上（走） sCM24, kL20oCh22 o`h20bh31

482 赶快（去） …fiho24fiC9h13 fiho44fi`h24

483 就 __…bh22… …bh22…

484 先 jvCm13 jt@m24 jnm24

485 常常（来） kCo13ih24 k@o13ih24

486 最(快） fiho24fiC9h13

487 更（快） j=m13

488 一起（作） jt13oCh20 o@h20k`,22

489 只（买五斤） k=l33 j`13…, k=l44…

490 又（来） sCt24 s`9t24

491 再（说一遍） gC13… s`9t24

492 也 ih13

493 或者 lt24mCt20 lt44m`t20

494 好象 GC20k=l24 F`20k=l24 ktl44

495 从 s@h24 s@h24

496 和 kCM22 k`M20

497 因为 uh13

2. Phonology of data points 409

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代年轻人 布依语50年代

498 如果 b`13mCt20 b`31m`t20, mB20

499 到 sCM30 s`M20 sCM20

500 是 bh22 bh22, sD22 sd22

501 不 lh20 lh20 lh20

502 没关系 lh20fit24jt33lC20 l@h20iht44j=44l`20

503 已经 …jv`24 2.21. Zhenning Shitouzhai 2.21.1. Phone and phoneme inventory Initial consonants BiLab LaDe Alv PoAl AlPal Pal Vel Glo Plos vl o, [oi], s, j, jv, f, fi og sg jg PreGlo fa fc Aff vl sr, [sb], srg [sbg] Fric vl e r [b] w [g] vd u y [Y] [F] G Nas vd l m ¯ M, [Mv] Lat vd k LaF vl K App vd [v] i Final consonants

s, j, f, l, m, M

410 2.21.2. Notes

Vowels Front Central Back unrd unrd unrd rd Close h [X] [L] t Near-close [H] [T] Close-mid [d] n Mid =, [=:] Open-mid D [B] Near-open ? @ Open `, `: Tones Category 1 2 3, 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch value 44 31 42 34 24 45 24 2.21.2. Notes • What was transcribed as [fc] and [fa] is sometimes actually [d] and [b]. The sounds were suspect and put on Cecil. Some of the words had no glottalization and some had infrequent or variable glottalization. • [ph] occurs on six items: four items with tone values of 41 or 42, sharp falling tone. There is a minimal pair for [p] and [ph]. [th] occurs on 10 items: seven with tone values of 41 or 42. [t] also occurs on four items with a 42 tone. See minimal pair for [t] and [th]. [tsh] occurs on two items. See minimal pair between [ts] and [tsh]. [kh] only occurs on items with 41 and 42 tones and there are no items with initial [k] that have this tone. Therefore, [kh] is in complimentary distribution with [k]. However, since aspiration is definitely phonemic on each of the other voiceless stops, we include [kh] as a phoneme. More data is needed to validate this analysis. • [sb] occurs a number of times—all before high vowels, with one exception: 42 ‘board’ [v`:h31 sb`j24]. [ts] occurs numerous times: only once before a high vowel, [u]. This indicates that [sb] is an allophone of [ts]. See rule. Also see minimal pair between [t] and [ts]. • [f] and [v] act phonemically distinct. Though these two phones are in near complementary distribution tonally, each is still considered phonemic. See minimal pair. • [v] and [w] act as allophones, though they do not occur in complementary distribution. Rather, the speaker most often uttered a sound somewhere in between [v] and [w]; sometimes sounding more like [v] and sometimes sounding more like [w]. As seen in 171 ‘CLASSIFIER (knife)’ [u`24 or v`24], these two sounds have no phonemic distinction. Therefore, we view [w] as an allophone of [v]. • [Y] and [z] are allophones, as [Y] occurs before rounded vowels, with only two exceptions. The phone uttered by the speaker sometimes fell somewhere in between the two sounds, but the tendency is reflected in the allophonic rule given below.

2. Phonology of data points 411

• [b] always occurs before [i] and [s] occurs before [i] only once. This indicates [b] is an allophone of [s]. See rule below. [K] is also phonemic. See minimal pair between [s] and [K] below. • [F] occurs only twice and [G] occurs on 11 items. These two sounds are allophonic variations—the amount of fricativeness varying. [h] only occurs twice and [x] occurs a number of times. These two phones are in a similar situation. The phonemes are taken to be /G/ and /x/. • [l] and [K] are both phonemic. See minimal pair. • [¯] only occurs five times: four times before [i]. There is a minimal pair with [n] and [¯] occurs on items with a *¯ initial proto-form. Therefore, [¯] is treated as phonemic. • [pj] only occurs once and [p] occurs before [i] five times. Although some [pi_] words have *pj__ proto-forms, it seems that palatalization is being lost in this lect. For the words transcribed as [pi_], the [i] sound is more vowel-like than palatalized. [pj] is not considered phonemic for this lect. [fi] occurs on seven morphemes and [fh] also occurs a number of times. [fi] is phonemic, even though [pj] is not. See minimal pair. • [w] and [v] are most often pronounced in a similar manner—sometimes as [wv]. The degree of fricativeness varies for lexical items beginning with this phone. [w] is considered an allophonic variation of /v/. • The status of [Mv] is unclear. It occurs only once, on the classifier for 76 ‘horn’ [Mv`m24 j`:t33], and [Mt_] only occurs once. It is not treated as a separate phoneme here. [kw] occurs on nine morphemes and [ku] only occurs as an open syllable. [kw] is in complementary distribution with [k], but the labialization is quite strong. For this reason, [kw] is treated as a separate phoneme. • [a], [a:], and [@] are contrastive. See minimal pairs. [?] is also contrastive with [a] and [@]. See minimal pairs. • [e] and [D] are allophonic variations of one phoneme. [D] occurs many more times than [e]. This sound occurs anywhere in the vowel space between [e] and [D] and it is often difficult to distinguish. In the following two items, both sounds can occur on the same morpheme: 294 ‘to open (door)’ [wD22], 295 ‘to open (mouth)’ [wd22]. [e] is treated as a variation of [D]. • [H] occurs on five morphemes (always before a final stop) and [i] occurs before a final stop five times. See rule below. • [B] occurs only once and is considered a variation of [o]. • [u] and [T] are not contrastive, though minimal pairs can be found. [T] occurs on seven items, but the degree of dissimilarity between it and [u] is very slight. • [=:], [X], and [L] only occur on one morpheme each. All these sounds are considered variations of [=].

412 2.21.3. Minimal pairs

2.21.3. Minimal pairs [p] and [ph] 36 ‘mountain’ [ot=22], 236 ‘to warm oneself’ [ogt=33] [t] and [th] 131 ‘abdomen’ [stnM31], 194 ‘pestle’ [sgnM31] [t] and [ts] 32 ‘river’ [s`13], 314 ‘rope’ [sr`13] [ts] and [tsh] 481 ‘immediately’ [srDh20], 273 ‘to yawn’ [f`31 srgdh22] [f] and [v] 289 ‘to work’ [jt13 e`:M22], 204 ‘ghost’ [u`:M20] [s] and [K] 149 ‘to boil’ [rnM22], 367 ‘two (cardinal)’ [KnM22] [l] and [K] 381 ‘many’ [kD22], 322 ‘man’ [k=j12 KD22] [n] and [¯] 392 ‘thick’ [m`33], 56 ‘grass’ [¯`33] [f] and [fi] 260 ‘live/stay’ [fit33], 479 ‘at’ [fht33] [a], [a:], and [@] 422 ‘old (thing)’ [j`t33], 76 ‘horn’ [j`:t33], 344 ‘I’ [j@t22] [a] and [?] 32 ‘river’ [s`13], 46 ‘chopsticks’ [s?13] [@] and [?] 65 ‘seed’ [e@m22], 87 ‘axe’ [e?m22] 2.21.4. Allophonic rules /ts/ → [sb]/__V[+high] (with one exception) → [ts]/elsewhere

/z/ → [Y]/__V[+rd] (with one exceptions) → [z]/elsewhere

/s/ → [b]/__i (with one exception) → [s]/elsewhere

/i/ → [H]/__C(+stop) (with five exceptions) → [i]/elsewhere 2.21.5. Transcription of Zhenning Shitouzhai word list 镇宁石头寨90年代与50年代语音糸统比较

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

1 阳光 fc=s23sbht33 fc=s24

2 闪电 oËC30iCj23sC22 oË`31f`j33s`22

3 雷（名） st21oËC30 oË`31 oË`31

4 月亮 st33jC9t20 j`t20, ytCM13fct=m22

5 星星 fcn22fcXh23 fcn22fcDh24

6 天, 天空 j=m20fa=m22 fa=m22 fadm22

2. Phonology of data points 413

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

7 云 et30 et31 et31

8 风 y=9M20 y=M20 y=M00

9 雨 e=m22 e=m22 e=m22

10 彩虹 st10ML13 ML13 ML00

11 雾 kCj13ltn=33 kCj24lt=24 lt=44

12 早上 jCM22wCs23 j`M22wCs24 gCs44

13 下午 jCM22v`9m20 j`M22uCm20

14 晚上 jCM22FC9M13 FCM13 g=m00, GCM02

15 天, 日子 vCm20 uCm20 uCm00

16 年 o@h33 o@h22 odh22

17 早（来早） srC9t31 sr`t31 srCt31

18 晚（来晚） ktCs24 ktCs23 kt`s44

19 早餐 fn31foC9m13 fn31o?m13

20 午饭 MD20 Md20 Md00

21 下午的餐 ihM20 ihM20 ihM00

22 晚饭 srCt20 sr`t20 srCt31

23 水 yCM31 yCM31 yCM31

24 井 fc= fat=24 fat=24 fat=44

25 土 mC9M13 m`M13 m`M02

26 石头 j= r=m33 r=m22 r=m22

27 沙 r=m22bhD=24 r=m22bhD24

28 尘土（路上） mCm13sC9t13 sCt02

29 金子 sbhm22 sbhM22 sbhM22

30 银子 MCm20 MCm20 MCm00

31 铁 v`20 u`20 u`00

32 河 fc= sC13 s`13 s`02

33 岸 FCm20sC13 FCm20 GCm00

34 湖 GnM20yCM32kn31 s`M20

35 海 fc= ¯h33 wd22 gd31

414 2.21.5. Transcription of Zhenning Shitouzhai word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

36 山 fc= ot=22 ot=22 ot=22

37 路 jCM22rCm22 rCm22 rCm22

38 村子 faCm31 fa@m31 fa`m31

39 房子 fc= y?_m20 y@m20 y`m00

40 房顶 ¯t33y?m20, mhCM20y?m20 mht22

41 门 oC33s@t22 s@t22 s=t22

42 木板（板子） sb@j24vC9h31 sbCj24u@h31 oiCm44

43 桌子 fc=33srnM20 srtCM20 srnM00

44 凳子 fc=33sCM24 sCM24 sCM44

45 碗 fc=33sth31 sth31 sth31, sr`22

46 筷子 jCt13s?,13 sD13 s=02

47 扫把 iHs13oCs33 ihj13oCs24 oCs44

48 猪圈 jvnM13lCt33 jnM13l=t22

49 田（稻田） fc= mC20 m`20 m`00

50 地 yc=22G@h13 Gdh13 Gdh44

51 大米 fn30K?m22 fn31K`m22 fn31K`m22

52 米饭 fn31mCM31 fn31 fn31

53 糯米 fn31fiDf22 fn31fhD24

54 糯米饭 fn31fiDf22mCM31 fn31fhD24mCM31

55 秧苗 jvn22jËC30 jË`31 jË`31

56 草（青嫩） ¯C33 ¯`22 ¯C22

57 甘蔗 ftCh31ltCh13 ft`h31lt@h13

58 树 vC9h31 u`h31 uCh31

59 （树）根 Y`13vC9h31 y`13 y`02

60 竹子（总称） yCs02（金竹）

61 森林 fcnM22 fcnM22 fctCM22

62 叶子 fa`22rnM14'v`9h31( faC22 faC22

63 刺（名） ftCm22 ftCm22 ftCm22

64 花 fcT=f33fiD33 fct=24fhD24 fct=44ihd44

2. Phonology of data points 415

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

65 籽, 种子 e@m22 eCm22 eCm22

66 水果 l?24 l`24 l`44

67 菜（蔬菜） oCj33 oCj23 oCf44

68 动物（总称） st20Khm22, st20iD31 st20

69 猪 lCt33 st20l@t22 l=t22

70 羊 YtnM20 ynM20 ytM00

71 狗 lC_33 l`22 l`22

72 马 lC_31 l`31 l`31

73 水牛 uD20 ud20 ud00

74 黄牛 sbh20 sbh20 sbh00

75 尾巴 oD22bhM22 oD22bhM22 bhM22

76 角（牛） MvCm24jC9t33 j`t22 jCt22

77 老虎 jnj23 jnj23 jnf44

78 熊 lth22

79 猴子 khM20 khM20 khM00

80 蝙蝠 uC9t20 u`t20 un00

81 兔子 ih20sC23kt=33 ih20s`22kt=24

82 老鼠 mCh24 m`h24 mCh44

83 鸟 YBj13 ynj13 ynf02

84 鸟窝 YtnM20Ynj13 ynM20ynj13

85 鸡 jCh24 j`h24 jCh44

86 鸡冠 e=m22jCh24 e=m22 e=m22

87 鸭子 ohs24 oHs24 ohs44

88 鹅 w@m24 w@m24 g`m44

89 猫头鹰 Ytnj31jË`t22lDh24 ynj13ft22kt20 ynf02jËCt31 ldh44

90 翅膀 faC22u=s13 faC22u=s22 u=s02

91 羽毛 o=m22 o=m22 o=m22

92 爪子 iHj13k@h20 ihs13kDh20

93 蛋 fcCm22jCh24 fcCm22jCh24 jCh44

416 2.21.5. Transcription of Zhenning Shitouzhai word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

94 鱼 oC22 o`22 o`22

95 鱼鳍 jDh20oC22 jDh20

96 蛇 ML20 ML20 ML00

97 蚊子 mhCM20jC33YCh20 ¯hCM20 mh`M00

98 苍蝇 mhCM20KC33 ¯hCM20K`24

99 蚂蚁 lCs13 lCs23 lCs02

100 蜘蛛 jnM33jn22 jtM24jn22 jn22

101 跳蚤 lCs33 lCs24 lCs44

102 臭虫 Yt=s13 yt=Hs13 yts02

103 蚯蚓 fct=m22 fct=m22 fctm22

104 虱子 mCm20 mCm20 mCm00

105 身体 fcC_M22 fc?M22 fc`M22

106 头 jËCt30 jË`t31 jËCt31

107 头发 o=m22jËCt30 o=m22

108 脸 oiDm13mC31 m`31 m`31

109 眼睛 k=j sC22 s`22 s`22

110 鼻子 lC9t fcCM22 fcCM22 fcCM22

111 耳朵 sCt ih20 ih20 ih00

112 嘴巴 snM20oCf33 o`24 o`31

113 牙齿 KCm32rC9t31 KCm31r`t31 rh`t31

114 舌头 k=j k=m31 k=m31 k=m31

115 下巴 kC31GCM20 k`31G?M20 G`M00

116 胡子 l=M13 l=M13 l=M02

117 额头 mC31oCf33 m`31o`24 o`02

118 脖子 jËnM31vt@20 jËnM31Gt=20

119 肩膀 lCt faCf33 l`t20fa`24 fa`44

120 手 unM20 utM20 GnM00

121 腿 jh33jC22 j`22

122 膝盖 lCt30Gtn=34 l`t20et=24 et=44

2. Phonology of data points 417

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

123 脚 s=m22 s=m22 s=m22

124 胸 fCj24 fCj24 fCf44

125 背 o@m13kh=33 o@m20khD23 kCM22

126 甲状腺肿 Gtn20fD33 Ft=20fd22

127 心脏 snM34 stCM24 st`M44

128 肺脏 o=s33 o=s24 o=s44

129 脑子 fBj33 fnj24 ftCf44

130 肝 sCj33 sCj24 sCj44

131 肚子 stnM31 stM31 stM31

132 肚脐 oËn=31k@h13 ot=31kDh13 fcL22

133 肠子 KCh30 K`h31 KCh31

134 血 kT=s13 kt=s13 kts02

135 屎 fhD31 fhD31 fhd31

136 骨头 fct=f33 fct=24 fct=44

137 皮肤 mCM22 mCM22 mCM22

138 肉 mt@13 mt=13 mt=02

139 油（猪） y@t20 y@t20 y=t00

140 大蒜 wn=22kn31, et=22 et= kn31 et=22

141 姜 bhM22 bhM22 bhM22

142 盐 jt22 jt22 jt22

143 咬 jCs24 jCs24, FCj13 GCj02

144 吃 j=m22 j=m22 j=m22

145 喝 fcCs33 fcCf24 fcCs44

146 酒 kC9t30 k`t31 kCt31

147 醉（酒） fhM33 fihM24

148 呕吐 Yt13 yt13 yt02

149 煮 rnM22 rnM22 rtM22

150 甜 MC13 MC13 e`m22

151 酸 KCM31 KCM31 KCM31

418 2.21.5. Transcription of Zhenning Shitouzhai word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

152 苦 GCM20 FCl20 GCl00

153 咸 wC9m33 wCM24 fcCM44

154 辣 sr=s13 sr=s22

155 饿 fh44 fh24 fh44

156 黄瓜 k=j shM22 k=j13shM22 shM22

157 南瓜 k=j jvC22 k=j13jv`22 ju`22

158 丝瓜 k=j sbhd=22 sbh=22 sbd22

159 豆 k=j st13, k=j o@h14 o@h13 k=f02st02

160 芋头 k=j10y=M31 y=M31

161 芦苇 uC9h31Mt=30 u`h31Mvt=31

162 衣服 ot23 ot13 ot02

163 布 oCM20 oCM20 oCM00

164 棉 ed33 edh24 ed44

165 裤子 e?_33 e`23 e`44

166 袜子 fiD31l?_s23 l=s23 l=s02

167 席子 o=m33fahm30 fahm31 fahm31

168 蚊帐 jnM33bh=j33 bhj24 bhf44

169 斗笠 jCj33 jCj24 jCj44

170 刀 snf22 sn13 lhs02

171 把（刀） vC24, u`24 u`13 u`02

172 锅 srtn33 srn23

173 锅盖 eC22srtn33 e`22srn24 e`22

174 三脚架 sbhM20 sbhM20 sbhM00

175 背带 fcC22 fc`22 fc`22

176 扇子 faC33o@h20 o@h20 odh00

177 秤 srC9M13 srCM13 srCM02

178 锥子 mCM31uC20

179 剪子 vC13sbhCt20 u`13sbh`t20 sbh`t00

180 钱 sbhCm20 sbhCm20, MCm20 sbh`m00

2. Phonology of data points 419

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

181 雨伞 khM30 khm31 khM31

182 锁 sbh20 sbh20 ktM31

183 钥匙 jËCm31sbh20 jËCm31sbh20

184 棍子 mnj24s=M31 s=m31

185 竹竿 KCm31uC9h32ktCh33 Kn31 Kn00

186 船 Yt20 yt20 yt00

187 斧头 uC13e? m22 e`m22 e`m22

188 犁 vCm31srC9h33 sr`h22 srCh22

189 锄头 vC13Kt=22 Kt=22 fi`44

190 扁担 shCt3_0v? M20 uCm20 G`m00

191 麻 fcD30 fcD31 fcd31

192 肥料 o=m13 o=m13 o=m02

193 石臼 ft33stCh13 ft22 r=M22

194 杵 fh33sËnM31 fh22srDh20

195 筛子 Yc=33rCM22 rCM22 rCM22

196 簸箕 fc= fcnM31 fcnM31 fct`M31

197 织布机 srnM20rtDf33 srnM20rt=24 srtM00

198 纸 KC22 K`22 K`22

199 墨水 lC9j13 lCj13 lCf02

200 笔 ohm22lC9j23 ohm22lCj13

201 唢呐 kC31kdh30 k`31kDh31

202 网 K`M22, bhD34, lnM31 fcC22bhD22 bhd22

203 钩子 jËC9t33MC9t33 jËCM24MCt24

204 鬼 st21uC9M20 u`M20 u`M00 205 神

206 力气 snj23yCM20 yCM20 yCM00

207 影子 st21MC9t20 M`t20 MCt00

208 梦 ot=m20 ot=m20

209 故事 k=m13unM20 k=m13unM20

210 礼物 kdh24 kDh13 kdh02

420 2.21.5. Transcription of Zhenning Shitouzhai word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

211 错误 lh20et=20

212 闲空 o@t33 eCM24 e`M44

213 方向 oD23 ohD13

214 缝 ¯Hj13 mhs23 ¯hj02

215 喜欢 f? M33 fCM24

216 爱 MD13 Md13 jCh00

217 剥（果皮） fa@h23 faDh24 sË=m31, fadh44

218 抱（孩子） f=M30 f=M31 f=M31

219 背（孩子） sh13 sh13 fCM44

220 加（饭） oË@t31

221 裂开 shDf33 shD24

222 编（篮子） K?m22 K`m22 K`m22

223 补（衣服） enM22 etM22 etM22

224 插（秧） fcCM22 fcCM22 fcCM22

225 尝（菜） sr=M20 sr@M20 sr=M00

226 穿（衣服） sËCm30 sËCm30 sËCm31

227 漏（水） Yt=f13 yt=13 yt=02

228 点（头） Mnj23 Mnj23jË`t31

229 挂（在墙上） e`h31 et`h31, ehCm22 eCh31

230 滚（在地上） ihM30 ihM31, st24 ihM31

231 过（河） jvC33 jt`24 ju`44

232 划（船） s?_20Yt20 s=20

233 继续 oC9h22mC31 o`h22k`31

234 借（钱） sbh33 sbh34 sbh44

235 砍（树） uCj13 uCj13 uCm00, rCl31

236 烤（火） oËt=33 oËt=24 bhM22, oËt=22

237 咳嗽 fC9h22 f`h22 fCh22

238 肿（腿） sCm20, oËC9t22 oË`t22, sCm20 uCs02

239 流（水） kC9h22 k`h22 kCh22

2. Phonology of data points 421

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

240 起（床） r=m33 r=m23 r=m44

241 牵（牛） sbhM22 sbhM22 sbhM22

242 晒 sC33 s`24 s`44

243 筛（米） rCM22 rCM22

244 上（楼） w=m31 w=M31

245 下（楼） YtnM20 ynM20 ynM00

246 伸（手） ihm13 fhs24 fhs44

247 梳（头发） rt`h22 rt`h22 rt`h22

248 （头）疼 sbhCs33 sb`s24 sbh`s44

249 踢 sË=s, sbtC20 sh=24 shd44

250 提（篮子） bht30 bht31 bht31

251 吞 fc=m30 fc=m31 fc=m31

252 脱（衣） st`s33 st`s24 st`s44

253 问 wC9M33 wCM24 gCM44

254 回答 w? m22 w`m22 g`m22

255 忘记 k=M20 k=m20 k=M00

256 下（雨） sËCt30 sË`t31 sËCt31

257 休息 bHs33mDf33 bhs24mD24 bhs44m`h44

258 寻找 rC22 r`22 r`22

259 眨（眼） fiCj24 fiCj24 fiCj44

260 住 fit33 fht24

261 蒸（饭〕 mCM30 mCM31 mCM31

262 活 kDh30 kDh31 jCt22

263 死 sD22 sD22 sd22

264 病 ohM13 ohM13 ohM02

265 呼吸 srnM33KtDh22 srnM24Kt@h22

266 听 ¯h33 ¯h22 ¯h22

267 看 ihD20, MCM33 MCM24, iD20 jËCt31, MCM44

268 说, 讲 mC9t20, jËCM30 jËC_M31, m`t20 jË`M31, mCt00

422 2.21.5. Transcription of Zhenning Shitouzhai word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

269 笑 rht22 rht22 bht22

270 骂 w=s33 w=s23 fc`44, sCm22

271 哭 sËCh30 sË`h31 sËCh31

272 吹 srËth22

273 打呵欠 fC31srËdh22 f`34srËDh24

274 睡觉 m=m20 m=m20 m=m00

275 站 fc=m22 fc=m22 fc=m22

276 坐 yCM13 yCM13 yCM02

277 走 oËD30 oËd31 oËd31

278 爬（小孩） o?m13 yt=m20 ytm00

279 爬（树） ohm22 ohm22 ohm22

280 来 lC22 lC22

281 去 oC9h22 o`h22 oCh22

282 进入 lC22fcC22 lC22fcC22

283 回来 sn33lC22 sn24lC22 sn44

284 飞 fahm22 fahm22 fahm22

285 骑 jvdh13 jt=h13 jth02

286 游泳 f=j24sC13 kh=t13s`13, f=j24s`13

287 浮 GCt20 F@t20 G=t00

288 玩 jt13srCM20 srCM20 srCM00

289 唱 s=j33e=m22 s=j24e=m22

290 鼓 fc=22mhm20, jtCM22 ¯hm20 jt`M22

291 干活 jt13eC9M22 eCM22 e`M22

292 担 r=j34 r=j24 r=j44

293 关（门） wCj33 wCj24 gCj44

294 开（门） wD22 wd22 gd22

295 开（嘴） wD22, f`31 f`31 f`31

296 推 fchCM22 fchCM22 fch`M22

297 拉 kCj33 knj24

2. Phonology of data points 423

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

298 掉 snj33 snj24 snf44

299 给 wC30 wC31 gC31

300 拿 fCt22, bhDt30 bht31 s=00

301 选择 khD13 kh=13 khd02

302 买 srD,31 sr=31 sr=31

303 卖 jD22 jd22 jd22

304 偷 yCj13 yCj13 yCf02

305 想要 mD20fCt22 jC20f`t222

306 有 fht34 fh=t24

307 知道 Ytn30iD13 yt=31 yt=31

308 怕 kn22 kn22 kn22

309 洗（手） Kth34 Ktdh24 Kth44

310 洗（衣服） KCj13 KCj13 KCf02

311 捆 u=s13 u=s23

312 擦（桌） ft=s34 ft=s24 fts44

313 切（肉） sr=j13 sr=j23

314 绳子 srC13 sr`13 sr`02

315 割（草） jvCm20 jtCm20 jtCm00

316 劈开（木头） o`33 o`24 o`44

317 木头 st@m13uC9h31 u`h31

318 挖 u=m13, oC_13 u=m13

319 人 st21 v=m20 u=m20 u=m00

320 布依族 ot32fh31 fh31 fih31

321 汉族 ot31wC34 w`24 o=t31g`44

322 男人 k=j12KD22 Kd22, sb`13o`t24 Kd22

323 女人 k=j20fa=j33 fa=j24, sb`20y`13 fa=f44

324 巫师 ot31ltn=22, st21y`20 lt=22, st20y`20 lt=22

325 媒人 ot31K=f33 K=24 K=44

326 朋友 ot31o`9m31 ot31oCm31

424 2.21.5. Transcription of Zhenning Shitouzhai word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

327 祖宗 oCt34sC13 o`t24s`13

328 父亲 oCt34oT=13 ot=13 ot=02

329 母亲 lhD13 lh=13 lhd02

330 小孩 k=j12mC9h13 k=j13m`h13

331 丈夫 sr`13oCt34 o`t24

332 妻子 sr`20yC23 y`13 y`02

333 兄姐 oDh31, sC33 odh31, s`24 odh31

334 弟妹 mnM30 mtCM31 mt`M31

335 独子 k=j32st=13 k=j13st=13

336 孙子 k=j32k? m22 kCm22 k`m22

337 公公 jnM22 jnM22 oCt44

338 婆婆 mC9h33 m`h22

339 外公 oCt34 s`22 o`t24s`13

340 外婆 yC13sD33 y`13sd24

341 客人 ot31bh=33 bhd24 bd44

342 姓 bhM34 bhm24

343 名字 srT=13 srt=13 srt=02

344 我 j@t22 j@t22 j=t22

345 你 l=M20 l=M20 l=M00

346 他 sh22 sh22 sh22

347 咱们 yCt20 y`t20 yCt00

348 我们 sC33Kh20 y`t20 s=t22

349 你们 K@t22 K@t22 K=t22

350 他们 sËC9t34sh22 sË`t24sh22

351 别人 o@t31f=m24 ot31f=m24, fch@j24 f=m44

352 柴 u=m20 u=m20 u=m00

353 火 udh20 uDh20 udh00

354 火焰 k=m31udh20 k=m31uDh20

355 烧 oCt22 o`t22 oCt22

2. Phonology of data points 425

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

356 烧（做饭） fcCM33 fcCM24 fcCM44

357 灰尘 sCt13 s`t13 ltf44l`m22

358 烟 udh31uC9m20 uCm00

359 弓 fcnM22jnM22 jtCM22 jnM22

360 箭 mCM31mC24 m`24 m`44

361 打猎 s=j33st20iD31 k`h13iD31

362 杀 jË`30 jË`31 jË`31

363 打架 s=j33sdh31 s=j33s@h20

364 一 fchCt22 fhs24 fhs44, fch`t22

365 二 KnM22 MDh13 Mdh02, KtCM22

366 一（一个人） o@t31st=13 fch`t22 fch`t22

367 两（两个人） KnM22o@t31 KnM22 KtCM22

368 三 K? m22 KCM22 K`M22

369 四 K@h33 KDh24 Kdh44

370 五 g`30 w`31 g`31

371 六 rnj33 rnj24 rnf44

372 七 srCs33 srCs24 srCs44

373 八 oh`s33 ohCs24 oh`s44

374 九 jË@t30 jË@t31 jË=t31

375 十 sbËHj13 sbËhj13 sbËhj02

376 二十 M@h13sbËHj13 MDh13sbËhj13

377 百 o`33 o`24 o`44

378 千 rCM22 rCM22

379 都 snM22 stM22

380 一些 mh33G@t22 ¯h24G`t22

381 多 kD22 kd22 kd22

382 少 Kht30 Kh=t31 Kht31

383 每 sCM33 s`M24

384 大 kn31 kn31, o=31 kn31

426 2.21.5. Transcription of Zhenning Shitouzhai word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

385 小 mhD24 mhD24

386 长 yCh20 y`h20 yCh00

387 短 jË=M30 jË=m31

388 高 K`9M22 K`M22 K`M22

389 矮 sCM33 sCM24 sCM44

390 圆 o=M31 o=M31 o=M31

391 扁 oËCM31 oË`M31

392 厚 m`33 m`22 m`22

393 薄 faCM22 fa`M22 fa`M22

394 宽 kC9M13, jt@M33 ju`M44, k`M13 ju`M44

395 窄 mC9j13 srËCm31, m`j13 srËCm22

396 硬 fct@M30 fctCM31 fct`M31

397 软 ft=m33 ft=m24 ftm44

398 直 KT=13 Kt=13 Kt=02

399 弯曲 MCt33jCt20 wCm22

400 快 wCm22 wCm22

401 慢 rnM33 rtM23

402 重 mCj33 mCj24 mCf44

403 轻 faCt22 fa`t22 faCt22

404 胖 lCM13, odh20 odh20, lCM13 odh00

405 瘦 Yt?,20 yt=20

406 黑 uCm31 vCm31 ut`m31

407 红 fchM22 fchm22 fchM22

408 白 wn22 wn22 gn22

409 黄 bhCM30 bhCm31 bh`m31

410 绿 rCt22 r`t22 rh`t22

411 蓝 lC9m33 lCm24

412 干的 w=33 w=24 g=44

413 湿 sC33 sC24

2. Phonology of data points 427

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

414 空的 o@t33 o@t24, oht24

415 满 bhM22 bhM22 bhM22

416 干净 KC22r=j33 KC22 KC22

417 脏（衣服） m=m22 m=m22

418 新 lt=34 lt=24 lt=44

419 年轻 ot31yn13 ot31yn13

420 聪明 sr=m13 sr=m13

421 傻 M=30 M=31

422 旧 jCt33 j`t24 jCt44

423 老 kn31 kn31 sbhd44

424 聋的 mnj33 mnj24 mnf44

425 热 rCt31, k=M13 fc=s24, r`t31, k=M13 fcCs44, rCt31

426 冷 G`9j13, sbh`M31 GCj23 sbh`M31

427 好 fc=h22 fc@h22 fcdh22

428 坏 fh`33 fi`24 ud02

429 破 fiC33 fi`24

430 深 kC9j13 kCj13 kCf02

431 浅 faBj33 fanj24 fanf44

432 斜 fahs33, mhCM22 fahs24, ¯hCM24 fahs44

433 亮 YtCM13 ytCM13 yt`M02

434 暗 kCj33 kCj24

435 清 KC22 KC22

436 浑 mnM20 mnM20 mnM00

437 壮 oD,31 yCM20o=31

438 弱 ¯hD33 lh20fht24yCM20

439 淡 sr=s34 sr=s24 sr=s44

440 累 mD33 ¯hd24 md44

441 （捆）紧 fcCs33 fcCs24 fcCs44

442 松 o@t20 rtM24, o@t20 rtM44

428 2.21.5. Transcription of Zhenning Shitouzhai word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

443 滑 yCt20 y`t20

444 贵 jth22 jtdh22

445 便宜 bhCM22ihM22 bhCM22ihm22

446 嫩 fT=m33 ft=m24

447 难 fiC34jt13 fh`24jt

448 容易 fcDh22jt13 fcDh22jt

449 臭 wC9t22fiC34 w`t22fiC24 gCt22

450 香 wCt22sCM22 w`t22s`M22 gCt22s`M22

451 忙 wCm22 wCm22

452 穷 eT=30 et=31, fct`m23 et=31

453 富 o@m20fcDh22 oCm20fcDh22

454 热闹 srnj33yCM20 srnj24yCM20

455 安静 oCj12fchj33 oCj13fchj24

456 漂亮（女） fit33Yn13 fht24Ytn13

457 狡猾 fchs33k@h13 fahs24

458 勇敢 jË@t31 jË?t20

459 懒 sbHj23 sbhj24 sbhf44

460 努力 sr@t31sËCt31 sr=t31sË`t31, srtM13yCM20

461 远 j`h22 j`h22 jCh22

462 近 jËC30 jËC31 jËC31

463 里（面） fcC22 fcC22 fcC22

464 外（面） Yt=f13 yt=13 yn02

465 右（边） jvC20 jt`20 ju`00

466 左（边） Kth31 Kth31 Kth31

467 上面 j=m20 j=m20 j=m00

468 下面 kC30 k`31 k`31

469 这里 shDm13m@h30 j=31mDh31 mdh31

470 那里 shDm13sh22 j=31sh22

471 这个 jDh33mdh30 jh24mDh31

2. Phonology of data points 429

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

472 那个 jDh33sh22 jh24sh22

473 哪里 sh@m31ltn=33, j=31kC20 kC00 ltn=33kC30

474 谁 o@t31k`20 ot31kC20

475 什么 jDh33lC20 lC20 l`00

476 怎么 srËtM20fht33, srËtM24jt13 srËnM22jt13

477 什么时候 sr=20kC20 sr=20kC20

478 为什么 vdh34jh34lC20 uDh13jh24lC20 l`00

479 在 fht33 fht23 fht44

480 刚（来） gD33srn12 wDh24srn13

481 马上（走） oCh22srDh20 srDh31

482 赶快（去） oCh22mhCM20 mhCM20

483 就 ih20oC9h13sh31Yt=3, sh31 ih20…sh31…

484 先 jv`m34 jtCm24 jt`m44

485 常常（来） sr@t22 wDh24wDh24

486 最(快) sË@t34 …sË@t24 487 更（快）

488 一起（作） jt13o`h20GCt22 o`h20G`t22

489 只（买五斤） jC23… j`13

490 又（来） YtnM13… ynM13

491 再（说一遍） sË`t31…shCM22 shCM22

492 也 …snM22…, …jh33y`20 ih31

493 或者 …mn30…'mn22Gn20( mn22GB20

494 好象 k=M31oC12 k=M31 k=M31

495 从 sDh33 sDh24

496 和 kC9M22 kCM22 ihM00

497 因为 uDh13 ihm02udh44

498 如果 M`13mCt20 M`13m`t20

430 2.22.1. Phone and phoneme inventory

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

499 到 sCM20 sCM20 sCM00

500 是 sË`h30 sË`h31 sËCh31

501 不 lDh20 lh20 ldh00

502 没关系 lh21fit33jh33lC20 lh20fht24jh24l`20

503 已经 …jvC33kh@t30 2.22. Ziyun Huohua 2.22.1. Phone and phoneme inventory Initial consonants BiLab LaDe InDe Alv PoAl AlPal Pal Vel Glo Plos vl o, [oi] s j, [jv] f, [fi] PreGlo fa fc Aff vl [sr], [srv] sb Fric vl r b [g] vd u [p] y, [y[] [Y] F, [Fi] [G] Nas vd l m ¯ M, Mv Lat vd k App vd [v] i Final consonants

o, s, j, f, l, m, M Vowels Front Central Back unrd unrd unrd rd Close H, [h:] [X] [L] t, [t:] Near-close [H] [T] Close-mid [d] n Mid = Open-mid D [B] Near-open @ Open `, `:

2. Phonology of data points 431

Tone Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7, 9 8 10 Pitch value 33 31 34 or 43 24 22 45 22 33 44 2.22.2. Notes • [w] only occurs 10 times, while [v] occurs many more times. The word for 15 ‘day’ is [u`m20], while 13 ‘afternoon’ is [sbh24 v`m20]. The morpheme [v`m20] in 13 ‘afternoon’ is the same morpheme as ‘day’. [w] is considered an allophonic variation of [v]. • [p] only occurs one time and is considered an allophonic variation of /z/. [y[] occurs seven times before vowels i, D, and o. [z] occurs numerous times before vowels `, `:, @, h, D, and =. There is nonphonemic variation between [z] and [y[]—the tongue position in varying degrees of dentalness, from nondental to completely dental. [y] does not occur before rounded vowels. [Y] occurs before each of the following vowels only one time: `, `:, @, d, and L. It occurs before [u] nine times and before [o] 12 times. This indicates that [Y] is also an allophonic variation of [z]. Therefore, the following four sounds ([y], [y][, [Y], and [p]) are all allophones of one phoneme /z/. • [s] and [b] are separate phonemes and [b] occurs before vowels `, @_, h, D, n, T, =, and X. [s] occurs before vowels `, `:, h, n, t, and =. See minimal pairs. • [n], [¯], and [M] all act as separate phonemes. [M] does not occur before high vowels other than X and [n] only occurs once before i and twice before u. [¯] occurs three times before i and one time before a few other vowels. Note that [¯] occurs more before high vowels, but in light of the fact that [n] occurs before high vowels a few of times, there is not enough evidence for viewing [¯] as an allophone of [n]. Minimal pairs are given below. • In this lect, there is an absence of the voiceless velar fricative. There are only two morphemes with [h] as the initial, so [h] is considered a variation of [G/F]. [G] occurs on five items: four times before the vowel o and one time before D. [F] occurs numerous times, but only before vowels `, `:, @, and =. The absence of cooccur- rence with other vowels is unusual and unexplainable at this point. [G] is considered an allophonic variation of [F]. There is then only one phoneme for this group, /F/. See minimal pairs given below. • [pj] can be considered as a separate phoneme. Most of the items with [pj] initial correspond to *pl/r reflexes. [Fi] only occurs on one item: 361 ‘to hunt’ [s=j13 st20 FiD31]. Note that Fi occurs after an open syllable, and is probably a result of the process of sound change from one syllable to the other. It is purely phonetic, not phonemic. [fi] is considered phonemic. Most of the items it occurs on have reflexes of the form, *fi__.

432 2.22.3. Minimal pairs

• [srv] occurs only once, on a Chinese loan, and is not considered phonemic. [Mv] occurs twice: one time on 1 ‘sunshine’ [s`M13 Mv`m20 YnM12]. In this item, Mv`m20 is the morpheme for ‘day’. However, as can be seen from 15 ‘day’ [u`m20], the initial in isolation is [v]. The [M] on the morpheme ‘day’ in 1 ‘sunshine’ is assimilation from the [M] of the first morpheme. The other occurrence of [M] is on 178 ‘awl’ [u`13 Mv@h31]. The labialization on 178 is very clear, so though [Mv] only occurs clearly on one morpheme, we still consider it phonemic. [kw] is phonemic. Some of the items have reflexes of the form *kw__. • [@_] only occurs once and is considered as [@]. [a:], [a], and [@] are all phonemes in this lect. • [H] is a variation of [i]. It occurs only four times: before syllable-final stops and a nasal. [i] also occurs a number of times in these positions. [i:] only occurs once: on 103 ‘earthworm’ [fch:m22]. The reflex for this item is *fck/rLdm0. We will not consider [i:] phonemic in this lect, though further investigation is needed. • [e] and [D] are variants of a single phoneme. These sounds occur anywhere along the vowel space between [e] and [D]. Note that 346 ‘he (3 ps.)’ [sDh22] and 350 ‘they (3 p. pl.)’ [gn24 sdh22] are examples of variation of this phoneme within a single morpheme. The phoneme is taken to be /D/, since that sound occurs with the highest frequency. • [B] only occurs once: on 228 ‘nod one’s head’ [MBj13]. It is considered as a variant pronunciation of /o/. • [T] is a variant pronunciation of [u]. It occurs eight times, while [u] occurs numerous times. One example of the variant pronunciation on the same morpheme: 289 ‘to sing’ [jT13 uTdm22] and 291 ‘to work’ [jt13 v`:M22]. [jt/T13] means ‘to do’. The phoneme is written as /u/. [u:] occurs only once, 70 ‘sheep’ [Yt:M20], and the length is not considered phonemic. • There is little distinction between the high central and back vowels [X] and [L] and the mid- central [=]. Pronunciation of [X] and [L] ranges anywhere in the vowel space between them. These sounds occur on open single vowel syllables (CV), with two exceptions: 208 ‘dream’ [u`M31 MX=m20] and 302 ‘to buy’ [bXLf31]. [=] also occurs on some open single vowel syllables. An example of variant pronunciation of [=/X] on the same morpheme is seen in items 471 which has [jX13], whereas items 472 and 475 have [j=13]. This lect seems to be losing the [X/L] vowel quality and replacing it with [=]. A tentative analysis is to posit only one phoneme /=/ with allophones [=], [X], and [L]. 2.22.3. Minimal pairs [b] and [s] 198 ‘paper’ [r`0], 211 ‘error’ [b`0] [n] and [¯] 261 ‘to steam’ [m`M4], 417 ‘dirty’ [¯`M4] [n] and [M] 104 ‘louse’ [m`m1], 5 ‘star’ [M`m1] [M] and [¯] 89 ‘owl’ [MDM4], 97 ‘mosquito/fly’ [¯DM1]

2. Phonology of data points 433

[h] and [F] 449 ‘smelly’ [g`t0 m`:t2], 408 ‘white’ [F`:t0] [a], [@], and [a:] 76 ‘horn’ [j`t0, 344 ‘I (1 ps.)’ [j@t0], 100 ‘spider’ [j`:t0] 2.22.4. Allophonic rule /z/ → [Y]/__V(+rd) 2.22.5. Transcription of Ziyun Huohua word list 紫云火烘90年代与50年代语音糸统比较

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

1 阳光 sCM13MvCm20YnM12 fc`s24

2 闪电 fhCo24oiC22 fi@o24oi`24

3 雷（名） oiC24Y@h20 oi`24y`h20 oi`44

4 月亮 jCh24jCt20 j`M24j@t20

5 星星 fcC9t12fc=h13 fc`9t22fc=h24

6 天, 天空 j=m fa=m22 fa=m22 fa=m22

7 云 ut24 ut33 ut44

8 风 y=l20 y=l20 y=l00

9 雨 v=m22 u=m22 u=m22

10 彩虹 st20stM20 st20stM20 stM00

11 雾 kCo24ln24 k`o24ln13 ln44

12 早上 sbh24FCs24 sb`M44M@s24 FCs44

13 下午 sbh24vCm20 sb`M44un9m20

14 晚上 sbh24FCl12 sb`M44M`9l13 F=m00, FCl02

15 天, 日子 uCm20 ut@m20 uCm00

16 年 o=h22 oDh22 odh22

17 早（来早） bCt31 b@t31 bCt42, ynl02

18 晚（来晚） kt=s24 kns24 kns44

19 早餐 MC9h20fCl31 M`9h20f@l31

20 午饭 fCt31M`9h20 M`9h20 M`h00

21 下午的餐 fCt31y=M30 P=M20 y=M00

22 晚饭 fCt31bhC9t30 b@t20 bCt00

23 水 yCl31 y`l31 yCl42

434 2.22.5. Transcription of Ziyun Huohua word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

24 井 fan24 fan24 fan13

25 土 mC9l13 m`9l13 m`l02

26 石头 y=m22 y=m22 y=m22

27 沙 yD24 yD24 yd13

28 尘土（路上） sC9t13 vt24l=m13 sCt02

29 金子 sbHl22 sb=l22 sb=l22

30 银子 MCm20 M`m20 MCm00

31 铁 u`20 u`20 u`00

32 河 sC13 s`13 s`02

33 岸 GCm20sC13 F@m20 FCm00

34 湖 sCl20 s@l20

35 海 fc= ¯h22, FC9h44 F`9h24 F`h44

36 山 on22 on22

37 路 yCm22 y@m22 yCm22

38 村子 fcCm31 fa`9m31 fa`m42

39 房子 yC9m20 F`9m20 y`m00

40 房顶 mdM20yC9m20 ¯h@M20F`9m20

41 门 s@t22 s@t22 s=t22

42 木板（板子） sbHo24sCo12 s`o22

43 桌子 bnM20 bnM20 bnM00

44 凳子 sCM24 s`M24 sCM13

45 碗 sth31 st=h31 sth42

46 筷子 sL13 s=13 sL02

47 扫把 sbDm22 oCs24 sbhDm22o`s24 oCs44

48 猪圈 jtnM13lnt22 jt@M13l@t22

49 田（稻田） mC20 m`20 m`00

50 地 mC20FX13 yDh13 ydh02

51 大米 FCt31rCm22 GCt31rCm22

52 米饭 fCt31bTj12 GCt31bTj22 FCt42

2. Phonology of data points 435

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

53 糯米（生的） fCt31bDs13 GCt31bhDs12

54 糯米（熟的） FC9t31fD24 GCt3fD24

55 秧苗 sbC22 sbC33 sb`44

56 草（青嫩） ¯h22 ¯h33 ¯h44

57 甘蔗 fnhf31 fnh31 fnh42

58 树 uCh31 u`h31 uCh42

59 （树）根 y`02 yC13u`h31 y`13

60 竹子（总称） uCh31yCs13 uCh31kt@h22 yCs02（金竹）

61 森林 fcnM22 fcn9M22 fcnM22

62 叶子 faC22YnM22 fa`22uCh31 faCL22

63 刺（名） ft@m22 fn=m22 fnm22

64 花 fc`9h24 fc`9h13 fc`h13

65 籽, 种子 u`9m22 u@m22 uCm22

66 水果 k=j13lC24 k`j13l`13 l`13

67 菜（蔬菜） oiDj24 oi@j24 odj44

68 动物（总称） st20k=j12jCt24 st20mn13'iD31(

69 猪 l@t22 l@t13 l=t22

70 羊 Yt9M20 itM20 itM00

71 狗 lC22 l`22 l`22

72 马 lC31 l`42 l`42

73 水牛 uC9h20 u`9h20 u`h00

74 黄牛 bh20 bh20 bh00

75 尾巴 oiC9h22y[hM22 oi`9h22PhM22 yhM22

76 角（牛） jCt22 jCt22 jCt22

77 老虎 jTj24 jTj4 jtj44

78 熊 lt=h22 ldh22 lth22

79 猴子 k=M20 k=M20 k=M00

80 蝙蝠 uC9t20 u`9t24 u`t00

81 兔子 sC22kn24 s`22kn23

436 2.22.5. Transcription of Ziyun Huohua word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

82 老鼠 m@h24 mCh24 u`t44

83 鸟 Ynj13 ynj12 ynj02

84 鸟窝 YnM20Ynj13 ynM20ynj12

85 鸡 jC9h24 jCh23 jCh13

86 鸡冠 uT=m22jC9h24 u=m22jCh24

87 鸭子 oHs24 ohs24 ohs44

88 鹅 FC9m24 G`9m23 F`m13

89 猫头鹰 Ynj13jC9t22lhCt24 ynj12ft23kt30

90 翅膀 faT@22uT=s13 fa`22uT=s12 uts02

91 羽毛 o=m22 o=m22 o=m22

92 爪子 y=o13Ydh31 y=o12

93 蛋 sbCh24 sbCh23 sbCh13

94 鱼 oiC22 oi`22 oi`22

95 鱼鳍 sbDh20

96 蛇 ML20 ML20 ML00

97 蚊子 ¯DM20jC22yDh20 ¯h@M20j`22yCh20 mdM00

98 苍蝇 ¯DM20rC24 ¯h@M20

99 蚂蚁 lCs13 l@s13 lCs02

100 蜘蛛 jC9t22 ju`9t22 ju`t22

101 跳蚤 lCs24 l@s24 lCs44

102 臭虫 yh=s22 yhs02

103 蚯蚓 fch9m22 fchm22 fctm22

104 虱子 mCm20 m@m20 mCm00

105 身体 fcC9M22 fc`9M22 fc`M22

106 头 sbCt24 sb@t33 sbCt44

107 头发 o=m22sbCt24 o=m22sb@t33 oiCl22

108 脸 mC34 ohDm13m`33 m`44

109 眼睛 sC22 s`22 s`22

110 鼻子 fcCM22 fc@M22 fcCM22

2. Phonology of data points 437

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

111 耳朵 YL20 y{H20 yh00

112 嘴巴 bnM12oC24 bn9M13o`24 o`13

113 牙齿 iCt33 iDt33 idt44

114 舌头 k=m31 faC22k=m31 k=m42

115 下巴 FC9M20oC24 G`9M20 F`M00

116 胡子 l=l13 l=l13 l=l02

117 额头 mC33oiC13 m`33oi`13 oi`13

118 脖子 Gn20 Gn20

119 肩膀 oC9M31 faC24 oCM31fa`24 fa`13

120 手 u=M20 u=M20 u=M00

121 腿 jC22 j`22 j`22

122 膝盖 lCt20Gn24 lCt20Gn24 un13

123 脚 s=m22 s=m22 shm22

124 胸 oC13fCj24 oC13f@j24 fCj44

125 背 oC9h13 kCM22 k`M22 kCM22

126 甲状腺肿 Fn20fC9h22 Fn20f`9h22

127 心脏 stnl24 snl13

128 肺脏 o=s24 o=s24 o=s44

129 脑子 ftj24 ftj24 ftj44

130 肝 sCo24 s`o24 sCo44

131 肚子 stM31 stM31 stM42

132 肚脐 fhf31on22 fh22on24 fc=22

133 肠子 rCh22 rCh24 rCh44

134 血 kHs23 kHs13 kts02

135 屎 fd31 fD31 fd42

136 骨头 fcnf13 fcn13 fcn13

137 皮肤 mCM22 m`M22 mCM22

138 肉 mn12 mn13 mn02

139 油（猪） i@t20 i@t20 i=t00

438 2.22.5. Transcription of Ziyun Huohua word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

140 大蒜 rnh24 rv@h24 rnh13

141 姜 i=M22 i=M22 i=M22

142 盐 sbt22 sbt22 sbt22

143 咬 FCo13 FCo13 FCo02

144 吃 j=m22 j=m22 j=m22

145 喝 fcCs24 fcCs24 fcCs44

146 酒 kCt13 kCt33 kCt44

147 醉（酒） u=h20 u=h20

148 呕吐 Yt13 yt13 yt02

149 煮 YtM22 ytM22 ytM22

150 甜 uC9m22 uC9m22 u`m22

151 酸 rCl33 rCl34 rCl44

152 苦 FCl20 FCl20 FCl00

153 咸 FCm13 F`m24 fcCM13

154 辣 bhCs12 b? s12 l`m02, b`s02

155 饿 fih24 fh24 fh13

156 黄瓜 shM22 shM22MCt31 shM22

157 南瓜 k=j20jvC34 k=j12juC33 ju`22

158 丝瓜 k=j20jvD22 k=j12juD22 jud22

159 豆 k=j13o=h13, mCm13mCs13 m@s12m@s12 kLj02s=t02

160 芋头 k=j10y=l31 k=j12P=l31

161 芦苇 uCh31Mn31 lh33lCt22

162 衣服 oX13 ot13 oL02

163 布 oCM31 oCM20 oCM00

164 棉 vC9h24 v`9h13 u`h13

165 裤子 uC24 v`24 u`13

166 袜子 lCs13 l`_9s12 l`s02

167 席子 fahm31 fahm31 fahm42

168 蚊帐 y[ho24{ Pho24

2. Phonology of data points 439

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

169 斗笠 sbCo24 sb`o24 sbCo44

170 刀 sC9t22 u`13s`9t22 lhs02

171 把（刀） uC13 u`13 u`02

172 锅 fc=22bh`t13 b`9t24

173 锅盖 uC22bhCl13 v`22b`9t24 u`22

174 三脚架 sbhM20 sbhM20 sbh9M00

175 背带 fcC22 fc`22 fc`22

176 扇子 oCt13odh31 o@h20 odh00

177 秤 bhCM13 b@M13 rCM02

178 锥子 uC13Mv@h31 Mv@h20

179 剪子 uC13sbDt20 sbDt20 sbdt00

180 钱 bhDm20 sbtDm20 bh`m00

181 雨伞 fc=22khM33 khm23 khM44

182 锁 ktM24 ktM24 ktM44

183 钥匙 bh20ktM24 bh20ktMm24

184 棍子 s=M31 s=M31faCM13uCh31

185 竹竿 rC9t31 r=m22r? t31 r`t42

186 船 Yt20 yt20 yt00

187 斧头 uC13uCm22 uC13u`m22 u`m22

188 犁 uC13bCh22 bCh22 bCh22

189 锄头 uC13fiC24 fiC23 fi`13

190 扁担 shdt20FCm20 G`m20 F`m00

191 麻 fcC9h31 fcC9h31 fc`h42

192 肥料 o=m13 o=m13 oLm02

193 石臼 ft22st@h13 ft22sv@h13 y=l22

194 杵 fh22knM33

195 筛子 fcC22yCM22 fcC22yCM22 yCM22

196 簸箕 fcnM31udh24 fcnM31vdh23 fcnM42

197 织布机 bnM31Yn24 bnM20yn23 btM00

440 2.22.5. Transcription of Ziyun Huohua word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

198 纸 rC22 rC22 r`22

199 墨水 y@l31lCj13 `@l31l@j13 lCj02

200 笔 ohm22lCj13 ohm22l@j13

201 唢呐 faCM24mCt20 faCM23m`t20

202 网 ltM31 yD22 yd22

203 钩子 jC22MCt13 M`t13

204 鬼 st uC9M20 uC9M20 u`M00

205 神 st rhm22 rh=m22

206 力气 y[DM20 yDM20 ydM00

207 影子 st MC9t20 M`t20 MCt00

208 梦 uCM31MX=m20 eC9M31M=m20

209 故事 k=m13utM20 k=m13utM20

210 礼物 k@h31 jL24j@t13 kCh42

211 错误 bC22 bC22

212 闲空 vC9M24 v`9M24 u`M13

213 方向 onM22kC20 o`9h12

214 缝 mh@o13 ¯@o12 ¯ho02

215 喜欢 fC9M24 M`9M12 f`M13

216 爱 MCh02 M`9h12 sbhC00

217 剥（果皮） fa=h24 fcdh13 sLm44, fcdh13

218 抱（孩子） f=l31 f=l31 f=l42

219 背（孩子） fX20 fX20 f=22

220 加（饭） shDl22 bn24sh@l22

221 裂开 sD24 fC31oD22 fa=o44

222 编（篮子） rCm22 rCm22 r`m22

223 补（衣服） utM22 utM22 utM22

224 插（秧） fcCl22 f@cCl22 fcCl22

225 尝（菜） bh=l20 bh@l20 b=l00

226 穿（衣服） sCm33 s@m24 sCm44

2. Phonology of data points 441

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

227 漏（水） Yn13 yn13 yn02

228 点（头） MBj13 Mnj12

229 挂（在墙上） uhDm22 uh@m22 udm22

230 滚（在地上） st24 y=M42

231 过（河） FC9l24 ju`24, GC9l33 ju`13

232 划（船） jvC22Yt20 jvC22 j`t22

233 继续 rn13

234 借（钱） bh24 r=13 rh13

235 砍（树） yCl33 y@l23 uCm00, yCl44

236 烤（火） rCt22 rCt22 y=M22, rCt22

237 咳嗽 fCh22 fCh22 fCh22

238 肿（腿） onM24 onM13 unj02

239 流（水） k@h22 kCh22 kCh22

240 起（床） y=m24 y=m24 y=m13

241 牵（牛） b=M22 bh@M22 b=M22

242 晒 sC13 sC13 s`13

243 筛（米） yCM22 yCM22

244 上（楼） F=m33 F=m24 F=m44

245 下（楼） YnM20 ynM20 ynM00

246 伸（手） fihs24 ihm13 fhs44

247 梳（头发） Yt@h22 yt`h22 ynh22

248 （头）疼 sbDs24 sbDs24 fdm22, sbhs44

249 踢 s=s24 sLs4 s=s44

250 提（篮子） y[{ht24 yht24 yht44

251 吞 fc=m31 fc=m31 fc=m42

252 脱（衣） st@s24 st@s24 sns44

253 问 FC9l13 G`l13 FCl13

254 回答 FC9m22 GC9m22 F`m22

255 忘记 k=l20 k=l20 k=l00

442 2.22.5. Transcription of Ziyun Huohua word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

256 下（雨） sCt23 sCt34 sCt44

257 休息 ihs24mC9h24 ihs24mC9h13

258 寻找 YC22 yC22 y`22

259 眨（眼） fiCo24 fi@o24 fiCo44

260 住 fi@t13 fh@t13

261 蒸（饭〕 mCM23 m`9M23 mCM44

262 活 sbC9t22 sbCt22 sbCt22

263 死 sC9h22 sC9h22 s`h22

264 病 ohDM13 oh@M12 odM02

265 呼吸 rnM24rt=h22 rts24rth22

266 听 ¯h22 ¯h22 ¯h22

267 看 iht24 shDl13 b=l22

268 说, 讲 jC9M23, mCt20 mCt20 j`M44, mCt00

269 笑 y[h=t22 yht22 yht22

270 骂 vT=s24 u=s24 fc`13, sCm22

271 哭 s@h33 sCh23 sCh44

272 吹 on24 on13

273 打呵欠 YC9t22y=l20 rCt22m=m20 yCt44m=m00

274 睡觉 m=m20 mym20 m=m00

275 站 fc=m22 fc=m22 fc=m22

276 坐 mCM13 mCM12 mCM02

277 走 oiC9h33 oi`9h23 oi`h44

278 爬（小孩） Ytm20 Yt=m20 ytm00

279 爬（树） ohm22 ohm22 ohm22

280 来 lC22 lC22

281 去 o@h22 o`h22 oCh22

282 进入 lC22fcC22 l`22fc`22 FCt44

283 回来 sC9t24lC22 sC9t23lC22 s`t13

284 飞 fahm22 fahm22 fahm22

2. Phonology of data points 443

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

285 骑 jtDh13 jtnh12 jth02

286 游泳 kht13sC13 fCo24sC13

287 浮 u=9t20 u@t20 u=t00

288 玩 bCl20 bCl20 bCl00

289 唱 jt13uT=m22 jt13uT=m22

290 鼓 sbCM22 sbtM22 sbnM22, ¯hm00

291 干活 jt13vn9M22 jt13vnM22 unM22

292 担 yC9o24 y`9o24 y`o44

293 关（门） f=o24s@t22 fCo24 FCo44

294 开（门） FCh22s@t22 G`h22 F`h22

295 开（嘴） f`31 fC31 f`42

296 推 fchDM22 fch@M22 fc=M22

297 拉 kC13 kC12

298 掉 snj24 snj12 snj44

299 给 FC23 GC24 FCL44

300 拿 fC9t22 fCt22 s=00

301 选择 kD13 kD12 kd02

302 买 rXLf31 bX31 bL42

303 卖 jC9h22 jC9h22 j`h22

304 偷 yCj13 yCj12 yCj02

305 想要 fcHo24fC9t22 sbCh20

306 有 fh@t13 fi@t02 kdh42

307 知道 y[n31y[D12 yn31 yn42

308 怕 kC9t22 kC9t22 k`t22

309 洗（手） rh24 rh13 rth13, y`13

310 洗（衣服） rCj13 rCj13 rCj02

311 捆 F=s12 F=s12

312 擦（桌） fT=s24 ft=s24 b`s44

313 切（肉） Yt@m24 bCo11 jud44, ynm13

444 2.22.5. Transcription of Ziyun Huohua word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

314 绳子 bC13 bC13 b`02

315 割（草） jvCm20 jt@m20 jnm00

316 劈开（木头） oC24 oC13 o`13

317 木头 uCh31 uCh31

318 挖 oC12 oC13

319 人 s= v=m20 u=m20 utm00

320 布依族 otf32fh31 ot31fh31 fh42

321 汉族 ot31FC23 FC13

322 男人 k=j rC9h22 r`9h22 r`h22

323 女人 k=j11fa=j24 fa=j24 fa=j44

324 巫师 ot31ln22'男(, ln22 ln22 st20i`20'女）

325 媒人 ot31r=Lf14 r=23 r=13

326 朋友 rC9t13s@t20 rC9t13s@t20

327 祖宗 k=j21oCt24 k=j12oCt24

328 父亲 ot31on13 on13 on02

329 母亲 lD13 lD13 ld02

330 小孩 k=j02mC9h12 k=j12mCh12

331 丈夫 oCt24 oCt24

332 妻子 i`13 i`12 i`02

333 兄姐 o=hf31'兄）, sbDf31（姐） o=h31 odh42

334 弟妹 mtM31 mtM31 mtM42

335 独子 k=j02sn13 k=j12sn12

336 孙子 kC9m22 kC9m22 k`m22

337 公公 k=j02oC9t24 oCt13

338 婆婆 k=j02iC13

339 外公 ot24 sC33 ot31sC22

340 外婆 i`13sC9h24 iC02sC9h23

341 客人 ot31GD24 iD24 id13

342 姓 r=M12 r=M24

2. Phonology of data points 445

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

343 名字 bn13 bn13b=22 bn02

344 我 j@t22 j@t22 j=t22

345 你 l=M20 l=M20 l=M00

346 他 sDh22 s=h22 sdh22

347 咱们 yCt20 y`t20 yCt00

348 我们 gn33y`t20 y`t20 s=t22

349 你们 gn23l=M20 gn24l=M20 r=t22

350 他们 gn24sdh22 gn24s=h22

351 别人 ot31f=m24 ot31f=m24

352 柴 ut=m20 u=m20 u=m00

353 火 utdh20 udh20 udh00

354 火焰 rtDh22utdh20 rth22u=h20

355 烧 oh@t22 odt22

356 烧（做饭） oh@t33 fcCM42

357 灰尘 s@t13, ft22 lCm24 sCt13

358 烟 u@m20fcnM22 vDm20fcnM22 uCm00

359 弓 fcnM31MX24 ML24 jnM22

360 箭 mCl32mC24 mCL24m`13 m`13

361 打猎 s=j13st20FiD31

362 杀 jC24 jC23 j`44

363 打架 s=j24sdh30 s=j24s=h20

364 一 fch@t22 fhs24 fhs44, fcdt22

365 二 rnM22 MDh13 ¯dh02, rnM22

366 一（一个人） ot31fchDt11 fch@t22 fcdt22

367 两（两个人） rnM ot rnM22 rnM22

368 三 rC9l22 rC9l22 r`l22

369 四 r=h24 r=h24 rdh13

370 五 F`33 GC23 F`44

371 六 Ynj24 ynj23 ynj44

446 2.22.5. Transcription of Ziyun Huohua word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

372 七 b@s24 bCs23 bCs44

373 八 oDs24 ohDs23 ods44

374 九 j@t33 j@t23 j=t44

375 十 bh@o13 b=o13 b=o02

376 二十 ¯dh22bh@o13 ¯Dh13b=o12

377 百 oC13 o`23 o`13

378 千 y[DM22 y[hDM22

379 都 st33

380 一些 mD13fc@t22 mD24fch@t22

381 多 kC9h22 kC9h22 k`h22

382 少 rht33 rht24 rht44

383 每 sCM24ot31 s`9M23

384 大 kC9t31 kC9t31 k`t42

385 小 mD24 mD24

386 长 yCh20 yCh20 yCh00

387 短 s=m33 s=m24 s=m44

388 高 rC9M22 rC9M22 r`M22

389 矮 sCl24 sC9l23 sCl13

390 圆 jvnM20, oC9t31 oCm31, jnM20 oCm42

391 扁 oC9l23 o? 9M33

392 厚 mC22 m`22 m`22

393 薄 faC9M22 faC9M22 fa`M22

394 宽 jvCM24 jvC9M24 ju`M13

395 窄 bh@m31 b@m20 bCm00

396 硬 fctCM31 fcnM31 fcnM42

397 软 fT=m24 ft=m23 ftm13

398 直 rn13 rn12 rn02

399 弯曲 jC9t20, jn20 jn20 jn00

400 快 FC9m22 GCm22

2. Phonology of data points 447

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

401 慢 m=l24 m=l23

402 重 mCj24 mCj24 mCj44

403 轻 faCt22 faCt22 faCt22

404 胖 o=h20 o=h20 odh00

405 瘦 sbCh23 sbCh33 oinl22

406 黑 vCm31 v@m20 unm22

407 红 fc=M22 fc=M22 fc=M22

408 白 FC9t22 G`9t22 F`t22

409 黄 iDm23 GhDm33 idm44

410 绿 knj12 knj12 knj02

411 蓝 ohj24 oHj23

412 干的 F=24 G=13 F=13

413 湿 sC13（全温）, mtM33（半温） fcTj23

414 空的 oht24 oht23

415 满 y=l22 y=l22 y=l22

416 干净 rC22 rC22 rCL22

417 脏（衣服） ¯CM24 ¯`9M23

418 新 ln24 ln23 ln13

419 年轻 ot31pDM20 ot31bh31yhDM20

420 聪明 bhCM12 jv`9h22 ju`h22

421 傻 MCl31 M@l31

422 旧 jCt13 jCt13 jCt13

423 老 MC9t13 M`9t23 sbd13

424 聋的 mtj24 mTj24 mtj44

425 热 fcCs24 fc`s24 fc`s44, yCt44

426 冷 sbCs24 sb@s24 m=s44, bdM42

427 好 fc=h22 fc=h22 fcdh22

428 坏 vC9h12 u`9h13 u`h02

429 破 sD13, v`9h12 v`9h13, sD13, r=j24

448 2.22.5. Transcription of Ziyun Huohua word list

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

430 深 kCj12 k`j12 kCj02

431 浅 fanj24 fanj24 fanj44

432 斜 MDM24 fahs24, MDM23 fahs44

433 亮 YnM13 yn9M13 ynM02

434 暗 k@o24 k`o24

435 清 fcnM24 fcn9M24

436 浑 mnM20 mn9M20 mnM00

437 壮 o=h20 o@m20yhDM20

438 弱 sbC9h33, fa@t22

439 淡 bDs24 bts24 b=s44

440 累 mC9h24 m`9h24 m`h13

441 （捆）紧 fcCs24 fc@s24 fcCs44

442 松 YtnM24 ytM24 ytM13

443 滑 yC9t20, oh`s22 oi`9s22

444 贵 ohDM20 oh@M20 odM00

445 便宜 s=j13 s=j12

446 嫩 fT=m24 ft=m24

447 难 sa=j24 fiC24jt13

448 容易 fcdh22jt13 fc=h20jt13

449 臭 gCt22mC9t13 GCt22fiC24 FCt22

450 香 uC9m22 G`t22Gvnl22, u`9m22 u`m22

451 忙 FC9m G@m22

452 穷 Gn33 Gn33 un44

453 富 o@m20fcDh22 o@m20fc=h22

454 热闹 fcs22lC9h20 l@h20 lCh00

455 安静 oiDj13oiDj13 oi`j12y=j12

456 漂亮（女） rCt24fcdh22 rCt24fc=h22 rCt44

457 狡猾 bhD22j@t20

458 勇敢 sCl13kC9t31 s`9o24k`9t31

2. Phonology of data points 449

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

459 懒 sb=j24 sb@j24 sb=j44

460 努力 jCm31 bn24b=22

461 远 sbCh22 sbCh22 sbCh22

462 近 sb@L33 sbC24 sbCL44

463 里（面） fcC22 fcC22 fcCL22

464 外（面） oC9H Yn13 yn13 yn02

465 右（边） jv`20 jv`20 ju`00

466 左（边） rth31 rth31 rth42

467 上面 j=m20 j=m20 j=m00

468 下面 kC33 k`33 k`44

469 这里 sbh20m=h31 sbh20m@h31 mdh42

470 那里 oC9h13fT=m31 sbh20sdh22

471 这个 jh13mdh31 jX13mdh31

472 那个 j=13sDh22 j=13sDh22

473 哪里 sbh20k`L20 sbh20k`L20 kCL00

474 谁 ot31kC20 ot31k`20

475 什么 j=23lC31 j=23l`31

476 怎么 jt12fi@t24 jt12fi@t24

477 什么时候 b=h20kC20lC20 b=X20k`20, …l`20

478 为什么 uDh13j=24lC31 uDh13j=224l`20 l`00

479 在 fh@t24 fi@t24 fi=t13

480 刚（来） bCM22 b`M22

481 马上（走） F@m22 F@m22

482 赶快（去） F@m22 F@h22 483 就

484 先 jvnm13 jvnm13 jnm13

485 常常（来） idh24idh24 idh24idh24

486 最(快） srvdh13

487 更（快） j=m13

488 一起（作） jt13oC9h20 jt13oCh20

450 2.23.1. Phone and phoneme inventory

汉语 布依语90年代老年人 90年代青年人 布依语50年代

489 只（买五斤） k=l24 sbC20

490 又（来） sCt24 s`9t24

491 再（说一遍） s`t24 …kCM22

492 也 ih22 ih22

493 或者 ldh20kDh31

494 好象 k=l33FC20 k=l24 k=l44

495 从 sCh24 sCh24

496 和 kCM22 k@M22 yhM00 497 因为 498 如果

499 到 sCM20 sCM20 sCM00

500 是 bh22 bh22 bh22

501 不 lDh20 l=h20 ldh00

502 没关系 lDh20fiCt13jT24lC20 lh20fint13rX23 503 已经 2.23. Ziyun Nonghe 2.23.1. Phone and phoneme inventory Initial consonants BiLab LaDe Alv PoAl AlPal Pal Vel Glo Plos vl o, [oi], og s, sg j, [jv], jg f, [fi] PreGlo fa fc Aff vl sr, srg, sb, [srv] sbg Fric vl [e] r [b] w [g] vd u y [Y] [F] G Nas vd l, li m ¯ M Lat vd k LaF vl K, [Kv] App vd v, vg i

2. Phonology of data points 451

Final consonants

o, s, j, f, l, m, M Vowels Front Central Back unrd unrd rd Close h [X] t Near-close [H] [T] Close-mid [d] n Mid =, [=:] Open-mid D B Near-open ?, [?:] @ Open `, `: Tones Category 1 2 3, 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch value 33 31 41 35 24 45 24 2.23.2. Notes • [ph] occurs on only five morphemes, but the aspiration is quite clear and distinct from its unaspirated counterpart. See minimal pair. • [ts] and [sb] both occur numerous times and are not in complementary distribution. [sb] occurs a number of times before [a] and twice before [=], so it is not conditioned by a following high vowel. [ts] occurs before [e], [u], and [T] one time each. See minimal pair. • [th] only occurs on six morphemes, but is very clear. Note that [th] occurs five times with a 42 tone and once with a 35 tone. See minimal pair. • [kh] occurs on eight morphemes. All occur on high falling tones except one, which is on a classifier preceding the word it classifies. See minimal pair. • [tsh] and [sbg] both only occur on one morpheme: 211 ‘error’ [srg`22 kdh13] and 375 ‘ten’ [sbgHo13]. Though they only occur once each, they are still considered phonemic since the aspiration is quite distinct. See minimal pairs. • [¯] occurs on four morphemes: three of these followed by [i]. [M] occurs on 12 different morphemes, before a number of vowels. All three are considered phonemic. See minimal pairs. • [s], [b], and [K] all occur a number of times. [s] and [b] are in complementary distribution. See allophonic rule below. This is somewhat unusual, in that [ts] and [tb] are definitely not in complementary distribution. [K] is phonemic. See minimal pairs.

452 2.23.2. Notes

• There are more occurrences of [Y] than [z]. [Y] always occurs before back rounded vowels except for three morphemes, where it occurs before [a]. [z] never occurs before a back rounded vowel and only occurs before [a], [@], and [=]. Al- though these sounds are not totally in complementary distribution, they can be considered as allophonic variations, with [Y] occurring before rounded vowels and occurring in variation with [z] elsewhere. • [h] occurs less frequently than [x], though both occur a number of times. They are not in complementary distribution, but rather are allophonic variations of each other, varying in the degree of velarization. Note that 400 ‘fast’ [w`m22] and 482 ‘quickly’ [g`m22 m`h33] have the same morpheme: once with [x] and once with [h]. They are considered allophones of /x/. [h] occurs three times preceding [T]. This combination could be a form of [wh] where the labial part is more vowel-like. • [wh] only occurs on two morphemes, but the aspiration is distinct. See minimal pair. • [F] occurs only once, being preceded by an open syllable, [G] occurs on seven morphemes, and [F] is considered a variation of [G]. [G] is phonemic. See minimal pairs with [x]/[h]. • [a], [a:], and [@] are all contrastive. [@] is close phonetically to [=] on some items, but most are still very distinct. Note that [@] only occurs in the final position of a syllable once, whereas [a] does numerous times. However, [a] and [@] occur in many of the same environments and [@] cannot be viewed as an allophone of [a] or [=]. The phone [?] presents a similar situation. It occurs a number of times, quite distinctively contrastive with these other sounds. See minimal pairs between [a], [@], [=], and [?]. [a] and [a:] are contrastive. See minimal pair. • [H] only occurs before nasals and stops and [i] also occurs in these environments, but in all others as well. Therefore, [H] is considered to be an allophonic variation of [i] in this environment. • [e] and [D] both occur a number of times and [D] occurs more than [e]. These two sounds are not very distinctive, ranging anywhere in the vowel space between [e] and [D]. They do not occur in complementary distribution, but still seem to be allophonic variations of each other. Note that [e] is considered a variation of /D/. • [B] occurs 13 times and [o] occurs numerous times. They are not in complementary distribution and most of the sounds are quite distinctive. See minimal pairs. • [T] acts as an allophone of [u]. It occurs a number of times, but is mostly in complementary distribution with [u], except for one environment. See allophonic rule. • [=:] only occurs twice. Length is not considered phonemic for this phone. • [L] occurs on two morphemes and [X] occurs on four. They are considered allophones of [=], which occurs numerous times.

2. Phonology of data points 453

2.23.3. Minimal pairs [p] and [ph] 355 ‘to burn’ [o`:t22], 238 ‘to swell’ [og`:t22] [ts] and [sb] 17 ‘early’ [sr`t31], 106 ‘hair (on head)’ [sb`t24] [t] and [th] 495 ‘from’ [s`h24], 271 ‘to weep’ [sg`h31] [k] and [kh] 121 ‘leg’ [j`22], 55 ‘rice seedling’ [jg`31] [ts] and [tsh] 17 ‘early’ [sr`t31], 211 ‘error’ [srg`22 kdh13] [sb] and [sbg] 459 ‘lazy’ [sbHj24], 375 ‘ten’ [sbgHo13] [n] and [¯] 49 ‘field (paddy)’ [m`20], 56 ‘grass’ [¯`22], 30 ‘silver’ [M`m20] [f] and [v] 162 ‘clothing’ [ed24], 429 ‘broken/torn’ [uD13] [s] and [z] 258 ‘to search’ [r`22], 59 ‘tree root’ [y`13] [s] and [K] 258 ‘to search’ [r`22], 198 ‘paper’ [K`22] [w] and [wh] 428 ‘bad’ [v?13], 163 ‘cloth’ [vg?_24] [x] and [G] 400 ‘fast’ [w`m22], 33 ‘bank, shore’ [G`m20] [a], [@], [=], 441 ‘tight’ [fc`s24], 1 ‘sunshine’ [fc@s34], 145 ‘to drink’ [fc=s24], and [?] 425 ‘hot (weather)’ [fc?t35] 457 ‘crafty’ [f`l24 s`m22], 270 ‘to scold’ [s@m22], 123 ‘foot’ [s=m22] 76 ‘horn’ and 262 ‘to live’ [j`t22], 344 ‘I’ [j@t22] 23 ‘water’ [y@l31], 160 ‘taro’ [k=j12 y=l31] 99 ‘ant’ [l`s13], 166 ‘socks’ [l?s13] [a] and [a:] 386 ‘long’ [y`h20], 3 ‘thunder’ [og`31 y`:h20] [o] and [B] 118 ‘neck’ [vn20], 80 ‘bat’ [vB20] 81 ‘rabbit’ [s`22 kn24], 384 ‘big’ [kB31] 2.23.4. Allophonic rules /s/ → [b]/__V[+high/+front] → [s]/elsewhere

/z/ → [Y]/__V[+rd] → [z]/elsewhere

/i/ → [H]/__C (in free variation) → [i]/elsewhere

454 2.23.5. Transcription of Ziyun Nonghe word list

/u/ → [T]/__=C (with three exceptions) /__= /__Cstop /__Cnasal (in free variation) → [u]/elsewhere 2.23.5. Transcription of Ziyun Nonghe word list 紫云弄河90年代与50年代语音糸统比较

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人

1 阳光 fc@s34 sg`t31fc`s24

2 闪电 fi@o24og`20 fi`o24og`31

3 雷（名） og`31y`9h20 og`31y`h20

4 月亮 YnM13fcT=m22 j`M13j`t20

5 星星 fcn22fc=h24 fcn22fc@h24

6 天, 天空 fa=m22 fa=m22

7 云 et31 et31

8 风 y=l20 Y=l20

9 雨 e=m23 e=m22

10 彩虹 st20stM20 st20stM20

11 雾 k`o24ln=24 k`o24ln24

12 早上 j`9M22g`s24 j`M22w@s24

13 下午 sr=20ihM20 j`M22u@m20

14 晚上 j`9M22G`l13 j`M22G`9l13

15 天, 日子 v`9m20 u@m20

16 年 odh22 o@h22

17 早（来早） sr`t31 sr`t31

18 晚（来晚） kt`s24 kt@s24

19 早餐 fn31o`m13

20 午饭 MD31 M?20

21 下午的餐 ihM20 y=M20

22 晚饭 sr`t30 sr`t20

2. Phonology of data points 455

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人

23 水 y@l31 y`l31

24 井 fa`24 fan24

25 土 m? 9l13 m`9l13

26 石头 r=9m22 r=m22

27 沙 r=m22bD24 bd24

28 尘土（路上） lt24l`m13 s`t13, vt22l@m24

29 金子 sbHl22 sbHl

30 银子 M`m20 M`m20

31 铁 v`20 u`20

32 河 s`13 j`22s`13

33 岸 G`m20 G@m20s`13

34 湖 s`l20 s`l20

35 海 wD31 g?31

36 山 on22, o`22 on22

37 路 r@m22 j`22r@m22

38 村子 fa`m31 fa`9m31

39 房子 y`9m20 y@m20

40 房顶 mh`M20y`9m20 mh@M20y`m20

41 门 s=t22 e`22s=t22

42 木板（板子） s? o13 s`o12

43 桌子 srt@M20 srt`M20

44 凳子 s`M24 s`M24

45 碗 stDh31 sth31

46 筷子 s=13 s=13

47 扫把 iHs12o`s24 sbhDm22o`s24

48 猪圈 jvnM13l@t22 jtnM13l=t22

49 田（稻田） m`20 m`20

50 地 m`20wX24 ydh13

51 大米 fn31K? m22 fB31r`m22

52 米饭 fn31sbTj13 fB31srtj13

456 2.23.5. Transcription of Ziyun Nonghe word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人

53 糯米 fiH24K?m22 fB31fD24

54 糯米饭 fiHs24srTj13 fB31fD24srtj12

55 秧苗 jg`31 jg`31

56 草（青嫩） ¯`22fT=m24 ¯`22

57 甘蔗 fBh31 fnh31

58 树 v`h31 u`h31

59 （树）根 y`13 y`13u`h31

60 竹子（总称） v`h31kt@h22 u`h31y`s12

61 森林 fc@22fcnM22 fc`22fctnM22

62 叶子 fa`22rnM22 fa`22rt@M22

63 刺（名） ft@m22 ft@m22

64 花 fcD24 fc?24

65 籽, 种子 e`m22 e@m22

66 水果 l`24 k=j12l`24

67 菜（蔬菜） o`j44 oh@j24

68 动物（总称） st20k=j13j`t24 st20jL24j@t24

69 猪 l@t22 st20l@t22

70 羊 itM20 itM20

71 狗 l`22 l`22

72 马 l`31 l`31

73 水牛 u?20 u? 20

74 黄牛 sbh20 sbh20

75 尾巴 o?22bhM22 o?22bhM22

76 角（牛） j`t22 fc=j24j`t22

77 老虎 jTj24 jTj24

78 熊 lth22 lDh22

79 猴子 khM20 k=M20

80 蝙蝠 vB20 uB20

81 兔子 s`22kn24 s`22kn24

82 老鼠 m`h24 m`h24

2. Phonology of data points 457

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人

83 鸟 YBj13 yBj12

84 鸟窝 YnM20YBj13 ynM20yBj13

85 鸡 j`h24 j`h24

86 鸡冠 vgTm22 e=m22j`h24

87 鸭子 oHs24 ohs24

88 鹅 g`9m24 w`9m24

89 猫头鹰 YBj13jg`9t31lh`t24 yBj13jg`t31lh@t24

90 翅膀 fa`22vT=s13 fa`22uT=s13

91 羽毛 o=m22 o=m22

92 爪子 iHo13s=m22 iHo12ydh20

93 蛋 j`h24 j`h24

94 鱼 o`22 o`22

95 鱼鳍 j=h20 jDh20

96 蛇 ML20 ML20

97 蚊子 ¯h@M20 ¯h@M20j`22y`h20

98 苍蝇 ¯h@M20K`24 ¯h@M20r`24

99 蚂蚁 l`s13 l`s12

100 蜘蛛 jTM44jB22 jB22

101 跳蚤 l`s24 l@s24

102 臭虫 YT=s13

103 蚯蚓 fct=m22 fct=m22

104 虱子 m`m20 m`m20

105 身体 fc`9M22 fcD22fc`9M22

106 头 jg`9t31 jg`t31

107 头发 o=m22jg`9t31 o=m22jg`t31

108 脸 ohDm24m`31 ohDm13m`31

109 眼睛 k=j13s`22 fcD22s`22

110 鼻子 fc=22fc`M22 fcD22fc`M22

111 耳朵 s@t22ih20 s@t22yX20

112 嘴巴 srnM13o`24 fc=22o`24

458 2.23.5. Transcription of Ziyun Nonghe word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人

113 牙齿 m`l31bh=t31 m`l31bh@t31

114 舌头 fa`22k=m31 fa`22k=m31

115 下巴 k`31F`M20 k`31G`M20

116 胡子 l=l13 l=l13

117 额头 m`31o`24 m`31o`24

118 脖子 fc`22vn20 fcD22Gn20

119 肩膀 o`M31fa`24 o`M31fa`24

120 手 fc`unM20 fcD22utM20

121 腿 j`22o=h20 fcD22j`22

122 膝盖 l`t20gT=24 l`t20wn24

123 脚 s=m22 fcD22s=m22

124 胸 o`24f`j24 o`13f`j24

125 背 oD13k`M22 o?13k`M22

126 甲状腺肿 GT20fD22 Gn20f? 22

127 心脏 fc`m22st`l24 fc@m22st@l24

128 肺脏 o=s24 o=s24

129 脑子 fTj24 ftj24

130 肝 s`o24 s@o24

131 肚子 stM31 fcD22stM31

132 肚脐 ogn31fcL22 o`t20fcX22, ih22ogn31

133 肠子 K`h31 r`h31

134 血 kT=s13 kt`s13

135 屎 fiD31 fD31

136 骨头 fcT24 fcn24

137 皮肤 m`M22 m`M22

138 肉 mT=13 mn13

139 油（猪） fi`t20 it20

140 大蒜 Kt`h24 rv`h24

141 姜 bhM22 bhM22

142 盐 jt22 jt22

2. Phonology of data points 459

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人

143 咬 j`s24 F`o13

144 吃 j=m22 j=m22

145 喝 fc=s24 fc`s24

146 酒 k`t31 k`t31

147 醉（酒） vh20 udh20

148 呕吐 Yt13 yt13

149 煮 rtM22 rtM22

150 甜 e`9m22, M@13 e`9m22

151 酸 K`l31 r`l31

152 苦 G`l20 F`l20

153 咸 w`m24 w@m24

154 辣 sr?_s13 sr`s12

155 饿 fih24 fih24

156 黄瓜 k=j13shM22 k=j12shM22

157 南瓜 k=j12jv`22 k=j12jv`22

158 丝瓜 k=j20sbD22 k=j12jD22

159 豆 oDh13st13 m@s12m`s13

160 芋头 k=j12y=l31 k=j12y=l31

161 芦苇 v`h31Mn31 u`h31Mn31

162 衣服 ed24 ot13

163 布 vg?_24 o`M20

164 棉 ed24 e?24

165 裤子 vg?_24 e`24

166 袜子 l?s13 l`s13

167 席子 fahm31 fahm31

168 蚊帐 bHo24 bHo24

169 斗笠 fc@22j`o24 fc=22j`9o24

170 刀 v`13sB22 u`13sB922

171 把（刀） v`13 u`13

172 锅 srn24 fc=22srB24

460 2.23.5. Transcription of Ziyun Nonghe word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人

173 锅盖 e?22sr`l31 e`22srB24

174 三脚架 fc=22sbhM20 fc=22sbh=M20

175 背带 fc`22 fc`22

176 扇子 o`9t24o=h20 o`t13oDh20

177 秤 fc`m22sr`M13 fc=22sr`M13

178 锥子 v`13Mth31 u`13MtDh31

179 剪子 v`13sb`t20 u`13sbh@t20

180 钱 sbDm20, M`m20 sbhDm20

181 雨伞 fc`22khM31 fc=22k=M31

182 锁 fc`22ktM31sbh20 fc=22ktM31, sbh20

183 钥匙 G?m20sbh20 sbh20ktM31

184 棍子 s=M31 r@m31s=M31

185 竹竿 K`m31Kn31 r@m31rB31

186 船 fc=22Yt20 fc=22yt20

187 斧头 v`12e?m22 u`13e`m22

188 犁 v`12sr@h22 u`13sr`h22

189 锄头 fi`24 u`13fi`24

190 扁担 sh`t20G?m20 sh@t20F`m20

191 麻 fcD31 fc?31

192 肥料 o=m13 o=m13

193 石臼 ft22st@h12 ft22sv`h13

194 杵 fh22srdh20 fh22sr=h20

195 筛子 fc`22r`M22 fc=22r`M22

196 簸箕 fcnM31e=h24 fcnM31edh24

197 织布机 srnM20rn24 srnM20rn24

198 纸 K`22 r`22

199 墨水 y=l31l`j13 y@l31l`j13

200 笔 ohm22l`j13 ohm22l`j13

201 唢呐 k`22kDh31 fa`9M24m`t20

202 网 fc`22l=M31 fc`22bD22

2. Phonology of data points 461

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人

203 钩子 jg`M24M`9t24 jt22M`t24

204 鬼 st20u?M20 st20u`9M20

205 神 st20bh31 ot22ogn31, st20bhm33

206 力气 stj11h22`M20 ih`M20

207 影子 st20M`9t20 st20M`t20

208 梦 s@s24oT=m20 u`M31M=m20

209 故事 k=m13utM20 k=m13uTM20

210 礼物 KnM24kDh13 k`h31

211 错误 srg`22kdh13 srg`22

212 闲空 oit44 e`_M24

213 方向 otM22 otM22

214 缝 ¯Ho13 ¯h@o02

215 喜欢 f`9M13bh=t22 M?13

216 爱 M?13 j`h20

217 剥（果皮） fadh24 faDh24

218 抱（孩子） f=l31 f=l31

219 背（孩子） f=20 fL20

220 加（饭） srvt24mh24sh`l22 srn24, f`t22…sh`l22

221 裂开 shD24 fa`s24sD24

222 编（篮子） K?m22 r`m22

223 补（衣服） gTM22 etM22

224 插（秧） fc`l22 fc`l22

225 尝（菜） sr=l20 sr=l20

226 穿（衣服） sg`m31 sg`m31

227 漏（水） Yn13 yn13

228 点（头） MBj13 MBj12

229 挂（在墙上） ehDm22 eh@m22

230 滚（在地上） st24

231 过（河） eD31s`13 jv`24

232 划（船） s=20Yt20 jv`22yt20

462 2.23.5. Transcription of Ziyun Nonghe word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人

233 继续 jt13sh`l22

234 借（钱） sbh24 sbh24

235 砍（树） r`l31 r`l31

236 烤（火） K`9t22uDh20 r`t22udh20

237 咳嗽 f`h22 f@h22

238 肿（腿） og`9t22 j`13, s`m20

239 流（水） k`h22 k`h22

240 起（床） r=m24 r=m24

241 牵（牛） sbhM22 sbhM22

242 晒 s`24 s`13

243 筛（米） r`M22 r`M22

244 上（楼） ohm22 w=m31

245 下（楼） YnM20 ynM20

246 伸（手） fHs24ihm13 ihm13

247 梳（头发） rt@h22 rt`h22

248 （头）疼 sbDs24 sbDs24

249 踢 shd24 s=s24

250 提（篮子） bh=t31 bht31

251 吞 fc=m31 fc=m31

252 脱（衣） st@s24 svBs24

253 问 w`9l24 w`l13

254 回答 w?l22 w`m22

255 忘记 k=l20 k=l20

256 下（雨） sg`t31 sg`t31

257 休息 bHs24m?f24 bHs24m?24

258 寻找 r`22 r`22

259 眨（眼） fi@o24 fi`o24s`22

260 住 fit24 fi@t24

261 蒸（饭〕 m`M31 m`M31MB31

262 活 j`t22 j`t22

2. Phonology of data points 463

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人

263 死 s?_22 s? 22

264 病 o=m20ohM13 o@m20ohM13

265 呼吸 srnM24Kvdh22 rnM24rtDh22

266 听 ¯h22 ¯h22

267 看 sh@l24, iD20 sh@l24

268 说, 讲 m`9t20, jg? M31 jg`M31

269 笑 bht22 bht22

270 骂 w=s24, fc?24, s@m22 s@m22, w=s24

271 哭 sg`h31 sg`h31

272 吹 oT=24 on24

273 打呵欠 rn22y=l20 rB22y=l20

274 睡觉 s=M33m=m20 m=m20

275 站 fc=m22 fc=m22

276 坐 Y`M13 m`M13

277 走 ogD31 og?31

278 爬（小孩） Yt=m20 Yt=m20, o`m13

279 爬（树） ohm23 ohm22

280 来 l`22 l`22

281 去 o`9h22 o`h22

282 进入 l`22fc`22 o`h22fc`22

283 回来 sn24l`22 sB24l`22

284 飞 fahm22 fahm22

285 骑 jvdh13 jtDh13

286 游泳 f`o24s`13 f@o24, kht13s`13

287 浮 G=t20 u`t20

288 玩 jt13sr`l20 sr`l20

289 唱 s=j24eT=m22 jt13e=m22, u=m22

290 鼓 jnM22 jtM22

291 干活 jt13gTnM22 jt13wt@M22

292 担 s=20r?o24 r`o24

464 2.23.5. Transcription of Ziyun Nonghe word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人

293 关（门） g`o44s@t22 f@o24

294 开（门） wD22s@t22 g?22

295 开（嘴） wD22o`24 f`31

296 推 fch`M22 fch@M22

297 拉 k`13 k`13

298 掉 sBj24 snj24

299 给 w`31 w`31

300 拿 f`t22 f`t22

301 选择 khD13 kD13

302 买 sr=31 sr`31

303 卖 j?22 j?22

304 偷 y`j13 y`j13

305 想要 j`o20f`t22 j`h20f`t22

306 有 fi=t24 fi@t24

307 知道 Yt31iD13 yn31yD13

308 怕 fih22kB22 kB22

309 洗（手） Ktdh24 rh13

310 洗（衣服） K`j13 r`j02

311 捆 uT=s13 F`s02

312 擦（桌） ft=s24 ft=s24

313 切（肉） sr?o13 sr`o02

314 绳子 sh`t20sr`f13 sr`13

315 割（草） jv`m20 jt@m20

316 劈开（木头） o`24 o`13

317 木头 v`9h31 u`h31

318 挖 o`13 o`13

319 人 st20vDm20 st20u=m20

320 布依族 ot31fh31 ot31fh31

321 汉族 ot31w`24 ot31w`24

322 男人 k=j13K?_22 k=j02r?22

2. Phonology of data points 465

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人

323 女人 k=j21fa=j24 k=j02faLj24

324 巫师 ot31ln22'男(, i`13i`20'女( ot31ln22, st20i`20

325 媒人 ot31KX24 ot20r=24

326 朋友 snM20o`m31 rB13s=t20

327 祖宗 ot24s`13 ot34i`13s`13

328 父亲 oT24shD22 on13

329 母亲 i`13liD13 lD13, l`22

330 小孩 k=j13m`h13 k=j02m`h13

331 丈夫 o@t24jvDh20 o`t24

332 妻子 i`13 i`13

333 兄姐 o`t24odh31, s`24sbD31 odh31

334 弟妹 mtnM31 mtM31

335 独子 k=j22sn13 k=j02sn13

336 孙子 k?m22 k`9m22

337 公公 ot24jnM22

338 婆婆 m`9h22

339 外公 ot24s`22 ot23s`22

340 外婆 i`31s?24 i`13s?24

341 客人 ot31bhD24 ot30bhD24

342 姓 KdM24 r=M24

343 名字 srn13 srn13r=22

344 我 j@t22 j@t33

345 你 l=M20 l=M20

346 他 sdh22 sdh22

347 咱们 Y`t20 y`t20

348 我们 Y`t20 y`t20

349 你们 K`t22 r@t22

350 他们 wn31sD22 wn31sdh22

351 别人 ot20f=m24 ot31f=m24

466 2.23.5. Transcription of Ziyun Nonghe word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人

352 柴 v=m20 u=m20

353 火 uDh20 udh20

354 火焰 uDh20 rth22udh20

355 烧 o`9t22 oh`t22

356 烧（做饭） fc@M24

357 灰尘 s`t13 vt22l@m13

358 烟 v=m20fcnM22 u=m20fcnM22

359 弓 fcnM22mX31 u`13ML31

360 箭 l`m31m`24

361 打猎 k`h13on22 k`h13fctnM22

362 杀 jg`31 jg`31

363 打架 s=j24sdh20 s=j24sd_h20

364 一 fch`t22 fhs24

365 二 M`h13 Mdh13

366 一（一个人） fch@t22

367 两（两个人） KnM22 rtM22

368 三 K`9l22 r`9l22

369 四 Kdh24 rDh24

370 五 w`31 w`31

371 六 rBj24 rBj24

372 七 sr@s24 sr@s24

373 八 ohDs24 oihDs24

374 九 jg@t30 jg@t31

375 十 sbgHo13 sbHo13

376 二十 M`h13sbgHo13 Mdh13sbgHo13

377 百 o`24 o`24

378 千 bh`M22 bh`M22

379 都 l`22sr`h20 st23

380 一些 mhD24 mD24fch@t22

381 多 k?22 k?22

2. Phonology of data points 467

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人

382 少 Kh=t31 bhDt31

383 每 sn13

384 大 kB31 kB31

385 小 mhD24 mD24

386 长 y`h20 y`h20

387 短 sg=m31 sg=m31

388 高 K?M22 r`9M22

389 矮 s?9l24 s`9l24

390 圆 o`9t31 o`t31, jvnM20

391 扁 og`9l31 og`l31

392 厚 m`22 m`22

393 薄 fa?M22 fa`9M22

394 宽 jv`M24 jt`M24

395 窄 sr`m31 sr@m20

396 硬 fctnM31 fcnM31

397 软 fT=m24 ft=m24

398 直 KB13 rn13

399 弯曲 jnM24jn20 jn20¯`t31

400 快 w`m22 w`m22

401 慢 k=9l24 m=l24

402 重 m`s24 m`j24

403 轻 fa`9t22 fa`t22

404 胖 o=h20 odh20

405 瘦 otBl22 jg`h31

406 黑 v`m31 v@m31

407 红 fchM22 fchM22

408 白 wn22 wB22

409 黄 bhDm31 bDm31

410 绿 knj13 kBj02

411 蓝 oHs24 oHj24

468 2.23.5. Transcription of Ziyun Nonghe word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人

412 干的 Ytn20 w=24

413 湿 s`24 s`=24

414 空的 jv`m22 oh=t24

415 满 bHl22 bHl22

416 干净 K`22 r`22

417 脏（衣服） sg`m31 ¯h`M24, sg`m31

418 新 lT=24 ln24

419 年轻 ot31i`M20 ot31Yh@M20

420 聪明 jv?22 mhm20j`m22

421 傻 M`l31 M`l31, MBj24

422 旧 j`9t24 j`t24

423 老 M`9t24 M`t24

424 聋的 mTj24 mtj24

425 热 fc?s24 fc`s24

426 冷 sbh@M31 sb@s24

427 好 fcDh22 fcDh22

428 坏 v?13 u?13

429 破 uD13 YtDh31

430 深 k`j13 k`j02

431 浅 fanj24 fanj

432 斜 faHs24 fahs24

433 亮 YtnM13 YtnM13

434 暗 k`o24 k`o24

435 清 K`22 r`22

436 浑 mnM20 mn`M20

437 壮 o@h20 r`M13

438 弱 otnl22 bh@t24

439 淡 lh20e?m22 fa`t22, rtM24

440 累 m?24 m?24

441 （捆）紧 fc`s24 fc@s24

2. Phonology of data points 469

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人

442 松 rtM24 rtM24

443 滑 Y`9t20 y`t20, li`13

444 贵 jvDh22 oh`M20

445 便宜 bh`M22ihm22 s=j02

446 嫩 fT=m24 fT=m24

447 难 fi`24jt13 fi`24jt13

448 容易 fcDh22jt13 fcdh22jt13

449 臭 w`9t22 w`t22fi`24

450 香 g`t13s?M21 w`t22ft@l22

451 忙 w`m22 w`m22

452 穷 wtn31 wn31

453 富 o`m20fcDh22 og`m20fcdh22

454 热闹 fcdh22l@h20 fcdh22l`h20

455 安静 o`j13fcHs24 oi`j22Y=j22

456 漂亮（女） Kn22fcDh22 rB31fcdh22

457 狡猾 f`l24s`m22 j`t20

458 勇敢 f`t13i?M20 sg`l31kB31

459 懒 sbHj24 sbhj24

460 努力 f`t13i?M20 jt13Yh`M20

461 远 j`9h22 j`h22

462 近 jg`31 jg`31

463 里（面） fc`22 fc`22

464 外（面） o?13Ytn13 yn13

465 右（边） jv`20 jv`20

466 左（边） Ktdh31 rth31

467 上面 j=m20 jDm20

468 下面 k`31 k`31

469 这里 o?13mDh31 sbh20mdh31

470 那里 o?13fT=m31 sbh20sdh22

471 这个 jX22mDh31 i`M20mdh31, j=24mdh31

470 2.23.5. Transcription of Ziyun Nonghe word list

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人

472 那个 jX33sD22 j=24sdh22

473 哪里 sbh20k`20 sbh20k`20

474 谁 oT31k`20 ot31k`20

475 什么 jX24l`20 j=24l`20

476 怎么 jt24jt13jt13 jt24jt13

477 什么时候 sr=20k`20, wdh24k`20 gdh24k`20, sr=20k`20

478 为什么 vDh13j=24l`20l`23 vdh13j@t13l`20jt24

479 在 fit24 fi@t24

480 刚（来） k=M24 k=M24

481 马上（走） kh20l`31 k=M24mdh31

482 赶快（去） o`h22g`m22m`h33 w`m22

483 就 sbh31 bh22

484 先 jv@m24 jt@m24

485 常常（来） g@h24g@h24 wDh24wDh24

486 最(快） g`m22sgt24

487 更（快） j=m13g`m22

488 一起（作） stM31sb`22 jt13o`h20F`22

489 只（买五斤） j`13 k=M24, j`13

490 又（来） sn24… sB24

491 再（说一遍） sn13… sB24…sh`l22, w`h13…sh`l22

492 也 ih31 …ih31…

493 或者 s`M20 …ldh20bh22…

494 好象 k=l31ot31k`20 wn20k=l31

495 从 s`h24 s`h24

496 和 k`M22 k`M22, yh=t31

497 因为 uDh13

498 如果 jt22jt13g`9t24mdh31 sr`31m`t20

499 到 s`M20 s`M20

2. Phonology of data points 471

汉语 90年代老年人 90年代青年人

500 是 bh22 bh22

501 不 l@h20 lh20

502 没关系 l@h20fit24j=24l`20 ldh20fi@t24jT24l`20

503 已经 jt13kh@t31 2.24. Libo Fucun 2.24.1. Phone and phoneme inventory Initial consonants BiLab LaDe Alv PoAl AlPal Pal Vel Glo Plos vl o, oi s j, jv f, fv, fi PreGlo fa fc Aff vl sb Fric vl e r b w

vd Y Nas vd l m ¯ M, Mv Lat vd k App vd v i, x Final consonants

o, s, j, f, l, m, M Vowels Front Central Back unrd rd unrd rd Close h x [X] t Near-close [H] [T] Close-mid n Mid = Open-mid D Near-open @ Open `, `: Tones Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 10 Pitch value 13 21 33 53 35 55 35 21 55

472 2.24.2. Notes

2.24.2. Notes • [b] only occurs twice in the list: both times before [i]. However, [s] also occurs before [i] a few times. In the Libo lect, it has been found that [b] does occur before [a], though very infrequently (see Snyder and Yu 1995). With this in mind, [b] will be included as a phoneme. No minimal pairs are given, because the two occurrences of [b] in the word list are on loan words. Other words have been found, however, that give evidence of contrast between these two sounds: e.g., ‘seven’ [b@s6] and ‘to rub on sth.’ [b`:s6]. • [sb] occurs before many different vowels and is contrastive with [t]. See minimal pair. • [v] does not occur in this lect. • The /Y/ phoneme can actually range anywhere from [z] to [Y]. The difference in place of articulation is not phonemic, and for any one morpheme may vary depending on the context of utterance, speaker’s age, whether the speaker is tired or not, etc. • The /x/ phoneme ranges from [x] to [h]. • [¯] occurs before a wide range of vowels and is phonemic. See minimal pair. • [y] occurs as an initial consonant and as a vowel. When occurring as an initial, it is pronounced with increased tenseness. • The palatalized initials [pj] and [fi], as well as the labialized initials [jv], [Mv], and [fv], are all phonemic. The palatalization and labialization is generally tightly bound. • [a:], [a], and [@] are all contrastive. See minimal pairs. • [H] is an allophone of [i] and [T] is an allophone of [u]. The lax phone occurs in the environment C__C, though the tense phone sometimes occurs in this environment also. • [=] and [X] are in complementary distribution. See rule. 2.24.3. Minimal pairs [sb] and [t] 106 ‘head’ [sb@t2], 280 ‘to come’ [s@t2] [a] and [@] 76 ‘horn’ [kau0], 267 ‘to see’ [j@t2] [@] and [a:] 85 ‘chicken’ [j@h4], 303 ‘to sell’ [j`:h0] [a] and [a:] 110 ‘nose’ [fc`M0], 105 ‘body (human)’ [fc`:M0] [j] and [y] 225 ‘to taste’ [i@l4], 70 ‘sheep’ [x=M1] 2.24.4. Allophonic rules /=/ → [X]/C__# (with one exception) → [X]/C__V → [X]/CV__(C) (where V ≠ [i], [u]) → [=]/elsewhere

2. Phonology of data points 473

2.24.5. Transcription of Libo Fucun word list 荔波福村90年代与50年代语音糸统比较

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

1 阳光 fch@m4 28 尘土（路上） lnj6lnm0

2 闪电 i`o6oi`2 29 金子 sbHl0

3 雷（名） oi`2 30 银子 M`m1

4 月亮 YnM5fchDm02 31 铁 e`1

5 星星 fc`t0fch4 32 河 s`5

6 天, 天空 fa=m0 33 岸 a`9M3s`5, v`9M4

7 云 gt2 34 湖

8 风 Y=l1 35 海 g@h2

9 雨 v=m0 36 山 on0

10 彩虹 st1stM1 37 路 v`m0

11 雾 lnj6 38 村子 fa`m3

12 早上 sb`9M0g`9s6 39 房子 Y`9m1

13 下午 sb`9M0Mv`m1 40 房顶 ¯ht1Y`9m1

14 晚上 sb`9M0g`l5 41 门 st0

15 天, 日子 Mv`m1 42 木板（板子） lDh2

16 年 oh0 43 桌子 sDl5

17 早（来早） Yt@l5 44 凳子 s`M4

18 晚（来晚） Mv`m1 45 碗 v`m2

19 早餐 M`9h1g`9s6 46 筷子 sX5

20 午饭 M`9h1 47 扫把 o@s6

21 下午的餐 M`9h1YhM1 48 猪圈

22 晚饭 M`9h1g`l5 49 田（稻田） m`1

23 水 Y@l3 50 地 Yh5

24 井 fan4 51 大米 g`t3

25 土 m`9l5 52 米饭 g`t3rtj7

26 石头 ghm0 53 糯米 g`t3fch0

27 沙 gd4 54 糯米饭 g`t3fch0rtj7

474 2.24.5. Transcription of Libo Fucun word list

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

55 秧苗 sb`2 85 鸡 j@h4

56 草（青嫩） ¯X2 86 鸡冠 gt2j@h4

57 甘蔗 fnh3 87 鸭子 oHs6

58 树 lDh2 88 鹅 g`9m0

59 （树）根 Y`5 89 猫头鹰 Ynj7sb@t2lh`t0

60 竹子（总称） 90 翅膀 eX=s0/

61 森林 fcnM0 91 羽毛 o=m0

62 叶子 fa@X0 92 爪子 YHo7

63 刺（名） v`m0 93 蛋 sb@h4

64 花 v`2 94 鱼 oi`0

65 籽, 种子 v`m0 95 鱼鳍

66 水果 96 蛇 MX1

67 菜（蔬菜） oi@j6 97 蚊子 st1¯tM0

68 动物（总称） snh5st1 98 苍蝇 st1¯tM0

69 猪 lt0 99 蚂蚁 l@s7

70 羊 x=M1 100 蜘蛛 jv`9t4

71 狗 l`0 101 跳蚤 l`s6

72 马 l`3 102 臭虫 Yh@s0/

73 水牛 v`9h1 103 蚯蚓 fch@m0

74 黄牛 rX1 104 虱子 m@m1

75 尾巴 gX=M0 105 身体 fc`9M0

76 角（牛） j`t0 106 头 sb@t2

77 老虎 jtj6 107 头发 oi@l0sb`t2

78 熊 lnh0 108 脸 m`2

79 猴子 khM1 109 眼睛 s`0

80 蝙蝠 st1v`9t2 110 鼻子 fc`M0

81 兔子 st4 111 耳朵 Y=1

82 老鼠 Ynm2 112 嘴巴 o`j6

83 鸟 Ynj7 113 牙齿 gDt2

84 鸟窝 YnM1Ynj7 114 舌头 khm3

2. Phonology of data points 475

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

115 下巴 g`9M1 145 喝 fcns6

116 胡子 l=l5 146 酒 k@t2

117 额头 m`2oi`j6 147 醉（酒） eh1

118 脖子 gn1 148 呕吐 YtX=j0/

119 肩膀 fa`4 149 煮 itM0

120 手 l=M0 150 甜 v`9m0

121 腿 j`0 151 酸 fc`s6

122 膝盖 gn4 152 苦 ¯Dl4

123 脚 shm0 153 咸 fc`M0

124 胸 `j6 154 辣 l`9m5

125 背 k`M0 155 饿 fiX=j6

126 甲状腺肿 gn1f`9h0 156 黄瓜 oi`M0

127 心脏 Yt@l0 157 南瓜 jv`2

128 肺脏 oXs6 158 丝瓜 i`4

129 脑子 ftj6 159 豆 st5

130 肝 s`o6 160 芋头 oX@j6

131 肚子 stM3 161 芦苇 Mn3

132 肚脐 162 衣服 ot5

133 肠子 r@h2 163 布 o`9M1

134 血 kh@s0/ 164 棉 v`9h4

135 屎 fD3 165 裤子 v`4

136 骨头 fct@j6 166 袜子 l@j0/

137 皮肤 m`M0 167 席子 fahm3

138 肉 mn5 168 蚊帐 i`o6

139 油（猪） it1 169 斗笠 sbno6

140 大蒜 gn0 170 刀 lHs7

141 姜 ghM0 171 把（刀） v`5

142 盐 sbt0 172 锅 jv`0

143 咬 g`o7 173 锅盖 v`0jv`0

144 吃 j=m0 174 三脚架 sbh=M1

476 2.24.5. Transcription of Libo Fucun word list

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

175 背带 fc`0 205 神 ot3rhDm0

176 扇子 oh1 206 力气 YDM1

177 秤 sbh=M5 207 影子 Y@l5

178 锥子 sbHl0vh3 208 梦 o@m1g=m1

179 剪子 sbDt1 209 故事 l=m1

180 钱 sbDm1 210 礼物 kh3

181 雨伞 kh=M2 211 错误 knM0

182 锁 knM2 212 闲空 v`9M0

183 钥匙 sbh1knM2 213 方向 o`9h5

184 棍子 s=M3 214 缝 ¯Ho7

185 竹竿 Y`9t3 215 喜欢 `9M4

186 船 Yt1 216 爱 sb@h1

187 斧头 v`9m0 217 剥（果皮） st@s6

188 犁 jv@h0 218 抱（孩子） f=l3

189 锄头 jv`9j6 219 背（孩子） f=l0

190 扁担 l@h2g`9m1 220 加（饭） sDl0

191 麻 fc@h3 221 裂开 faDj6

192 肥料 o=m5 222 编（篮子） oi@m2

193 石臼 223 补（衣服） vX=M0

194 杵 224 插（秧） fc@l0

195 筛子 fcnM2 225 尝（菜） i@l4

196 簸箕 sbh0 226 穿（衣服） s@m2

197 织布机 227 漏（水） Yn5

198 纸 r`0 228 点（头） M@j6

199 墨水 l@j7 229 挂（在墙上） shDt4

200 笔 ohm0l@j7 230 滚（在地上） YxhM3

201 唢呐 kD5kD2 231 过（河） v`9h2

202 网 lX=M3 232 划（船） v`9s0/

203 钩子 M@t0 233 继续 …o@h0m`2

204 鬼 e`9M1 234 借（钱）

2. Phonology of data points 477

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

235 砍（树） e@m1 265 呼吸 rt@M4gh4

236 烤（火） 266 听 ¯h0

237 咳嗽 f`h0 267 看 j@t2, fcnl0

238 肿（腿） jX5 268 说, 讲 j`9M2, m@t1

239 流（水） k@h0 269 笑 ihDt0

240 起（床） ktj7 270 骂 o`9h4, jvD2

241 牵（牛） rhM0 271 哭 s@h2

242 晒 on4 272 吹 on4

243 筛（米） vh4 273 打呵欠 Yt`t0mhm1

244 上（楼） g=m2 274 睡觉 mhm1

245 下（楼） YtDh5 275 站 YnM1

246 伸（手） ihs6 276 坐 m`M4

247 梳（头发） YtDh0 277 走 oi`9h2

248 （头）疼 sbDs6 278 爬（小孩） o`9m1

249 踢 sDj6 279 爬（树） ohm0

250 提（篮子） it2 280 来 l`0, s@t2

251 吞 fct=m3 281 去 o@h0

252 脱（衣） sns6 282 进入 o@h0fc@X0

253 问 g`l4 283 回来 s`9t4l`0

254 回答 g`m0 284 飞 fahm0

255 忘记 k=l1 285 骑 jDh5

256 下（雨） snj6 286 游泳 it1

257 休息 iD4m`9h4 287 浮 et1

258 寻找 Y`0 288 玩 jvX5r`l1

259 眨（眼） i@o6 289 唱 m@t1, k=m5, bh@M4

260 住 iD4 290 鼓 sbnM0, ¯`m1

261 蒸（饭〕 m`M2 291 干活 jvX5gnM0

262 活 kh3 292 担 i`9o6

263 死 s`9h0 293 关（门） f=o6

264 病 ohM5 294 开（门） j`9M0, g@h0

478 2.24.5. Transcription of Libo Fucun word list

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

295 开（嘴） f`3 325 媒人 ot3lDh1

296 推 ¯nj6 326 朋友 ot3Yhl0

297 拉 Y`9j0/, jv`t4 327 祖宗 o@t4i`5

298 掉 snj6 328 父亲 on5

299 给 g@h2 329 母亲 lD5

300 拿 f@t0 330 小孩 k=j7m@h5

301 选择 kh0, shs6 331 丈夫 j=h1

302 买 rX3 332 妻子 a`h3, rh1i`5

303 卖 j`9h0 333 兄姐 oh3

304 偷 Y`j7 334 弟妹 mt@M3

305 想要 f@t0 335 独子 k=j7snj0/

306 有 kh3 336 孙子 k`9m0

307 知道 Yn3 337 公公 o@t4s`h5

308 怕 k`9t0 338 婆婆 i`5

309 洗（手） Ynh4 339 外公 o@t4s`0

310 洗（衣服） Y`j7 340 外婆 s`9h4

311 捆 s`9t1 341 客人 ot3gDj6

312 擦（桌） ft=s6 342 姓 rhM4

313 切（肉） j@s6 343 名字 rn5

314 绳子 r`9j0/ 344 我 jt0

315 割（草） jv`m1 345 你 l=M1

316 劈开（木头） o`4 346 他 sD0

317 木头 l@h2 347 咱们 Y@t1

318 挖 348 我们 st0

319 人 v=m1 349 你们 rt0

320 布依族 ot3i`h2 350 他们 gn5sD0, sbnM0sD0

321 汉族 ot3jt@m0 351 别人 ot3fchDh0

322 男人 ot3r`h0 352 柴 e=m1

323 女人 k=j7faXj6 353 火 eh1

324 巫师 ot3ln0 354 火焰 Ynh0eh1

2. Phonology of data points 479

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

355 烧 oi`9t2 385 小 m@h5

356 烧（做饭） oi`9t2 386 长 YDh1

357 灰尘 s@t5 387 短 shm2

358 烟 v`m1 388 高 r`9M0

359 弓 jnM2 389 矮 s@l4

360 箭 m`4 390 圆 fct@m0

361 打猎 k@h5on0 391 扁 ohM1

362 杀 j`2 392 厚 m`0

363 打架 snM1sDj6 393 薄 fa`9M0

364 一 fHs6 394 宽 jv`M4

365 二 ¯h5 395 窄 gDo0/

366 一（一个人） fcDt0 396 硬 fcnM2

367 两（两个人） YnM0 397 软 v=m4

368 三 Y`9l0 398 直 Yn5

369 四 Yh4 399 弯曲 j@t1

370 五 g`2 400 快 Yht1

371 六 Ynj6 401 慢 fcnm5

372 七 r=s6 402 重 m`j6

373 八 oDs6 403 轻 fa@t0

374 九 sbt2 404 胖 oh1

375 十 rHo7 405 瘦 oinl0

376 二十 ¯h5rHo7 406 黑 fc@l0

377 百 o`j6 407 红 fchM0

378 千 gDM0 408 白 g`9t0

379 都 st2 409 黄 gDm2

380 一些 fa`9M2 410 绿 gDt0

381 多 k`9h0 411 蓝 sb@l3

382 少 YhDt2 412 干的 gX4

383 每 s`M4 413 湿 s=l1

384 大 k`9t3 414 空的 oit4

480 2.24.5. Transcription of Libo Fucun word list

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

415 满 ghl0 445 便宜 itM4

416 干净 YDt4 446 嫩 mnl2

417 脏（衣服） sb@l1 447 难 m`9m1

418 新 ln4 448 容易 vh0v`M4

419 年轻 mnl2 449 臭 g@t0

420 聪明 jv`9h0 450 香

421 傻 MnM4, fv`3, fv@l3 451 忙 lX=M1, g`9m1

422 旧 j@t4 452 穷 gn2

423 老 sbD4 453 富 kh3

424 聋的 mtj6 454 热闹 fch0l@h1

425 热 v@l0 455 安静 kh@M0

426 冷 mhs6 456 漂亮（女） sb`9M5

427 好 fch0 457 狡猾 sbh@m2, k`t0

428 坏 v`9h5 458 勇敢 l`9l3k`9t3, j`9l2

429 破 v`9h5 459 懒 sbHj6

430 深 k@j7 460 努力 j=m3

431 浅 eDt5 461 远 sb@h0

432 斜 j`9h1, khM4, fa`9s6 462 近 sb@h2

433 亮 YnM5 463 里（面） fc@X0

434 暗 k@o6 464 外（面） Ynj0/

435 清 Y@h0 465 右（边） jv`1

436 浑 mnM1 466 左（边） Ynh3

437 壮 kh3YDM1, YDM1k`9h0 467 上面 j=m1

438 弱 v=m4, fcnj6fc`9M0 468 下面 k`2

439 淡 469 这里 sbh1mh3

440 累 m`9h4 470 那里 sbh1sbDm3

441 （捆）紧 l`m5 471 这个 j`9h4mh3

442 松 itM4 472 那个 j`9h4sbDm3

443 滑 k`t0 473 哪里 sbh1k@h1

444 贵 oDM1 474 谁 ot3k@h1

2. Phonology of data points 481

汉语 90年代老年人 汉语 90年代老年人

475 什么 j`9h4l`1 490 又（来） i@t0

476 怎么 iX=M5l`1 491 再（说一遍） i@t0, …sDl0

477 什么时候 rX1k@h1 492 也 g`9h1, m`9M5

478 为什么 …jvX5l`1 493 或者 Yn3m@t1

479 在 i=4 494 好象 k=l2…

480 刚（来） s@l3 495 从 r@h1, iD4

481 马上（走） …Yht1 496 和 m`9M5

482 赶快（去） …Yht1 497 因为

483 就 bh1 498 如果 r@h1

484 先 jnm0 499 到 s`M1

485 常常 j=2, jv`9M2 500 是 rhm0

486 最(快） rnh0 501 不 lh1

487 更（快） j=m0 502 没关系 lh1M`9h5

488 一起（ snM1… 503 已经 v`9h2kDt3

489 只（买五斤） j`5

3. Lectal studies

3.1. Introduction to system relations 3.1.1. Intelligibility As can be seen from chapter 1, the phonologies of the various Bouyei lects can vary rather significantly. What variation is there in the basic lexicon? Is there any way to gauge intelligibility between the various lects based on elicited basic lexical forms? It is the purpose of this study to address these two questions. Variation in the basic vocabulary is fairly easy to assess, and of course is a precursor to addressing the question of intelligibility. However, simply coming up with a lexical cognate percentage based on word lists will not give an accurate picture of intelligibility.6 A very key factor relating to the intelligibility of two lects is the similarity of their phonological correspondences. If the core lexicon is very similar, but the phonological correspondences are quite different, there will still be much of the lexicon that will not be mutually intelligible. A key element in intelligibility is the mapping of phonemes from the listener’s lect to phones of another lect as they are distributed among the lexical items. For example, a speaker of lect A may have the following lexical items in his speech: /uDm13/ ‘rain’, /v=m13/ ‘soft’. A speaker of lect B may have the following: /v=m13/ ‘rain’, /v=m24/ ‘soft’. If the speaker of lect B has /v/ in his phoneme inventory, but it does not occur on the lexical item for ‘rain’ in his lect, he may be confused when he hears that word in lect A. Again, lect A may have the following alveolar phonemes: /S/, /r/, /y/, /Y/, whereas lect B may have these alveolar phonemes: /r/, /b/, /y/. When speaker B (of lect B) hears speaker A say a word with a /S/ initial, he has to decide which of his phonemes this corresponds to: /r/ or /b/. Sometimes there is a simple correspondence rule that can be learned over time, such as /S/(lectA) → /r/(lectB). Sometimes there is no regular correspondence rule (sometimes /S/ → /r/, sometimes /S/ → /b/), and speaker B would simply have to learn A’s /S/ correspondences. Now, a speaker of one lect, after exposure to the language of another lect, can learn the regularities relating the sounds of his dialect to those of the dialect he is hearing. So his long-term intelligibility (relating to the phonological correspondences) will of course be higher than his initial intelligibility (his understanding of the noncognate words used in another lect will of course also be increased). By studying the phonology and phone-phoneme correspondences of two or more lects, one can estimate the initial and long-term intelligibility based on the system of sound correspondences and lexical cognate percentages. We will use the idea of systems relations 7 to evaluate the intelligibility of the various Bouyei lects in our survey. Systems relations is a way to gauge intelligibility between lects based on the lexicon and phonological correspondences. The basic idea of system relations is to analyze the phonological correspondence patterns found in comparing the lexicon of two or more lects, and thus to gauge the intelligibility impedance and learnability of a lect with respect to a speaker of another related lect. This, in conjunction with the lexical similarity percentage, will give a picture of the overall lectal intelligibility.

6 Grimes 1988 7 This method is outlined in Milliken and Milliken 1996. Notes on Linguistics 72:15–31.

482 3. Lectal studies 483

3.1.2. Correspondence types The phonemic correspondences between two lects are classified into three categories, based on how much they are expected to interfere with listening comprehension. Each pair of dialects is analyzed twice: once taking the case of A listening to B and once with B listening to A. A corre- spondence can possibly be one category for the speaker of lect A listening to lect B and another for the speaker of lect B listening to lect A. Class one correspondences are those which do not interfere with comprehension. This class includes both correspondences which are phonetically identical, and those correspondences in which the sounds are more similar to each other than to any other phoneme in the listener’s phonemic system. Example:

If … And if … Then … ‘high’ in lect A is lect A has no other phoneme the lect A listener will /r`:M13/ and is pro- beside /r/ which is more naturally relate the sound [S] nounced [S`M02] in lect phonetically similar to [S] than [r] to his own /s/, which is the correct correspondence. B (e.g., it has no /S/ or /r[[/) These two phones are phonetically similar. There is no phonological skewing, so this is an example of a class one correspondence. A class two correspondence is one in which the phonemes are phonetically similar, but phone- mically skewed. Say lect B has /Y/ and /p/. Say also that lect A has /y/ (which corresponds only to the /Y/ of lect B) and /i/ (which corresponds to /p/ of lect B).

If … And in … Then … ‘house’ in lect B ‘house’ is pro- when the speaker of lect B hears ‘house’ in lect A he does lect A is nounced [Y`:m30] not know which of his words it is (though he will most /y`:m20/ and ‘to knit’ is pro- likely be able to tell due to the semantic environment that the word is in), he is not able to readily associate it with his nounced [p`:m30] /Y/, though it does correspond. This is a class two correspondence. This type of correspondence may be initially unintelligible, but can be learned, because the correspondence is regular, A’s /y/ always corresponds to B’s /Y/. A class three correspondence occurs when there is a many-to-one relationship between phonemes, more than one phoneme in the listener’s lect corresponding to one phoneme in the speaker’s lect. Example:

If … And … Then … lect A has /p/ and /Y/ and lect B has /y/ (which when speaker B says ‘house’ /y`:m20/, the words ‘house’ /p`m20/ corresponds both to lect the listener from lect A has no way of A’s / / and / /) and the knowing if speaker B means ‘house’ and ‘delicate’ /Y`m20/ p Y / / or ‘delicate’ / /. word ‘house’ /y`m20/ p`m20 Y`m20 the /y/ of lect B in some words to /Y/ in this is a class three correspondence corresponds in some words lect A when lect A listens to lect B. to /p/ in lect A

484 3. Lectal studies

It may also be a class three correspondence when lect B listens to lect A, but not necessarily. Using the systems relations framework, one studies the phonemic correspondences between two lects and comes up with a percentage of the different correspondence classes for a portion of the language (a simple word list in our case). Knowing these percentages of occurrence of the three correspondence classes, one can hypothesize the difficulty a speaker of lect A would have when hearing the lexically corresponding part of lect B, and how learnable that part of lect B would be for the speaker of lect A. 3.2. Methodology A large portion of the data organization needed for this analysis was done using programs written and run by the authors. The word list data was entered into a database and manipulated using the programs. • First though, each word list was “phonemicized” to a degree. • Palatalized consonants [Cj-] were rendered [Ci-] and labialized consonants were rendered [Cu-]. • [H, T, d] were rendered [h, t, D], respectively. • Vowel length for all vowels except [`] were removed, and vowel diacritics were removed. These are not phonemic and have no bearing on intelligibility between Bouyei lects. • Each list was then imported into a master table. • For each lexical item, the entries from each lectal point were grouped into cognate sets. • Cognate classes were selected subjectively. In other words, no scientific algorithm was used to judge cognate classes—the authors simply looked at the words and decided if they were cognate or not. Most cognate sets correspond in some way to Li Fangkuei’s reconstruction for the particular lexical item, though some did not. • When comparing words from two lists, if they were not in the same lexical correspondence class then of course no comparison was made for phonemic correspondences. • Words in the same cognate class for each word list item were counted as lexically similar. • Lexical items having Chinese loans across all lectal points, or of low reliability for any reason, were thrown out. The cognate sets were marked in the database table, and a program was used to calculate the lexical cognate percentages between each pair of word lists. These cognate percentages are given in table 1 in the appendix for this chapter. In the first column are the abbreviations of each data point. The value in the cells in that row represent that data point’s cognate percentage with the corresponding data point given for each column. Next, the correspondences of each phoneme of each data point with every other phone of every other data point were obtained. For each lexical item, if a word from one data point and the corresponding word from another data point were in the same cognate class, then the initial consonant, nucleus, final, and tone were matched for correspondences. In Bouyei, the initial consonant, final, and tone are each composed of one phoneme only, so it is only necessary to isolate these parts of the syllables being compared for correspondences. A simple algorithm was devised to compare the nuclei based on whether each nucleus being compared is a monothong, diphthong, or triphthong, and the actual phones comprising each nucleus.

3. Lectal studies 485

The correspondences with the correspondence count (the number of times that particular correspondence occurred) were written to a data table. A small section of one record of that table for Anlong looks like this: Anlong Anshun Ceheng Changshun w w{3},v{4} v{5},x{4},w{1} w{5},v{2} Here, the phoneme /w/ in the Anlong lect corresponds to [w] three times and [v] four times in the Anshun lect. A complete phoneme correspondence table was generated for each data point. For each data point, the phoneme correspondence table was used to calculate the systems relations impedance percentages of that data point with every other data point. The impedance percentage simply gauges how • different one lect is from another with respect to phonemic correspondences, and • difficult it will be for a speaker of one lect to understand the phonemes of a speaker of another lect. The intelligibility impedance of a speaker of lect A listening to lect B will be greater if the lect A speaker has never come into contact with lect B. Speaker A will have had no chance to learn the learnable correspondence rules. After a significant amount of contact with lect B, though, speaker A will presumably have been able to learn the class two correspondence rules, and the intelligibility impedance will be lower. The class two correspondences are those that can be learned. If it is assumed that these class two correspondences are completely unintelligible at first, then they are similar to class three correspondences for initial intelligibility measures, and can be counted accordingly. If it is assumed that the class two correspondences are completely learnable, then after an adequate period of time of exposure that a speaker of lect A has to a different lect B, they could be counted as class one correspondences. No assumption was made with respect to the learnability of particular lexical items. To get the correspondence class for any correspondence, we can use the following simple algorithm: Lect A = the lect being compared to all the other lects Lect B = one of the lects being compared to lect A Phoneme = phone from lect A y = phone from lect B Alpha = a phone in lect A’s inventory that is phonetically the same or more similar to the phone from lect B that is currently being compared If x = y, then correspondence is class 1 If there exists an Alpha, and if Alpha corresponds elsewhere to y, then class 3 If there is no Alpha, class 1 Else, class 2 To compute how different one phone is from another, each vowel and consonant were given a number matrix. The matrix values are given in table 2 in the appendix for this chapter. The consonant matrix corresponds to the manner of articulation, point of articulation, and voicing. To get a numerical representation of the phonetic difference between two consonants, we take the difference between the two values for manner of articulation, point of articulation, and voicing. The difference between [d] and [t], from table 2, would be |3 – 3| + |6 – 6| + |5 – 0| = 5. The columns in the vowel matrix correspond to vowel height, front-mid-back position, and roundness. The difference between [y] and [a], for example, would be |7 – 1| + |1 – 1| + |0 – 5| = 11.

486 3. Lectal studies

The vowel matrix is given in table 3 of the appendix. We assume that each tone is as different from one as another. Using these rough assumptions, we calculated the initial phonemic impedance as well as the long-term phonemic impedance. Class3 = total number of class 3 correspondences Class2 = total number of class 2 correspondences Total = total number of class 1, 2, and 3 correspondences

Short term impedance = ((Class3 + Class2)/Total) * 100 Long term impedance = (Class3/Total) * 100 These impedance percentages were then combined with the lexical dissimilarity percentages to give two overall lexicophonemic dissimilarities for a particular data point with • every other data point • the initial intelligibility impedance, and • the long-term intelligibility impedance. These were then subtracted from 100 to give initial and long-term intelligibility scores. A = Noncognate percentage between two lects B1 = Long-term systems relations impedance percentage between the two lects B2 = Short-term systems relations impedance percentage between the two lects

Total long-term intelligibility percentage = 100 – (A + (((100 – A) * B1)/100)) Total short-term intelligibility percentage = 100 – (A + (((100 – A) * B2)/100)) These intelligibility percentages will not be exactly equal to the actual intelligibility percent- ages, as they do not take into account context in speech, grammar, and semantic dissimilarities, but should strongly correlate to actual intelligibility. Finally, the initial and long-term intelligibility percentages were used to find centers of communication at various impedance threshold levels. Here, a center of communication is a lect that, at or above a particular intelligibility level, will be understood best by a surrounding group of similar lects. If we are investigating intelligibility of a number of lects at say, 65 percent intelligibility, we will want to find • groupings of lects that all understand each other at 65 percent threshold or above, and also • the one single lect in each such group that has the highest overall intelligibility with each lect in the group. This can be accomplished using a technique called optimization. We can analyze the data for centers of communication because the percentages for a speaker of lect A listening to lect B, and a speaker of lect B listening to lect A are often different, just as it is for actual measurements of global intelligibility such as recorded text testing. Although the data we are using are not intelligibility scores, the same type of analysis can be done because the data set has the same properties as intelligibility scores (i.e., asymmetrical with numbers for each pair of dialects, and on a scale of 0 to 100). Optimization of the data was done at various levels for initial and long-term intelligibility. In our study, the initial intelligibility percentages were optimized at 60 percent, 55 percent, and 50 percent. The long-term intelligibility percentages were optimized at 70 percent, 65 percent, and 60

3. Lectal studies 487 percent. For initial intelligibility, thresholds above 60 percent and below 50 percent gave insignificant results, as did thresholds above 70 percent and below 60 percent for long-term intelligibility. 3.3. Findings The intelligibility percentage tables (tables A4 and A5 in the appendix) were optimized at various intelligibility percentage thresholds, giving the groupings listed below. In the tables below, the centers of communication are listed in the left column, and the data points that they are intelligible with at or above the threshold are listed in the right column. Table 1. Long-term optimization at 70 percent threshold Centers Group lects AS AS CS CS DSNZ DSNZ, DSSY GD GD, DY, LL, PTZB HS HS LB LB PTXL PTXL QL QL SC SC WM WM, AL, CH, LDLK, LDPQ, ZF XY XY ZYHH ZYHH, ZNBL ZYNH ZYNH, ZNSTZ Table 2. Long-term optimization at 65 percent threshold AS AS DSNZ DSNZ, DSSY, LB, PTXL Guiding GD, CS, DY, HS, LL, PTZB SC SC WM WM, AL, CH, LDLK, LDPQ, XY, ZF, ZNBL ZYNH ZYNH, QL, ZNSTZ, ZYHH Table 3. Long-term optimization at 60 percent threshold DY DY, AS, CS, DSNZ, DSSY, GD, HS, LB, LL, LDLK, LDPQ, PTXL, PTZB, WM, ZF, ZNBL ZYNH ZYNH, AL, CH, QL, SC, XY

488 3. Lectal studies

Table 4. Initial optimization at 60 percent threshold AL AL, CH, LDLK, LDPQ, WM, XY, ZF, ZNBL, ZYHH AS AS SC SC DSNZ DSNZ, DSSY, LB GD GD, CS, DY, LL, PTZB, HS PTXL PTXL ZYNH ZYNH, ZNSTZ, QL Table 5. Initial optimization at 55 percent threshold AS AS, CS, DY, GD, HS, LL, PTZB, ZYNH LDLK LDLK, AL, CH,DSNZ, DSSY, LB, LDPQ, PTXL, WM, XY, ZF, ZNBL ZNSTZ or QL ZNSTZ, QL, ZYNH, SC Table 6. Initial optimization at 50 percent threshold CS CS, AL, AS, CH, DSNZ, DSSY, DY, GD, HS, LB, LL, LDLK, LDPQ, PTXL, PTZB, WM, XY, ZF, ZNBL, ZYNH ZNSTZ or QL QL, ZNSTZ, ZYNH, SC 3.4. Discussion Intelligibility between two lects is dependent on their respective phonologies and vocabulary, as well as other factors such as syntactic structure, semantic overlap, etc. In this study we only take phonology and fairly basic vocabulary as relevant factors, though this will lead only to a rough estimation of intelligibility. Intelligibility impedance due to lexical dissimilarity is assumed to be a constant, though lexical items of one lect will certainly be learned by a speaker of another lect over time. The optimization results above were put into tables to show the centers of communication at each respective intelligibility threshold. One question that must be asked is the significance of the various intelligibility thresholds. Lexical similarity percentages below 70 percent indicate low intelligibility, but above 70 percent the level of intelligibility is ambiguous. Including the systems relations impedance into the picture should make the intelligibility percentage more consistent with actual intelligibility levels. The correlation between the intelligibility percentages obtained from lexical similarity and the systems relations impedance on the one hand (with actual intelligibility levels) is unknown at this point. What is needed to obtain a correlation between systems relations percentages and actual intelligibility is recorded text testing between various lects as well as the systems relations impedance percentages and lexical similarity percentages. A related question is, at what threshold levels is intelligibility meaningful? Long-term intelligibility between two lects at 50 percent or below would most likely mean those lects are mutually unintelligible for all practical purposes. Whereas a lexical cognate percentage below 70 percent between two lects would mean they are practically unintelligible, it would not for our percentages. This is because the systems relations impedance is in effect subtracted from the lexical cognate percentage, making the overall intelligibility percentage lower. For example, the systems relations impedance percentages for Anlong compared with five of the other data points is given below. AS CH CS DSNZ DSSY 28,21 16,9 24,16 23,11 18,13

3. Lectal studies 489

Under AS, the first number (28) is the initial systems relations impedance. The second number (21) is the long-term impedance. These impedance percentages are subtracted, in effect, from the lexical cognate percentage. The lexical cognate percentage between Anlong and Anshun is 69 percent. At this lexical cognate percentage, intelligibility between these two lects is still a viable question. However, the overall initial intelligibility score for an Anlong Bouyei listening to the Anshun lect is a good bit lower. It may seem low, but it reflects a lexical cognate percentage of 69 percent. So for viable intelligibility, a fairly low overall initial intelligibility score should still be considered. Of value at this point is the comparison of the clustering of centers of communication at the various intelligibility thresholds • to see how the patterns of clusters change, and • to compare these clusters of lects with the currently accepted Bouyei subdialect distribution of lects one, two, and three.8

8 See BYDCBY analysis of the Bouyei sub-lects.

Appendix Table A1. Lexical cognate percentages [Systems relations, chapter 3]

AL AS CH CS DSNZ DSSY DY GD HS LB LL LDLK AL 100 68.9815 81.713 73.6111 73.1482 68.9815 68.0556 71.5278 68.5185 69.9074 69.9074 77.5463 AS 68.9815 100 69.4444 75.9259 71.2963 68.9815 75.463 79.8611 75.2315 68.5185 78.4722 69.6759 CH 81.713 69.4444 100 71.7593 73.1482 68.5185 68.0556 71.0648 68.5185 68.75 69.6759 78.2407 CS 73.6111 75.9259 71.7593 100 74.3056 71.7593 74.537 79.8611 79.3982 69.4444 78.9352 76.1574 DSNZ 73.1482 71.2963 73.1482 74.3056 100 79.3982 73.6111 76.1574 71.5278 78.2407 72.4537 77.5463 DSSY 68.9815 68.9815 68.5185 71.7593 79.3982 100 72.9167 73.1482 69.9074 72.2222 69.4444 71.7593 DY 68.0556 75.463 68.0556 74.537 73.6111 72.9167 100 84.2593 75.6944 70.6018 80.5556 71.2963 GD 71.5278 79.8611 71.0648 79.8611 76.1574 73.1482 84.2593 100 80.3241 73.1482 88.1944 75.2315 HS 68.5185 75.2315 68.5185 79.3982 71.5278 69.9074 75.6944 80.3241 100 69.4444 79.1667 72.6852 LB 69.9074 68.5185 68.75 69.4444 78.2407 72.2222 70.6018 73.1482 69.4444 100 70.8333 72.4537 LL 69.9074 78.4722 69.6759 78.9352 72.4537 69.4444 80.5556 88.1944 79.1667 70.8333 100 72.6852 LDLK 77.5463 69.6759 78.2407 76.1574 77.5463 71.7593 71.2963 75.2315 72.6852 72.4537 72.6852 100 LDPQ 37.375 44.4074 30.537 34.6759 31.7176 36.4954 38.1667 33.5417 37.6273 35.8982 38.6898 20.375 PTXL 71.7593 71.0648 71.5278 75 79.8611 76.6204 75 76.6204 73.3796 76.3889 73.6111 76.6204 PTZB 69.6759 75.6944 69.4444 76.1574 74.537 73.6111 81.9444 85.6482 78.7037 73.1482 81.25 72.9167 QL 76.6204 70.3704 72.6852 72.4537 69.6759 66.4352 68.75 71.0648 68.9815 68.0556 70.8333 72.9167 SC 70.8333 66.6667 68.75 68.9815 66.2037 63.8889 66.2037 68.75 66.2037 64.1204 68.0556 71.2963 WM 81.713 71.0648 85.6482 75.6944 75 70.1389 69.9074 72.9167 70.3704 69.9074 71.0648 81.713 XY 80.787 68.287 77.3148 73.1482 70.8333 67.1296 67.5926 69.4444 69.213 67.3611 70.3704 74.7685 ZF 86.3426 70.3704 82.4074 74.3056 73.3796 69.4444 69.6759 71.7593 70.3704 70.3704 71.9907 77.7778 ZNBL 82.4074 69.9074 79.8611 75 72.6852 68.9815 69.9074 72.9167 69.6759 69.4444 71.9907 78.4722 ZNSTZ 73.8426 68.75 68.9815 71.0648 68.287 66.2037 66.4352 69.213 66.6667 65.0463 68.0556 70.3704 ZYHH 82.1759 72.4537 78.0093 78.0093 74.0741 69.6759 70.3704 74.7685 72.4537 71.0648 72.4537 78.2407 ZYNH 79.1667 70.1389 75.9259 74.0741 70.1389 68.0556 69.6759 71.5278 68.5185 67.8241 70.3704 75

490 3. Lectal studies 491

Table A1, continued

LDPQ PTXL PTZB QL SC WM XY ZF ZNBL ZNSTZ ZYHH ZYNH AL 77.3148 71.7593 69.6759 76.6204 70.8333 81.713 80.787 86.3426 82.4074 73.8426 82.1759 79.1667 AS 73.1482 71.0648 75.6944 70.3704 66.6667 71.0648 68.287 70.3704 69.9074 68.75 72.4537 70.1389 CH 78.9352 71.5278 69.4444 72.6852 68.75 85.6482 77.3148 82.4074 79.8611 68.9815 78.0093 75.9259 CS 76.8518 75 76.1574 72.4537 68.9815 75.6944 73.1482 74.3056 75 71.0648 78.0093 74.0741 DSNZ 79.3982 79.8611 74.537 69.6759 66.2037 75 70.8333 73.3796 72.6852 68.287 74.0741 70.1389 DSSY 73.8426 76.6204 73.6111 66.4352 63.8889 70.1389 67.1296 69.4444 68.9815 66.2037 69.6759 68.0556 DY 73.6111 75 81.9444 68.75 66.2037 69.9074 67.5926 69.6759 69.9074 66.4352 70.3704 69.6759 GD 76.3889 76.6204 85.6482 71.0648 68.75 72.9167 69.4444 71.7593 72.9167 69.213 74.7685 71.5278 HS 73.3796 73.3796 78.7037 68.9815 66.2037 70.3704 69.213 70.3704 69.6759 66.6667 72.4537 68.5185 LB 74.537 76.3889 73.1482 68.0556 64.1204 69.9074 67.3611 70.3704 69.4444 65.0463 71.0648 67.8241 LL 74.7685 73.6111 81.25 70.8333 68.0556 71.0648 70.3704 71.9907 71.9907 68.0556 72.4537 70.3704 LDLK 87.5 76.6204 72.9167 72.9167 71.2963 81.713 74.7685 77.7778 78.4722 70.3704 78.2407 75 LDPQ 100 35.6875 38.8796 43.5278 46.5185 27.9028 34.6111 35.4444 34.6667 45.2801 36.25 39.0625 PTXL 79.3982 100 75.9259 68.9815 66.2037 73.6111 68.75 72.9167 72.6852 67.5926 73.1482 71.2963 PTZB 74.537 75.9259 100 69.9074 67.3611 70.6018 69.4444 71.2963 71.0648 68.0556 72.9167 69.6759 QL 74.3056 68.9815 69.9074 100 78.0093 74.3056 72.6852 76.6204 76.6204 76.3889 78.9352 77.5463 SC 70.3704 66.2037 67.3611 78.0093 100 70.6018 68.5185 71.9907 71.9907 75 73.3796 74.537 WM 82.8704 73.6111 70.6018 74.3056 70.6018 100 78.0093 81.9444 81.0185 71.9907 81.4815 78.0093 XY 74.3056 68.75 69.4444 72.6852 68.5185 78.0093 100 80.5556 78.9352 70.8333 77.7778 74.537 ZF 76.8518 72.9167 71.2963 76.6204 71.9907 81.9444 80.5556 100 81.9444 74.0741 81.713 77.7778 ZNBL 77.7778 72.6852 71.0648 76.6204 71.9907 81.0185 78.9352 81.9444 100 76.3889 85.1852 81.9444 ZNSTZ 71.0648 67.5926 68.0556 76.3889 75 71.9907 70.8333 74.0741 76.3889 100 77.7778 79.6296 ZYHH 78.7037 73.1482 72.9167 78.9352 73.3796 81.4815 77.7778 81.713 85.1852 77.7778 100 85.1852 ZYNH 75.2315 71.2963 69.6759 77.5463 74.537 78.0093 74.537 77.7778 81.9444 79.6296 85.1852 100

492 3. Lectal studies

Table A2. Consonant matrix Phones Features Phones Features Phones Features

¯ 0/, 7, 4 jg 3, 00, / R 6, 6, / a 2, /, 4 k 0, 5, 4 r[ 6, 4, 4, /

A 2, 0/, / K /, 5, / s 2, 5, /

b 6, 7, / l 0/, /, 4 S 6, 4, /

c 2, 5, 4 m 0/, 5, 4 sb 4, 7, /

e 6, 0, / M 0/, 00, 4 sbg 5, 7, /

f 2, 01, / o 2, /, / sg 3, 5, /

F 6, 00, 4 oe 4, 0, / sr 4, 5, /

fa 1, /, 4 oeg 3, 0, / srg 5, 5, /

fc 1, 5, 4 og 3, /, / u 6, 0, 4

fk 0, 5, 4 ou 4, 0, 4 v 8, 0, 4

g 6, 01, / p 6, 4, 4 vg 8, 0, /

G 6, 01, 4 P 6, 7, 4 w 6, 00, /

gv 8, 0, / q 7, 5, 4 y 6, 5, 4

i 8, 0/, 4 Q 00, 7, 4 Y 6, 6, 4

j 2, 00, / r 6, 5, / y[ 6, 4, 4, 4

3. Lectal studies 493

Table A3. Vowel matrix

h 0, 0, /

D 4, 0, /

? 5, 0, /

` 6, 0, /

x 0, 0, 4

X 0, 2, /

= 3, 2, /

@ 5, 2, /

L 0, 4, /

t 0, 4, 4

n 2, 4, 4

B 4, 4, 4

9 /, /, /

O 0, 2, /(an apical vowel which occurs in some loan words)

494 3. Lectal studies

Table A4. Long-term intelligibility percentages

AL AS CH CS DSNZ DSSY DY GD HS LB LL LDLK AL 100 54.49537 74.3588 61.83333 65.10185 60.01389 58.52778 62.94445 56.18519 62.21759 57.32408 69.79167 AS 53.80555 100 54.16666 62.25926 54.89815 52.42593 61.125 63.09028 60.9375 54.12963 61.99305 53.65047 CH 71.09028 58.33333 100 60.99537 63.63889 60.98148 58.52778 61.11575 57.55556 59.8125 57.13426 69.63426 CS 58.88889 66.05556 58.125 100 61.67361 60.99537 65.5926 67.88194 68.28241 58.33333 68.67361 62.44908 DSNZ 57.78704 54.18519 59.98148 59.44445 100 68.28241 61.09722 66.25695 58.65278 68.06944 57.96296 63.58797 DSYY 57.94444 57.94444 60.98148 62.43056 71.45834 100 64.16667 65.83334 59.4213 64.27778 59.02777 62.43056 DY 57.16667 64.89815 58.52778 64.10185 63.30555 62.70834 100 73.30556 65.85416 62.12963 68.47223 60.60186 GD 57.22223 64.6875 58.27315 67.08334 67.7801 62.90741 72.46297 100 68.27546 62.90741 74.08333 63.19444 HS 55.5 63.94676 56.87037 68.28241 60.08334 57.32408 65.85416 68.27546 100 58.33333 67.29167 58.875 LB 56.625 55.5 57.75 58.33333 69.63426 63.55555 61.42361 62.90741 59.72222 100 60.20833 63.03472 LL 51.03241 61.99305 52.95371 63.9375 55.06481 55.55555 66.05556 71.4375 64.91667 56.66666 100 55.24074 LDLK 65.91435 59.9213 71.19907 66.25695 67.46528 63.14815 63.45371 65.45139 63.96296 63.75925 61.7824 100 LDPQ 62.625 55.59259 69.46296 65.32407 68.28241 63.50463 61.83333 66.45834 62.37268 64.10185 61.31019 79.625 PTXL 56.68982 54.00926 55.79167 62.25 66.28472 62.0625 60.75 62.8287 59.4375 61.875 58.88889 62.8287 PTZB 57.83102 63.58333 59.72222 64.7338 63.35648 62.56944 71.29166 77.93982 66.89815 62.90741 67.4375 61.97917 QL 62.8287 62.62963 61.05555 62.31018 57.83102 55.80555 58.4375 60.4051 57.94444 56.48611 59.5 58.33334 SC 51 54.66667 51.5625 51.73611 48.3287 46.63889 50.31481 49.5 49.65277 48.09028 51.04167 51.33334 WM 68.63889 58.9838 79.65278 65.09722 65.25 61.72222 60.81945 62.70834 59.11111 60.81945 59.69445 73.54166 XY 67.86111 57.36111 68.03704 62.17593 58.79166 56.38889 59.48148 58.33333 58.83102 57.93055 58.40741 63.55324 ZF 75.98148 57.7037 74.99075 60.93056 64.57407 60.41666 58.52778 62.43056 58.40741 61.92593 59.03241 68.44444 ZNBL 70.0463 58.02315 71.07639 62.25 63.23611 59.32407 59.4213 61.97917 58.52778 59.72222 59.03241 68.27083 ZNSTZ 55.38194 54.3125 53.11574 54.00926 51.21528 50.31481 51.81944 52.60185 51.33334 50.08565 51.72223 53.48148 ZYHH 67.38426 61.58564 63.1875 66.30787 60.74074 57.83102 59.11111 61.31019 60.86111 60.4051 60.13657 64.93981 ZYNH 60.16667 58.21528 59.98148 60 54.00695 51.72223 57.13426 55.79167 54.81482 52.22453 55.59259 57.75

3. Lectal studies 495

Table A4, continued

LDPQ PTXL PTZB QL SC WM XY ZF ZNBL ZNSTZ ZYHH ZYNH AL 68.81019 60.99537 60.61806 62.8287 55.25 73.54166 72.70834 77.70833 74.16667 60.55092 70.6713 68.08334 AS 54.86111 54.00926 60.55555 57.7037 54 56.14121 55.99537 54.88889 56.625 54.3125 58.6875 57.51389 CH 70.25231 58.65278 59.02777 57.42129 52.9375 80.50926 69.58334 74.99075 71.07639 54.49537 64.74769 63.01852 CS 64.55556 62.25 62.44908 58.6875 55.18518 62.06944 62.17593 59.44445 60 56.85186 63.96759 61.48148 DSNZ 66.69444 63.09028 59.62963 52.95371 49.65277 60.75 58.79166 60.1713 58.14814 51.21528 57.77777 54.70834 DSYY 64.98148 64.36111 61.09722 53.8125 50.47222 61.02084 58.40278 59.02777 60.01389 52.30092 58.52778 55.80556 DY 61.09722 63 70.47222 56.375 51.63889 59.4213 59.48148 59.22454 60.12037 54.47685 57.7037 58.52778 GD 66.45834 63.59491 72.80093 54.00926 52.9375 60.52084 57.63889 58.84259 59.79167 53.29398 58.31945 57.9375 HS 59.4375 58.7037 66.11111 55.18518 51.63889 58.40741 57.44676 57 56.4375 54.66667 59.41203 57.55556 LB 64.10185 63.40278 60.71296 54.44445 48.73148 58.72223 59.27778 58.40741 59.72222 52.6875 58.9838 55.61574 LL 56.82407 55.94444 61.75 53.125 49.68056 54.71991 55.59259 51.83333 54.71296 52.40278 54.34027 54.18518 LDLK 81.375 65.12731 62.70834 59.0625 55.61111 74.3588 68.03935 69.22222 69.05556 58.40741 68.06944 62.25 LDPQ 100 64.3125 61.12037 56.47223 53.48148 72.09722 65.38889 64.55556 65.33334 54.71991 63.75 60.9375 PTXL 65.90047 100 59.22223 52.42593 49.65277 57.41666 55.6875 56.875 58.14814 51.37037 59.98148 57.03704 PTZB 62.61111 60.74075 100 55.92593 53.88889 60.71759 59.72222 60.60186 59.69445 53.76389 59.0625 57.13426 QL 59.44445 57.94444 58.72223 100 67.08797 62.41667 62.50925 63.59491 64.36111 64.16666 67.88425 67.46528 SC 49.96296 46.34259 48.5 63.1875 100 52.24537 52.07407 51.11343 54.71296 62.25 56.50232 61.86574 WM 72.92593 59.625 60.01157 59.44445 55.06944 100 68.64815 72.11111 71.2963 56.87268 67.62963 63.1875 XY 63.15973 56.375 56.94444 58.875 50.7037 68.64815 100 68.47223 66.30555 55.95833 64.55556 60.375 ZF 66.86111 58.33334 60.60186 59.76389 54.71296 72.93055 70.88889 100 72.11111 57.77777 66.1875 64.55556 ZNBL 66.88889 57.42129 58.9838 64.36111 57.59259 69.67593 69.46296 72.93055 100 59.58334 71.55556 66.375 ZNSTZ 53.29861 48.66666 51.72223 61.11111 60.75 55.43287 55.95833 55.55555 58.81945 100 60.66667 70.07407 ZYHH 64.53703 59.98148 59.0625 65.5162 58.7037 65.18518 67.66667 66.1875 70.7037 62.22223 100 69.00001 ZYNH 57.92824 53.47223 52.95371 62.8125 58.13889 62.40741 60.375 58.33334 63.91666 70.07407 69.00001 100

496 3. Lectal studies

Table A5. Initial intelligibility percentages

AL AS CH CS DSNZ DSSY DY GD HS LB LL LDLK AL 100 49.66666 68.63889 55.94444 56.32407 56.56481 53.08334 55.79167 51.38889 56.625 51.03241 65.13889 AS 49.66666 100 47.91666 58.46297 45.62963 47.59722 57.35185 55.90278 56.42361 47.27778 56.5 49.46991 CH 69.45602 49.30555 100 54.53704 57.78704 58.92593 53.08334 55.43056 49.33334 54.3125 49.46991 68.06944 CS 55.94444 59.98148 53.81945 100 54.24306 55.25463 59.62963 60.69444 62.72454 52.77777 59.99074 57.11806 DSNZ 56.32407 47.05556 57.78704 53.5 100 64.3125 54.47222 60.16435 52.21528 63.375 49.99305 59.71065 DSYY 53.80555 49.66666 58.24074 53.81945 62.72454 100 57.60417 57.78704 51.03241 59.22222 50 58.125 DY 54.44445 58.10648 53.76389 58.88426 53 58.33334 100 64.87963 59.79861 54.36343 62.02778 57.03704 GD 55.07639 55.90278 54.00926 59.89583 60.16435 59.25 66.56481 100 61.04629 56.32407 65.26389 59.43287 HS 50.7037 57.17593 50.7037 64.3125 52.21528 51.03241 59.79861 61.04629 100 52.08333 60.95834 53.78703 LB 53.8287 47.27778 55 50.69444 61.02778 59.22222 53.65741 54.86111 51.38889 100 51 57.23842 LL 48.23611 55.71527 48.07639 59.20139 48.54398 50.69444 61.22223 65.26389 60.16667 51 100 50.87963 LDLK 63.58797 51.56019 67.28703 57.11806 59.71065 59.56018 56.32408 58.68055 55.24074 57.23842 53.06018 100 LDPQ 61.85186 49.74074 66.30555 60.71296 62.72454 59.8125 56.68055 61.11111 56.50232 58.88426 54.58102 77 PTXL 53.10185 46.19213 52.93056 56.25 59.89583 58.23148 54 55.16667 52.83333 57.29167 51.52778 57.46528 PTZB 55.04398 56.77083 56.25 56.35648 52.9213 56.68055 62.27777 70.23148 59.81481 54.86111 56.875 56.14584 QL 56.69907 54.18518 53.78703 52.8912 47.37963 49.82639 50.875 49.74537 51.73611 48.31945 49.58333 52.5 SC 46.75 46 47.4375 44.14815 39.06018 41.52778 43.03241 41.9375 43.03241 40.39583 42.875 46.34259 WM 67.00462 50.45602 77.93982 56.01389 57 56.8125 53.12963 53.95834 51.37037 53.8287 49.74537 69.45602 XY 65.4375 50.53241 64.1713 54.86111 51 51.68982 54.07407 51.38889 51.21759 52.54166 50.66667 60.5625 ZF 74.25463 50.66667 71.69445 55.72917 57.23611 56.94444 52.95371 56.68982 49.96296 55.59259 50.39352 64.55556 ZNBL 66.75 52.43056 66.28472 56.25 55.24074 54.49537 53.8287 54.6875 52.95371 52.77777 51.11343 65.13194 ZNSTZ 49.47454 47.4375 47.59722 46.90278 39.60648 43.03241 44.51157 42.91204 45.33334 41.62963 43.55556 45.74074 ZYHH 65.74075 55.06481 57.72685 60.84722 51.85185 52.95371 54.18518 53.83334 54.34027 54.00926 51.44213 61.02778 ZYNH 55.41667 51.20139 55.42593 51.85185 45.59028 46.95834 49.46991 47.92361 47.96296 46.79861 47.14815 51.75

3. Lectal studies 497

Table A5, continued

LDPQ PTXL PTZB QL SC WM XY ZF ZNBL ZNSTZ ZYHH ZYNH AL 63.39815 54.53704 55.04398 55.93287 47.45833 67.00462 66.24538 72.52778 70.0463 49.47454 66.5625 56.20834 AS 49.74074 45.48148 54.5 53.48148 47.33334 49.74537 49.84954 49.25926 51.03241 47.4375 55.06481 49.09722 CH 67.0949 52.21528 54.86111 53.06018 47.4375 77.93982 64.1713 71.69445 67.08334 46.90741 60.06713 54.66667 CS 59.17593 55.5 58.6412 54.34027 47.59722 56.01389 57.05556 55.72917 57 49.74537 59.28704 54.07407 DSNZ 63.51852 58.29861 55.90278 49.46991 42.37037 57.75 53.125 57.23611 54.51389 42.33796 52.59259 46.99306 DSYY 58.33565 57.46528 55.94444 50.49074 43.44445 56.8125 53.03241 54.16666 53.80555 45.01852 52.25695 48.31945 DY 55.94444 57 64.73611 51.5625 43.69444 54.52778 54.75 54.34723 55.22685 46.50463 53.48148 50.16667 GD 61.11111 55.16667 69.375 49.03473 44.6875 54.6875 51.38889 55.97222 56.14584 44.98842 53.08565 49.35417 HS 55.03472 51.36574 59.81481 50.35648 43.69444 51.37037 51.21759 51.37037 52.25695 46.66667 54.34027 49.33334 LB 58.13889 58.05556 54.86111 49.68056 42.96065 55.22685 53.21528 54.18518 53.47222 44.23148 51.87732 47.47685 LL 53.08565 50.05555 57.6875 48.875 42.875 49.03473 49.96296 48.2338 50.39352 44.23611 49.99305 46.44444 LDLK 76.125 57.46528 58.33334 52.5 47.05556 69.45602 61.31019 66.11111 65.91666 49.96296 61.81018 52.5 LDPQ 100 57.96065 58.13889 51.27084 45.74074 67.9537 59.44445 63.01852 63 46.90278 59.81481 51.90972 PTXL 59.54861 100 54.66667 48.28704 42.37037 53 52.25 53.22917 53.06018 45.28704 55.59259 49.19445 PTZB 55.90278 53.90741 100 49.63426 45.13194 55.77546 52.08333 57.75 54.71991 46.27778 53.95834 49.46991 QL 51.27084 48.28704 50.33334 100 59.28704 54.98611 54.51389 54.40046 57.46528 57.29167 59.20139 61.26158 SC 43.62963 38.39815 43.78472 57.72685 100 47.30324 45.22222 45.35417 48.9537 55.5 49.89815 54.41204 WM 67.125 53 55.06944 54.24306 48.71527 100 60.84722 68.83333 66.43519 49.67361 60.2963 54.60648 XY 58.70139 49.5 51.38889 53.78703 44.53704 63.1875 100 64.44445 63.14814 48.875 59.88889 52.9213 ZF 63.01852 52.5 57.03704 52.86805 46.79398 68.83333 64.44445 100 68.83333 49.62963 60.46759 54.44445 ZNBL 62.22223 51.60648 54.00926 58.23148 48.9537 64.00463 63.14814 68.01389 100 51.94445 67.2963 59 ZNSTZ 44.77084 41.23148 45.59723 56.52778 55.5 47.51389 48.16666 48.14814 51.94445 100 53.66667 65.2963 ZYHH 59.81481 54.86111 53.95834 60.78009 52.09954 59.48148 61.44445 61.28472 68.14816 54.44445 100 61.33334 ZYNH 51.15741 45.62963 48.77315 58.93519 52.9213 55.38657 52.9213 52.11111 57.36111 66.88889 61.33334 100

4. Historical variation in Bouyei: Initials and tones

4.0. Introduction In this chapter we use the word lists collected from each data point to analyze the historical variation of Bouyei initials and tones. We compared the data with the proto-Tai initials and tones as determined by Li Fangkuei [Li 1977]. We do not analyze the historical variation of vowels in this study. The lexical items in the word lists were grouped by proto-initial, and the patterns of phono- logical change were fairly evident in general. Notes were made on how the proto-initials were realized in the modern Bouyei of our data. These notes are given below, along with summary tables for those initials that show a degree of variation. Initials are discussed in order of point of articulation from front to back. Historical variation of tones in a lect is closely connected to the voicing of initials. As Li states, It is generally believed that a voiced consonant initial had the tendency to depress the tone, so that the two tone series were distinguished by pitch level (Li 1977:26).

In other words, the tone on words with a voiced initial would tend to be phonetically lower over time, and then the tone on words with a voiceless initial would tend to be higher. These phonetic differences would then turn into phonemic differences, splitting one tone into two. Therefore, the study of both the initials and tones of a tonal language are of interest. Bouyei is a Northern Tai language, so we assume that changes from proto-Tai to modern Bouyei reflect the historical process of phonemic variation. Bouyei is significantly varied from lect to lect (the western Bouyei lects having much of the characteristics of Central Tai), so that taking proto-Tai as the proto-form is not unreasonable. The items 1–432 in our word list were used for this analysis. Items 433–503 have few known proto-forms and the lexical differences across lects are so varied as to make historic phonemic change impossible. Most of the items 433–503 are adverbs, conjunctions, etc. The notation “*” denotes a proto-sound or proto-form, and “→” denotes “is realized as.” So “*b → p” means “proto-b is realized by p (in modern Bouyei).” For each proto-initial, a table is given for each of the examples if there is variation. If there is no variation no table is needed, and the example numbers are given in parenthesis. The examples are those lexical items that reflect the proto-form given in Li. Lexical items that are realized in Bouyei by another proto-form are of course not included as examples. For instance, in considering the proto-initial *th, the proto-form 33 ‘bank, shore’ *sg/cdl has no modern Bouyei reflexes (they are all of different forms, [oX=M], [gDm], etc.), so is not included as an example of that proto-initial. Finally, Bailey charts9 were made for the proto-initial items that showed more than nominal variation. Bailey charts allow us to see the pattern of change of the proto-initial across the various lectal points.

9 A way to organize sound change across lects. See Bailey 1973.

498 4. Historical variation in Bouyei: Initials and tones 499

4.1. Labials 4.1.1. Notes *p (16 ‘year’, 42 ‘board’, 87 ‘duck’, 112 ‘mouth’, 128 ‘lungs’, 272 ‘to blow’, 281 ‘to go’, 337 ‘paternal grandfather’, 373 ‘eight’, 377 ‘hundred’, 391 ‘flat’) The reflexes for this sound are largely unchanged. There are isolated instances where it has changed to another sound (v, pj, ph, pfh). The item ‘flat’ seems to have two or three groups of words which are all quite similar, one ending in n, another in m, and another beginning with fa. It is hard to tell whether it is one lexical item or two. Regardless, the initials of the various points for this word mainly show a p initial. Note that ph occurs in ZNSTZ and ZYNH. Reflexes almost all have odd tones as expected. Items 112 ‘mouth’ *o`j7, 128 ‘lungs’ *oLBs7, 373 ‘eight’ *oDs7 and 377 ‘hundred’ *o`j7 sometimes have even tones. DY, LL, and XY consistently have these items (at least three out of four items), and only these items, as even. [*p → p] *ph (91 ‘feather’, 117 ‘forehead’, 162 ‘clothing’) There are three examples of words with this proto-initial in our data. This sound has become completely unaspirated. In most places 117 ‘forehead’ has become palatalized. The only word retaining evidence of aspiration is 162 ‘clothing’ in ZYNH [ed5]. In general, 81 ‘feather’ *ogLm0 and 162 ‘clothing’ *og/a^^5 reflexes have kept their proto-tones. In 117 ‘forehead’ th *og``j7, reflex tones have changed to odd; only LL has the 8 tone. [*ph → p] *b (163 ‘cloth’, 238 ‘to swell’, 328 ‘father’, 332 ‘wife’, 333 ‘elder sibling’, 404 ‘fat’, 444 ‘expensive’) The lexical item used for 332 ‘wife’ *a`1 is most often of the form *i`. For other lexical items, this initial has become [p]. The proto-word 238 ‘to swell’ *aBM1 has only been retained in DSNZ and ZYHH, both of which have an odd tone. For the other items, the even tone has been almost exclusively retained. [*b → p]

*fa (6 ‘sky’, 24 ‘well’, 38 ‘village’, 62 ‘leaf’, 119 ‘shoulder’, 167 ‘mat’, 284 ‘to fly’, 323 ‘woman’, 380 ‘some’, 393 ‘thin/flimsy’, 403 ‘light (weight)’) This sound has remained [fa] in all points. Items 38 ‘small village’ *fa`m2, 167 ‘mat’ *fahm2, and th 383 ‘thin/flimsy’ *fa`M2 often have a 4 tone. CH, XY, ZNSTZ, and ZYNH preserve th the odd tone. In the rest of the places it has changed to 4 tone. [*fa → fa] *m (72 ‘horse’, 99 ‘ant’, 116 ‘beard’, 154 ‘spicy’, 170 ‘knife’, 280 ‘to come’, 329 ‘mother’, 345 ‘you’) This sound has remained the same. Tones are consistent with the proto- form. [*m → m] *hm (11 ‘mist/fog’, 66 ‘fruit’, 69 ‘pig’, 71 ‘dog’, 78 ‘bear’, 101 ‘flea’, 199 ‘ink’, 418 ‘new’) This sound has lost aspiration and has consistently changed to [m]. Items 11 ‘mist/fog’ *glBj7, 66 ‘fruit’ *gl`j7, and 188 ‘ink’ *glLj7 mostly have reflexes with odd tones, but some are still even. AL, DY, LL, and XY retain even tones most of the time. The rest of the items have almost exclusively odd tones. [*hm → m]

500 4. Historical variation in Bouyei: Initials and tones

*f The item 208 ‘to dream’ *e=m0 has reflexes with velar fricative initials. The exact phonetic values of these initials are hard to know, because the word is always preceded by another morpheme which influences the initial. However, the tone on ‘dream’ is always either 2nd or 4th: [*f → w/v] in all places except SC, ZNSTZ, and ZYNH, where [*f → f]. Tones of the reflexes are same as the proto-forms, almost always odd, with the exception of the above mentioned item 208. See Bailey chart. *v There are five examples of this initial in the data. The reflexes of the items all have even tones with very few exceptions. [*v → v] or [*v → f]. See Bailey chart.

*w There are only two items in our data with this proto-initial. One item, 176 ‘fan’ *vh1 has reflexes with p in each lectal point. The tones are all even. The other item 80 ‘bat’ *v``t5 has either v or w initials, but mostly v. The tone is always even, mostly tone 2 but sometimes tone 6. Due to the dearth of examples, the tendencies of this proto-initial are speculative. [*w → w,p]. See Bailey chart. *hw (150 ‘sweet’, 247 ‘comb’) This proto-initial only has two examples in our data, 150 ‘sweet’ *gv`m0 and 247 ‘to comb’ *gvh0. The reflexes for 150 ‘sweet’ are all w or v, except for ZYNH, which has f. Item 247 ‘to comb’ has p.Y.y.r reflexes. The tones for this proto-initial are all odd, indicating a voiceless initial. It is impossible to see any historical trend for this proto-initial from our data, or for *hw and *w together. 4.1.2. Summary

There is very little variation of the sounds *p, *ph, *b, *fa, *m, and *hm. Aspiration on the stop and nasal have been virtually lost. Stops have remained [+stop] and nasals have remained [+nasal]. Sound *b has lost voicing. In the summary table for *f, we will lump w and v reflex initials together, since this will provide a clearer picture of the sound change pattern, and since these two initials are frequently merged.

*f → f SC, ZNSTZ, ZYNH *f → w/v All other places For *v, the summary table is

*v → f AL, CH, DSNZ, LB, LDLK, LDPQ, PTXL, WM, XY, ZF, ZNBL *v → v/F AS, SC *v → v/w CS, GD, HS, LL, PTZB, ZNSTZ, ZYHH, DSSY, DY, QL, ZYNH *w and *hw have too few examples to make a summary. 4.2. Bilabial and labiodental clusters 4.2.1. Notes *pl Three examples. The tones are all odd as expected. This initial has developed as [*pl → pj/i] except in the northwest, where [*pl → pj/i → p]. See Bailey chart. *pr (156 ‘cucumber’, 361 ‘to hunt’) Two examples. The reflexes of 156 ‘cucumber’ *oqhDM0 have sb/s/fc/oi. Note that oi, sb, and fc occur at only one place. The words for 361 ‘to hunt’ *oq=t4 are mostly different lexical items, but

4. Historical variation in Bouyei: Initials and tones 501

some are of the form s@t4. The tones are all odd as expected. It seems that *pr → t is the trend for Bouyei, but the tone originated from the voiceless p of *pr. Only LB retains the bilabial stop initial.

phl/r Seven examples. For the item 160 ‘taro’ ogk/qLdj7, the word is sometimes of the form oX, and DY has v=f6. The tones are almost always odd, as expected. Item 160 ‘taro’ has an even tone occurring in LL and XY. Use [*phl/r → pj/i] for all areas except the northwest, where [*phl/r → ph/p]. See Bailey chart. *bl/br (279 ‘to climb’) One example. [*bl/r → p]

*fak/q (4 ‘moon’, 132 ‘navel’) Two examples. Initials of the reflexes are mostly fc. The initials t-, l-, and f- also occur once each. From *fak/q, the glottal and the l/r portion seem to have blended, resulting in fc-. Tones are almost always odd, as expected. [*fak/q → fc]

*flk/q No examples.

*vl (357 ‘ashes’) This word has reflexes of the form s@t5, with some slight variations in nucleus or tone. The tone on the reflexes is mostly tone 6. DY has v`:t3, retaining the bilabial. 4.2.2. Summary Summary table for *pl

*pl → p AS, QL, SC, ZNSTZ, ZYNH *pl → pj/pi All other places Summary table for *pr

*pr → pj LB *pr → sb, fc AL, AS *pr → t All other places Summary table for *phl/r

*phl/r → p/ph AS, QL, SC, ZNSTZ, ZYNH *phl/r → pj/pi All other places Summary table for *vl

*vl → w DY *vl → t All other places

The point of articulation of the initials derived from *pr, *fak/q, and even *vl is largely alveolar, following the point of articulation of the second consonant in the original cluster. The tone, however, is generally odd, being derived from the first consonant of the cluster. *pl and *phl/r have retained a glide in all areas except in the northwest areas where it has simplified to [p] or [ph], as in 3 ‘thunder’ and 273 ‘walk’ in ZNST, ZYNH, ZYNH, and SC.

502 4. Historical variation in Bouyei: Initials and tones

4.3. Alveolars 4.3.1. Notes *t (41 ‘door’, 44 ‘stool’, 68 ‘animal’, 123 ‘foot’, 130 ‘liver’, 226 ‘wear’, 298 ‘fall’, 346 ‘he’, 348 ‘we’, 383 ‘every’, 387 ‘short (length)’, 389 ‘short (height)’) The reflexes are largely [t], tones are odd, except for 66 ‘animal’ with even tones, which indicates *d. [*t → t] *th (46 ‘chopsticks’, 159 ‘bean’, 252 ‘take off’) There are no reflexes with aspiration. [*th → t] *d (32 ‘river’, 131 ‘abdomen’, 184 ‘rod, stick’, 339 ‘maternal grandfather’, 379 ‘all’, 413 ‘wet’) The reflexes all have a [t] initial. The tones of the reflexes of the four examples with even tone are almost all even as well. The tones of the reflexes of the one example with odd tone are all odd. [*d → t]

*fc (61 ‘forest’, 110 ‘nose’, 145 ‘drink’, 153 ‘salty’, 191 ‘hemp’, 270 ‘scold’, 366 ‘one (cardinal)’, 425 ‘hot’, 427 ‘good’, 463 ‘inside’) All the reflexes have fc- initials. The proto-forms with open syllables have reflexes with odd tone, except for 181 ‘hemp’ *fc`h2, which mostly has reflexes of tone 4 or 6. XY, ZNSTZ, and ZYNH have tone 3. Item 425 ‘hot (weather)’ *fct`s7 has mostly odd tone reflexes, with only LL, LDPQ, and XY having an even tone. This switch in the preglottalized initial category from tone 3 to 4 is a characteristic feature of some Northern Tai languages (see Snyder 1995). [*fc → fc] *n (25 ‘earth’, 49 ‘field (paddy)’, 138 ‘meat’, 274 ‘sleep’, 276 ‘sit’, 334 ‘younger sibling’, 385 ‘small’, 436 ‘muddy, cloudy’, 471 ‘this’) For 276 ‘to sit’ *m`M5 a few places have n-, but most have a voiced fronted fricative like z- or p-. However, in all the other examples all points have n-. Tones are almost all even, as expected. [*n → n] *hn (82 ‘rat’, 108 ‘face’, 137 ‘skin’, 261 ‘steam’, 360 ‘arrow’, 392 ‘thick’, 402 ‘heavy’, 424 ‘deaf’, 426 ‘cold (weather)’, 440 ‘tired’) Initials of reflexes are n- across the board. Tones are odd as expected. [*hn → n] 4.3.2. Summary These initials have remained largely unchanged, except for the loss of aspiration on *th and *hn, and the loss of voicing on *d. 4.4. Alveolar clusters 4.4.1. Notes

*tl Both examples have reflexes with p, y, Y, i, G, F, g, q, r, and b. Tones are tone 5 and tone 1, as expected. See Bailey chart. *tr (109 ‘eye’, 263 ‘die’) Reflexes all have t-, and odd, mostly tone 1, tones. [*tr → t]

*thl 188 ‘plough’ *sgk=h0 has reflexes with front voiceless fricative initials. Most frequently occurring are sb/sr and b/r. Item 253 ‘to ask’ *sgk`l0 has reflexes with G/F or g/w initials. Tones are always odd. Since there are only two examples, no

4. Historical variation in Bouyei: Initials and tones 503

patterns can be seen.

*thr 187 ‘weaving machine’ *sgqtnj8 has different lexical items, of the forms Y/pn4 and r/sbt=M1/3. Item 271 ‘to weep’ *sgq=h2 has t/th- initials. All the others have frontal fricatives (mostly voiced) and sometimes velar fricatives. The tones are largely odd. See Bailey chart.

*dl The reflexes for 8 ‘wind’ *cktnl1 and 304 ‘to steal’ *ck=j7 have voiced fronted fricatives, y/Y/p. The reflexes for 230 ‘to roll’ *ckB3 and 297 ‘to pull’ *ck`j0/ have k/Y/y. Item 230 has only one place (ZNBL) with a reflex. Tones are largely even as expected, with only intermittent appearances of odd tone. See Bailey chart. *dr Tones are even as expected. See Bailey chart.

*fck/q (1 ‘sun’, 5 ‘star’, 103 ‘earthworm’, 105 ‘body’, 136 ‘bone’, 407 ‘red’) All the initials of the reflexes have fc, with no variation. For the proto-forms, the open syllable forms have odd tone, and the closed syllable forms have even tones. The reflexes of the open syllable forms are all odd tone, as expected. The reflexes of the closed syllable forms are mostly odd, with just a few places retaining an even D tone. Those places are DY, GD, LL, SC, and XY. [*fck/q → *fc]

*nl/r Compare with *dl/r and *dl and *dr above. Reflex tones for 23 ‘water’ *mk/q=l3 are almost all tone 4. The other two examples have even tone D proto-forms. Most of the places have even tone reflexes, as expected. Places having odd D tones are AL, DY, and ZYHH. Item 464 ‘outside’ has [l] as an initial once. See Bailey chart. 4.4.2. Summary Summary table for *tl

*tl → s SC, ZNSTZ, ZYNH *tl → F/G HS *tl → h LB *tl → j QL *tl → p/y/Y All other places Summary table for *thr

*thr → s SC, ZNSTZ, ZYNH *thr → F/j/k/h HS, LB *thr → j QL *thr → p/y/Y All other places Summary table for *dl (mainly for items 8 and 304)

*dl → l DY *dl → F/k HS *dl → j QL *dl → l/p/Y/z All other places

504 4. Historical variation in Bouyei: Initials and tones

Summary table for *dr

*dr → l/Y DSSY, DY, GD, LL *dr → F/w HS *dr → j/y QL *dr → p/Y/z All other places Summary table for *nl/r

*nl/r → p/z/l DY, PTZB *nl/r → F/G HS *nl/r → j QL *nl/r → p/Y/y All other places Notice the similarity among the tables above. For each cluster above, most places realize a voiced alveolar or dental fricative. HS realizes a velar fricative in general—QL a palatal glide. In SC, ZNSTZ, and ZYNH, *tl and *thr are realized as voiceless alveolar fricatives instead of voiced. In DY *dl, *dr, and *nl/r are realized as either lateral or a voiced alveolar fricative. 4.5. Liquids 4.5.1. Notes

*k (79 ‘monkey’, 114 ‘tongue’, 134 ‘blood’, 139 ‘oil (pig)’, 221 ‘split apart’, 255 ‘forget’, 262 ‘live’, 301 ‘select’, 330 ‘child’, 384 ‘big’, 430 ‘deep’) No variation. The tones are even, as are the proto-forms, with very little exception. [*l → l] *hl (125 ‘back’, 146 ‘liquor’, 181 ‘umbrella’, 239 ‘flow’, 293 ‘flow (water)’, 293 ‘close (door)’, 308 ‘fear’, 336 ‘grandson’, 381 ‘many’, 433 ‘bright’, 442 ‘loose’, 468 ‘below’) All the proto-forms except 293 ‘to close’ *gk=o6 have k- initials consistently. Item 293 mostly has initials w, g, F, or G. This is the only example that has retained the aspirated friction of *hl. The tones are odd as expected from the tones of the proto-forms. [*hl → l] *r Tones of the reflexes are even as expected. See Bailey chart. *hr Though the proto-tone is tone 8, most of the places have the reflex with odd tone. Places with even tone are GD, LL, and XY. See Bailey chart. 4.5.2. Summary Summary table for *r

*r → F/v HS *r → j QL *r → p/Y/z All others

4. Historical variation in Bouyei: Initials and tones 505

Summary table for *hr

*hr → b SC, ZNSTZ, ZYNH *hr → F HS *hr → j DSNZ, LB, QL *hr → p/Y All others Both *l and *hl are realized by [l] in all places except for 283. *r and *hr are realized by a velar fricative in HS and are realized by a palatal glide in QL. The other places, in general, are realized by voiced alveolar or dental fricatives. This is quite similar to the realization of the alveolar clusters. 4.6. Alveolar fricatives and affricates 4.6.1. Notes

*s 375 ‘ten’ *rho6, bho7/0/ has reflexes with even tones, except for LDLK and ZYHH. This indicates *z or *dz. The reflexes for the rest of the proto-forms have odd tone as expected. See Bailey chart. *z Tones are even as expected. See Bailey chart.

*b 127 ‘heart’ *bdL/Dh has only two reflexes in our data. The other places had another lexical item, usually a variation of . Tones are odd in every place, though LL has an even tone for 438 ‘tasteless’ *bLts7. See Bailey chart.

*bg No examples.

*sb No examples.

*cY All the proto-forms are even and their reflexes are even as well, except for 322 ‘man’ *cY/r`h0, which is even, indicating a voiceless proto-initial. See Bailey chart. 4.6.2. Summary Summary table for *s

*s → Y/r LB *s → K ZNSTZ, ZYNH *s → S/r All other places Summary table for *z

*z → Y/r LB *z → S/r/sr AS, PTZB,DY, GD, HS, ZF *z → K ZNSTZ, ZYNH *z → S/r All other places

506 4. Historical variation in Bouyei: Initials and tones

Summary table for *b

*b → tb/ts AS, DSSY, DY, GD, HS, LL, PTZB, QL, SC, ZNSTZ, ZYNH *b → s LB *b → b All other places

Summary table for *cY

*cY → sb/sr AS, DSSY,DY,GD, HS, LL,QL, SC, ZNSTZ, ZYNH *dY → b/r All other places As can be seen from the summary tables, for the alveolar fricatives LB stands out as a bit different; the realizations of *s and *z often being voiced. *s and *z are realized by a lateral fricative in ZNSTZ and ZYNH. For most places, *s and *z are realized by voiceless alveolar or dental fricatives.

*b and *cY are realized in most places by voiceless alveolar fricatives, though they are realized by voiceless alveolar affricates in the northwest lectal points and some of the eastern lectal points. 4.7. Palatals 4.7.1. Notes

*¯ (47 ‘broom’, 97 ‘mosquito’, 214 ‘sew’, 365 ‘two (ordinal)’) ¯ initials are by far the most common, though n- and M- also occur. Item 365 ‘two (ordinal)’ *¯h5 has several places that have M-. Tones are for the most part even as expected, though 214 ‘to sew’ *¯hdo7 has an odd tone reflex in several places. [*¯ → ¯]

*g¯ (56 ‘grass’) Item 56 ‘grass’ *g¯L`2 has reflexes with the ¯- initial, and with odd tones as expected. [*h¯ → ¯] *j (246 ‘stretch out’, 338 ‘paternal grandfather’, 447 ‘difficult’) Item 246 ‘to stretch out (hand)’ *iL=m5 has a few reflexes with the j- initial, but some of them are from another lexical item. Only those directly corresponding to the proto-form are kept. The reflexes for the two proto-forms with *i- are j- as expected. The reflexes for 447 ‘difficult’ *i/fi`j7/0/ are largely fi-. Tones are even for 246 and 338, but are mixed for 447. Places with odd tones are AS, GD, SC, XY, ZNSTZ, ZYNH. Places with even tones are DY, SH, LL. [*j → j]

*fi (155 ‘hungry’, 189 ‘hoe’, 234 ‘borrow’, 260 ‘stay’) Most places have fi- initials, though three places (DSSY, LB, XY) have mixed fi/i-, and DSNZ has j-. There are two proto-forms with even tones (155 ‘hungry’ *fiL`j7, 189 ‘hoe’ *fi`j7). The reflex tones are largely odd, though DY, LL, LDLK, and XY have even tones. The other two forms have odd tone reflexes, except for DY and LDLK (which have only even tones for this proto-initial). See Bailey chart.

4. Historical variation in Bouyei: Initials and tones 507

4.7.2. Summary

Summary table for *fi

*fi → fi/i DSSY, LB, XY *fj → j DSNZ *fi → fi All others

*¯ and *g¯ are both realized by a voiced palatal nasal and *j and *fi have remained unchanged, though the glottal portion of *fi has been lost in some places. 4.8. Velars 4.8.1. Notes *k (77 ‘tiger’, 85 ‘chicken’, 144 ‘eat’, 313 ‘cut’, 344 ‘I’, 374 ‘nine’, 422 ‘old (thing)’, 423 ‘old (person)’, 484 ‘ahead, before’) Item 313 ‘to cut’ *j`s7 only has two places with this reflex. The initials of the reflexes of the other forms are k-, with kh- or sb- only a few times. Item 422 ‘old (person)’ *jD4 often has sb-. Tones are odd as expected. [*k → k] *kh (76 ‘horn’, 89 ‘owl’, 121 ‘leg’, 285 ‘ride (horse)’, 303 ‘sell’, 362 ‘kill’) SC, ZNSTZ, ZYNH have one or more reflexes with kh-. For several places the initial for 89 ‘owl’ *jg`t2 is sb-. The proto-forms with an even tone (285 ‘to ride’ *jg/f__5, and 319 ‘person’ *jgnm1) have mostly even tone reflexes. This suggests that, especially in the case of 319, during the time of the tone split the initial may have been voiced. All the other forms have odd tones as expected. See Bailey chart. *g (174 ‘three-legged stand’, 331 ‘husband’, 395 ‘narrow’, 399 ‘crooked’, 467 ‘above’) Item 174 ‘three-legged stand’ *ghhM1, has sb/A/ji initial, and mostly even tone as expected. Items 331 ‘husband’ and 395 ‘narrow’ have various sets of lexical items. Items 399 ‘crooked’ and 467 ‘above’ all have reflexes with a [k] initial. For these last two items, [*g → k]. For 174, [*g → sb].

*M (15 ‘day’, 20 ‘noon meal’, 30 ‘silver’, 449 ‘easy’) Item 449 ‘easy’ *M`h5 has only a few places with this reflex. Each place has M- initials and even tones. No variation. [*M → M]

*gM (266 ‘hear’, 273 ‘yawn’) The first example, 266 ‘to hear’ *gMi__, has ¯-. The second example, 273 ‘to yawn’ *gM`t0, has G, p, Y, F, y, and j. The initials for the reflexes of these two proto-forms are quite different, and it is difficult to see any patterns. Tones are odd.

*x Note differences in voicing, as well as the occurrence of j and b/r. The reflex tones of the odd tone proto-forms are odd, as well as the reflex tones of the even tone proto- forms. However, 143 ‘to bite’ *w/Fdo6 most often has reflexes with even tones, except AL, LL, LDLK, QL, ZNSTZ, ZYHH, and ZYNH. See Bailey chart.

508 4. Historical variation in Bouyei: Initials and tones

*F Item 14 ‘evening’ *F=l5 is always preceded by another morpheme that normally ends with -M, and can influence the nature of the reflex initial. Reflexes of 14 ‘evening’ with a M- initial, are assumed to have a G- initial. Item 351 has a glottal stop initial for all the reflexes. The reflexes of 351 ‘other people’ *FL=m4 have odd tones. The reflexes of the other proto-forms all have even tones as expected. See Bailey chart. 4.8.2. Summary Summary table for *kh

*kh → k/kh SC, ZNSTZ, ZYNH *kh → k All other places Summary table for *x

*x → F/G/i AL, AS, CS, DSNZ, DY, GD, HS, LDLK, LDPQ, LL, PTZB, ZF, ZNBL, ZYHH *x → x/h CH, DSSY, LB, PTXL, WM, XY *x → x/j QL *x → x/s/b SC, ZNSTZ, ZYNH

Summary table for *F

*F → F/G AL, AS, CS, DY, GD, HS, LL, LDLK, LDPQ, PTZB, SC, ZF, ZNBL, ZNSTZ, ZYHH, ZYNH *F → x CH, DSNZ, DSSY, LB, PTXL, QL, WM, XY *k and *kh are both realized as a voiceless velar stop, with evidence of the original aspiration only in SC, ZNSTZ, and ZYNH. In most places, *x is realized by a voiced initial and *F is realized by a voiced velar or glottal fricative. However, in CH, DSSY, LB, PTXL, QL, WM, and XY the voicing is reversed. 4.9. Velar clusters 4.9.1. Notes *kl Three places have consistent aspiration, all on reflexes from the three proto-forms of tone 3. They are SC, ZNSTZ, and ZYNH. Tones are all odd as expected. See Bailey chart. *kr Tones are odd (tone 1) as expected. See Bailey chart. *khl Tones are odd as expected. See Bailey chart. *khr Tones are odd, largely tone 5, as expected. See Bailey chart. *gl Tones are largely even, though there are a few instances of odd tones. See Bailey chart. *gr No examples.

*Mk/q No examples.

4. Historical variation in Bouyei: Initials and tones 509

*xr Tones are odd as expected. Tones of 111 ‘ear’ *wq/FqLt1 are even, indicating the voiced velar fricative. See Bailey chart.

*kw 394 ‘wide’ *jv/jgv`M0 has a few places with an l- initial. The reflex initials for 312 are all fv/ft-. The reflex initials of 315 and most places for 394 are kw/ku/ko-. Tones of 312 ‘to wipe’ *jv__s8 are odd, except for DY, GD, and LL. Tones for 315 ‘to cut (grass)’ *jv__2 are largely even. This is unexpected. Tones of 394 are odd as expected. [*kw → kw/ku-/ko] *khw No examples.

*gw For 465 ‘right (side)’ *jv/gv`0/1, the tones are tone 2 for all places (except SC, which as another lexical item) indicating a voiced velar stop during the tone split in Bouyei. The reflex initials are all kw- as well. [*gw → kw]

*Mv 15 ‘day’ *Mv=m1 is the one example of this proto-initial. Tones are even as expected. See Bailey chart.

*xw 229 ‘to hang’ *wvDm0, has Mv- in DSNZ, kw- in DSSY, and ¯u- in PTXL. Item 165 ‘pants’ *wv`4 has wh- in ZYNH. Tones are odd as expected. See Bailey chart.

*Fv Each place has w/v- reflex initials for 73 ‘water buffalo’ *Fv`h1. For 358 ‘smoke’ *Fvt=1, most places have w/v, some have x/f. Tones are even as expected, except for XY which has ft=m4. See Bailey chart. 4.9.2. Summary Summary table for *kl

*kl → k AS, QL, SC, ZNSTZ, ZYNH *kl → k/sb AL, PTZB, ZF *kl → sb All others Summary table for *kr

*kr → F HS *kr → j QL *kr → s SC, ZNSTZ, ZYNH *kr → p/y/Y All others Summary table for *khl

*khl → sb DSNZ, DSSY, DY, GD, HS, LL, PTXL, XY *khl → k All others Summary table for *khr

*khr → k AS, QL, ZNSTZ, ZYNH *khr → sb All others

510 4. Historical variation in Bouyei: Initials and tones

Summary table for *gl

*gl → F HS *gl → I QL *gl → p/y/Y All others Summary table for *xr

*xr → j QL *xr → s/b SC, ZNSTZ, ZYNH *xr → w/F/y HS, LB *xr → p/y/Y All others

Summary table for *Mv

*Mv → Mv/Mt All others *Mv → M LDLK *Mv → w/v XY, ZF, ZNBL, ZNSTZ, ZYHH, ZYNH Summary table for *xw

*xw → f/b SC, ZNSTZ, ZYNH *xw → w/v All others

Summary table for *Fv

)Fv → x/f CH, DSSY, LDLK, WM, XY )Fv → w/v All others It seems that *khr and *khl would pattern together different from *kl, but this is not the case. The realizations of *khl are somewhat the inverse of the realizations of *khr and *kl. However, there is only one example of *khr and *khl each in our data. *kr, *gl, and *xr pattern very closely. The three western lects SC, ZNST, and ZYNH pattern differently for *kr/*xr than for *gl; *kr/*xr being realized by voiceless alveolar fricatives in these three lects. In the three western lects *xw is realized by voiceless fricatives, similar to the realizations of *xr and *kr in those three lects.

4. Historical variation in Bouyei: Initials and tones 511

4.10. Glottals 4.10.1. Notes

)f (57 ‘sugar cane’, 63 ‘thorn’, 88 ‘goose’, 124 ‘chest’, 126 ‘goiter’, 129 ‘brain’, 161 ‘reed’, 218 ‘hold’, 237 ‘cough’, 248 ‘pain’, 295 ‘open (mouth)’, 300 ‘take’, 364 ‘one (ordinal)’, 397 ‘soft’) Item 161 ‘reed’ *f/fM^^0 has 13 reflexes with fM-, but only one with f-. The reflexes of the other proto-forms all have f-. Tones are largely odd as expected. Item 57 ‘sugar cane’ *fBh2 and 218 ‘to hold (a child)’ *ftl2 mostly have tone 4 reflexes, though for ZNSTZ tones are odd for both items. [*f → f] *h (12 ‘morning’, 258 ‘search’, 370 ‘five’, 409 ‘yellow’, 450 ‘fragrant’) The tones are largely odd, except in SC, where most of the tones are even. See Bailey chart. 4.10.2. Summary Summary table for *h

*h → x/h AL, AS, CS, DSNZ, DY, GD, LL, LDLK, LDPQ, PTZB, ZF, ZNBL, ZYHH *h → F/f HS *h → F/G/i All others

*f remains largely unchanged. *h retains its voiceless quality in about half the places, and has become voiced in the other areas. 4.11. Tones 4.11.1. Tone values and categories Below, the tone values and tone categories of each data point are given. AL AS CH 1 = 33 1 = 13 1 = 24 2 = 41 2 = 31 2 = 31 3 = 45 3 = 44 3 = 53 4 = 52 4 = 42 4 = 42 5 = 24 5 = 24 5 = 45 6 = 13 6 = 33 6 = 44 7 = 9 = 45 7 = 9 = 24 7 = 9 = 45 8 = 10 = 22 8 = 10 = 33 8 = 10 = 44

512 4. Historical variation in Bouyei: Initials and tones

CS DSNZ DSSY 1 = 13 1 = 34 1 = 24 2 = 21 2 = 41 2 = 41 3 = 22 3 = 43 3 = 33 4 = 41 4 = 453 4 = 51 5 = 25 5 = 35 5 = 35 6 = 33/44 6 = 34 6 = 55 7 = 9 = 34 7 = 9 = 23 7 = 9 = 35 8 = 21 8 = 10 = 44 8 = 32 10 = 33 10 = 44

DY GD HS 1 = 24 1 = 35 1 = 24 2 = 33 2 = 23 2 = 31 3 = 31 3 = 14 3 = 33 4 = 41 4 = 32 4 = 41 5 = 44 5 = 44 5 = 35 6 = 35 6 = 42 6 = 53 7 = 45 7 = 45 7 = 9 = 35 8 = 33 8 = 13 8 = 44 9 = 44 9 =3 3/34 10 = 42 10 = 25 10 = 44

LB LL LDLK 1 = 13 1 = 35 1 = 24 2 = 21 2 = 24 2 = 423 3 = 33 3 = 35 3 = 33 4 = 42 4 = 31, 32 4 = 31 5 = 35 5 = 34, 44 5 = 35 6 = 55 6 = 53 6 = 41 7 = 9 = 35 7 = 45 7 = 9 = 35 8 = 21 8= 24 8 = 10 = 33 10 = 55 9 = 34 9 = 31 10 = 55

LDPQ PTXL PTZB 1 = 24 1 = 13 1 = 24 2 = 323 2 = 31 2 = 31 3 = 33 3 = 33 3 = 33 4 = 31 4 = 42 4 = 41 5 = 35 5, 6 = 35 5 = 35 6 = 41 7 = 35 6 = 343 7 = 9 = 35 8 = 45 7 = 9 = 35 8 = 31 8 = 31 10 = 53 10 = 343

4. Historical variation in Bouyei: Initials and tones 513

QL SC WM 1 = 33 1 = 44 1 = 24 2 = 31 2 = 33,31 2 = 42 3 = 45 3 = 4 = 41 3 = 52 4 = 41 5 = 55 4 = 31 5 = 24 6 = 24 5 = 35 6 = 23 7 = 8 = 9 = 44 6 = 33 7 = 9 = 45 7 = 9 = 35 8 = 10 = 23 8 = 10 = 34

XY ZF ZNBL 1 = 33 1 = 34 1 = 33 2 = 52 2 = 42 2 = 31 3 = 25 3 = 45 3 = 55 4 = 35 4 = 52 4 = 42 5 = 24 5 = 24 5 = 35 6 = 41 6 = 31 6 = 24 7 = 24 7 = 9 = 45 7 = 35 8 = 44 8 = 10 = 42 8 = 24 9 = 23/22 7, 9, 10 = 35 10 = 31

ZNST ZYHH ZYNH 1 = 44 1 = 33 1 = 33 2 = 31 2 = 31 2 = 31 3 = 4 = 42 3 = 34, 44 3 = 4 =41 5 = 34 4 = 43 5 = 35 6 = 24 5 = 24 6 = 24 7 = 9 = 45 6 = 22 7 = 9 = 45 8 = 10 = 24 7 = 9 = 45 8 = 10 = 24 8 = 22 10 = 33 Below, the various data points are grouped according to how they realize each tone category. The letters in front of the data points are the tone contour (L = Low, R = Rising, M = Mid, H = High, F = Falling and D = Dip).

Tone 1 LR (AS, CH, CS, DSSY, DY, HS, LDLK, LDPQ, PTXL, PTZB, WM), M (AL, QL, SC, XY, ZNBL, ZNSTZ, ZYHH, ZYNH), HR (DSNZ, GD, LL, ZF) Tone 2 LF (AL, AS, CH, CS, DSNZ, DSSY, HS, PTXL, PTZB, QL, SC, WM, ZF, ZYHH, ZYNH), M (DY), LR (GD, LL), D (LDLK, LDPQ), HF (XY), H (ZNBL) Tone 3 M (AS, CS, DSSY, HS, LDLK, LDPQ, PTXL, PTZB, ZYHH), HR (AL, LL, QL, XY, ZF, ZYNH), HF (CH, DSNZ, SC, WM, ZNSTZ), LF (DY), MR (GD) Tone 4 HF (AL, AS, CH, CS, DSNZ, DSSY, DY, HS, PTXL, PTZB, QL, SC, WM, ZF, ZNBL, ZNSTZ, ZYHH), LF (GD, LL, LDLK, LDPQ), HR (XY, ZYNH) Tone 5 HR (AL, AS, CH, CS, DSNZ, DSSY, HS, LDLK, LDPQ, PTXL, PTZB, WM, ZNBL, ZYHH), H (DY, GD, SC), M (LL), MR (QL, XY, ZF, ZNSTZ, ZYNH)

514 4. Historical variation in Bouyei: Initials and tones

Tone 6 H (CH, CS, DSSY), HF (GD, HS, LL, LDLK, LDPQ, PTZB), LR (AL, QL, SC, ZNBL, ZNSTZ, ZYHH, ZYNH), M (AS, M), MR (DSNZ), HR (DY, PTXL), LF (XY, ZF) Tone 7 HR (AL, AS, CH, CS, DSSY, DY, GD, HS, LL, LDLK, LDPQ, PTXL, PTZB, QL, WM, XY, ZF, ZNBL, ZNSTZ, ZYHH, ZYNH), LR (DSNZ), H (SC) Tone 8 M (AL, AS, CH, DY, HS, LDLK, WM), LF (CS, DSSY, LDPQ, PTZB), H (DSNZ, XY), LR (GD, LL, QL, ZNBL, ZNSTZ, ZYNH), HR (PTXL) =7 (SC), HF (ZF), L (ZYHH) Tone 9 = 7 (AL, AS, CH, CS, DSNZ, DSSY, HS, LDPQ, PTZB, QL, SC, WM, ZF, ZNBL, ZNSTZ, ZYHH, ZYNH), H (DY), M (GD), MR (LL), LF (LDLK), N/A (PTXL), L (XY) Tone 10 = 8 (AL, AS, CH, DSNZ, LDLK, PTXL, QL, SC, WM, ZF, ZNBL, ZNSTZ, ZYNH), H (DSSY, GD, LL, XY), M (CS, ZYHH), MR (DY), F (HS), HF (LDPQ, PTZB) The realizations of the tone categories can be summed up as follows: • Tone 1 is either low-rising or mid-even. A few places have high-rising. • Tone 2 is normally low-falling, though a few other places have various other contours. • Tone 3 is often mid-even, though sometimes high-rising or high-falling. • Tone 4 is normally high-falling, a few times low-falling, and twice high-rising. • Tone 5 is often high-rising, sometimes mid-rising, sometimes high-even. • Tone 6 has all varied contours, no main tendency. • Tone 7 is almost always high-rising. • Tone 8 is varied. • Tone 9 is normally merged with tone 7, though some places have various other contours. • Tone 10 is normally merged with tone 8, though some places have various other contours. 4.11.2. Tonal flip-flop The following words exhibit tonal flip-flop. Place names noted in parenthesis are normally exceptions in Bouyei, being more like the tone of the Tai proto-form, rather than flip-flopped. • 465 ‘right (side)’ tone 2 • 34 ‘lake’ tone 2 • 499 ‘to reach, arrive’ tone 2 (PTXL is tone 1) • 152 ‘bitter’ tone 2 • 111 ‘ear’ tone 2 • 18 ‘late’ tone 2 or 4 • 285 ‘to ride’ tone 6 (DSSY and PTXL have tone 5) • 159 ‘bean’ tone 6 (PTXL has tone 5) • 135 ‘feces’ tone 4 (XY has tone 1; ZNSTZ and ZYNH have tone 3) • 51 ‘rice’ tone 4 (ZNSTZ and ZYNH have tone 3) • 320 ‘people’ people has tone 4 or 2 (ZNSTZ and ZYNH have tone 3) • 143 ‘to bite’ tone 8 (AL, LL, LDLK, QL, ZNSTZ, ZYHH, and ZYNH have tone 7) • 375 ‘ten’ tone 8 (LDLK and ZYHH have tone 7)

4. Historical variation in Bouyei: Initials and tones 515

• 52 ‘cooked’ tone 8 (CH, LB, PTZB, QL, XY, ZNBL, ZYNH), tone 7 (LDLK, LDPQ, ZYHH) Most of the reflexes of these lexical items are tonally aligned with data previously collected from Northern Tai lects—the tone is even when the proto-tone is odd. Note for three of these words PTXL retains the odd tone. ZNSTZ retains the odd proto-tone for five of the words and ZYNH for four of the words. 4.11.3. Notes on tone categories • Stopped even tones *8 and *10 have often changed to odd tones. *mk/q- words do not follow this pattern. Places that tend to preserve the even stopped tones are DY, LL, XY, and GD. Other places occasionally preserving the even tone are AL, SC, and LDLK. • )fa__2 words often have changed to tone 4. Some *f^^2, )g^^2, and *fc^^2 words have changed to tone 4 as well. For these words, CH, XY, ZNSTZ, and ZYNH tend to preserve the odd tone. • The rest of the reflex tone categories largely follow the proto-tone categories.

5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data

5.0. Introduction In this section we compare our data to that collected in the 1950s and published in BYDCBG. Of the 24 data points we surveyed, 20 matched data points surveyed in the 1950s. The data from these 20 points, as compared with the data in BYDCBG, is discussed below. We compare our data with BYDCBG in order to track phonological and lexical changes in Bouyei over the past 40 years, and to gauge the general accuracy of the 1950s data. This can only be done roughly, however, since the data in BYDCBG was not recorded on tape. It should be noted, though, that our research bears out the general accuracy of the BYDCBG data, and we can only assume that it is correct. 5.1. Anlong Pingle In comparing our 1990s data with the 1950s data, the following characteristics stand out. With regard to initials, some words transcribed with a [v] initial in the 1950s were recorded with a [w] initial. For example:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘seed’ uCm22 v@m22 ‘flower’ u`22 v`22 ‘pants’ u`13 v`13 ‘water buffalo’ u`:h20 v`:h20

Most of the words transcribed in the 1950s with [z] initial were transcribed with [p] or [Y], and one had a [n] initial. The nucleus of several of these words also was different. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘wind’ ytl20 pnl20 ‘afternoon meal’ yhM20 phM20 ‘tongue’ yhm22 phm22 ‘water’ yCl42 p`l31 ‘sit’ y`M00 m`M13 ‘to search’ y`22 p`22

Most words transcribed in the 1950s with [s] were recorded in our data with [S] or [p]. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘navel’ rCh24 p@h24 ‘paper’ r`22 S`22 ‘garlic’ rnh13 Snh13 ‘sour’ rCl24 S`l24

516 5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data 517

Some words transcribed in the 1950s with [h] were recorded in our data with [G], [F], or [i] initials. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘evening’ gCl00 F`l02 ‘bank (river)’ gCm20 FDm20 ‘sea’ g`h24 F`:h424 ‘rice’ gCt22 F`t13 ‘to go in’ gCt24 G@t13 ‘work’ gnM22 vnM22 ‘to open’ g`h22 G`h22 ‘to give’ gCh24 G@h24 ‘dry’ gL13 GX13 ‘fragrant’ gnl22 vnl22 ‘poor’ gn24 Gn24 ‘ginger’ ghM22 ihM22 The differences in the nucleus of the words transcribed in the 1950s and the same words recorded in our survey are fairly significant for many items. The nucleus [L] transcribed in the 1950s was recorded as various different vowels in our data. A few words in the 1950s data transcribed with [e] were recorded as [h@] or [hD] in our data. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘chopsticks’ sL00 sX13 ‘grass’ ¯L24 ¯X24 ‘cow’ bL24 bX30 ‘bear’ lLh22 lt=h22 ‘wing’ eL:s00 et=s13 ‘feathers’ oLm22 o=m22 ‘ear’ yL20 pX=20 ‘hand’ eLM20 enM20 ‘lungs’ oLs24 o=s24 ‘to vomit’ yuL00 Y=13 ‘to eat’ jLm22 j=m22 ‘salt’ juL22 jvX22 ‘bean’ sL00 st=13 ‘taro’ oL13 oX24 ‘boat’ yuL20 pv=20 ‘to carry fL22 f=22 (child on back)’ ‘to mend’ uL:M22 uX@M22 ‘to go up’ gLm24 G=m24 ‘to get up’ yLm13 p=m13 ‘to swallow’ fcLm42 fc=m31 ‘to look’ kL24 k=244 ‘to ride’ jLh00 jXDh13 ‘person’ uLm20 vDm20 ‘to buy’ bL42 bX=31 ‘black’ eL:m42 et=m31 ‘tasteless’ bLs24 bTs24 [u] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘wind’ ytl20 pnl20 ‘rat’ mt22 m=@m20 ‘goat’ it:M20 it`M20 ‘to boil’ ytM22 pnM13 ‘to hug’ ftl42 ft=l31 ‘to forget’ ktl20 k=l20

518 5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data

Each occurrence of [e] in the 1950s data was recorded in our research as [D]:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘mosquito’ mdM20 mDM2 ‘tooth’ gdt24 gDt24 ‘feces’ fd42 fD31 ‘towel gourd’ jud22 jvD22 ‘money’ bdm20 bhDm20 ‘strength’ ydM20 pDM20 ‘to hang’ udm22 uDm22 ‘to carry ydt24 ph@t24 (with hand)’ ‘to hurt’ sbds24 sbDs24 ‘to smile’ ydt22 phDt22 The difference in the tone values transcribed in the 1950s data and the tones recorded in our data is not great. The tone values as reported in the 1950s data and our data is given below. 1950 data Tone 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch 22 20 24 42 13 00 24 00 Example m`22 m`20 m`24 m`42 ju`13 s`00 y`o24, yCo24 j`o00, jCo00 Gloss thick field face mother’s to cross river to carry (with to press older shoulder pole), between, brother small pig basket to catch 1990 data Tone 1 2 3 4 5 6 7, 9 8, 10 Average pitch 33 41 45 52 24 13 45 22 5.2. Anshun Huangla With regard to initials, some words transcribed with a [v] initial in BYDCBG were recorded with a [w] initial. For example:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘mist/fog’ ut44 vT24 ‘rain’ uLm00 v=m22 ‘poor’ un44 vn24 ‘to mend’ utM00 vt=M02 Most words transcribed with a [z] initial in BYDCBG survey were recorded in our survey with [p].

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘wind’ yLl20 p=l20 ‘water’ y@l42 p`l31 ‘stone’ yLl00X p=:m13 ‘sand’ yd13 phD24 ‘road’ y@m20 p`:m20 ‘room’ y`m20 p`:m20

5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data 519

Some of the words transcribed with the initial [s] in BYDCBG were recorded with a [S] or [b]. Many of these words also were recorded with different nuclei. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘four’ rh13 ShDh24 ‘intestines’ r`h00 S`nh33 ‘male’ r`h00 S`:h13 ‘left’ rth42 StDh31 ‘clean’ r@h00 S`:h13 ‘to be’ rh00 bhDh02

The [L] nucleus transcribed in BYDCBG was recorded as [=] in our data. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘sky’ faLm00 fa=m13 ‘wind’ yLl20 p=l20 ‘rain’ uLm00 v=m22 ‘stone’ yLl00 p=:m13 ‘duck’ oLs13 o=s24 ‘wing’ Fls22 F=s22 ‘feather’ oLm22 o=m13 ‘tongue’ kLm42 k=m31 The nucleus [u] transcribed in BYDCBG was sometimes recorded as other nuclei in our data. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘rainbow’ stM20 stnM20 ‘pants’ srtM00 sbtnM13 ‘goat’ itM20 itnM20 ‘pig’ lt00 ltnt02 ‘to boil’ ytM00 ptnM13 ‘brain’ ftj13 fT=j13 ‘door’ st00 stnt12 ‘blood’ kts22 kt=s22 ‘earthworm’ fctm00 fcT=m13 ‘to drink’ fcts13 St=s22 ‘salt’ jt00 jvnt13 ‘drum’ jt`M00 jv`M102 ‘to ride’ jth22 jvDh22 ‘nine’ jt44 jvnt33 ‘to cut (grass)’ jt`m20 jv`m20 ‘to rest’ it13m`h13 ih33m`:h3

520 5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data

The nucleus [i] transcribed in BYDCBG was recorded in our data as various other nuclei. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘star’ fc`h13 fc@:t22 ‘fan’ oh20 ohDh30 fch13 fchdh20 ‘year’ oh00 ohdh12 ‘tail’ yhM00 ph=M13 ‘one’ fhs13 fihDs24 ‘Bouyei ot31fh42 ot20 people’ fidh31 ‘hungry’ fhj13 fi=f24 ‘fat’ oh20 ohDh31 ‘grass’ ¯h44 ¯dh33 ‘money’ sbh`m20 sbDm30 ‘scissors’ sbh`t20 sb`t30 ‘to smile’ yht42 pht33 ‘to stretch out’ fhs13 fiDs23 ‘to have’ kh42 khdh31 Below is a summary of the tonal pitch values of Anshun Huangla from BYDCBG and from our data. 1950 data Tone 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch 00 20 44 42 13 22 13 22 Example m`00 m`20 m`44 m`13 ju`13 s`22 y`o13, y@o13 j`o22, j@o22 Gloss thick field face mother’s to cross river to carry (with to press older shoulder pole), between, brother small pig basket to catch 1990 data Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7, 9 8, 10 Pitch value 13 31 44 42 24 33 24 33 5.3. Ceheng Huarong With regard to initials, some words transcribed with labialization or with [w] in BYDCBG were recorded with a different initial in our data. For example:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘spider’ jv`t22 jCt22 ‘root’ yv`11 p`22 ‘free time’ v`M24 k`M24

5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data 521

Most words transcribed with a [z] initial in BYDCBG survey were recorded in our survey with [p].

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘wind’ ytl20 pTl20 ‘afternoon meal’ yhM20 phM20 ‘stone’ yhm02 phm13 ‘water’ yCl22 p`l31 ‘sand’ yd24 pD24 ‘road’ yBm02 pBm13

Some of the words transcribed with the initial [s] in BYDCBG were recorded with a [S]. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘garlic’ rnh24 Snh24 ‘sour’ rBl42 Snl42 ‘four’ rh24 Sh24 ‘high’ r`M02 S`:M13 ‘straight’ rn11 Snm22 ‘clean’ rCL02 S@h13 The [h] initial transcribed in BYDCBG was recorded as [x] in our data. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘rain’ gtm02 wv=m13 ‘sea’ g`h42 w`:h42 ‘rice’ gCt22 w@t31 ‘seed’ gBm02 wnm13 ‘tooth’ gdt42 wDt42 ‘chin’ g`M20 w`:M20

The [L] nucleus transcribed in BYDCBG was often recorded in our data as various other nuclei. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘cloud’ uL=42 uX=42 ‘chopsticks’ sL11 sX22 ‘leaf’ fa`L02 fa@X13 ‘tail’ yL:M02 ph@M13 ‘wing’ eL:s22 eX=s22 ‘feather’ oLm02 o=m13 ‘earthworm’ fcL:m02 fchDm13 ‘ear’ yL=20 ph=20 ‘hand’ eLM20 e=M20 ‘lungs’ oLs24 o=s24 ‘to eat’ jL02 j=m13 ‘salt’ juL=02 jt=13

522 5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data

The nucleus [u] transcribed in BYDCBG was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘rain’ gtm02 wv=m13 ‘rainbow’ btM20 bnM20 ‘lock’ ktM42 knM42 ‘weaving machine’ bt:M20 bnM20 ‘to get up’ ytm24 p=m24 ‘to stand’ fctm02 fct=m13 ‘younger mt:M22 mt@M31 ‘soft’ ftm24 ft=m24 sibling’ ‘beard’ ltl11 lnl33

The nucleus [e] transcribed in BYDCBG was recorded in our data as [D]. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘sand’ yd24 pD24 ‘grass’ ¯hd22 ¯=13 ‘snake’ MLd20 MX=20 ‘hungry’ fhd24 fh=24 ‘to listen’ ¯hd02 ¯h=13 ‘to smile’ ydt02 pDt13 ‘to push’ fcdM02 fcDM13 ‘to choose’ kd11 kD22 Below is a summary of the tonal pitch values of Ceheng Huarong from BYDCBG and from our data. 1950 data Tone 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch 02 20 42 22 24 11 24 22 Example m`02 m`2 m`42 m`22 ju`24 s`11 y`o24, y@o24 j`o22, 0 j@o22 Gloss thick field face mother’s to cross river to carry (with to press older shoulder pole), between, brother small pig basket to catch 1990 data Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7, 9 8, 10 Pitch value 24 31 53 42 45 44 45 44 5.4. Changshun Guyang Most words transcribed with a [z] initial in BYDCBG survey were recorded in our survey with [Y].

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘water’ yCl42 YCl31 ‘sand’ yd24 YD24 ‘road’ yCm02 YtCm13 ‘building’ y`m20 YC:m20 ‘dry field’ yh44 Yh22 ‘golden bamboo’ yCs20 YtCf20

5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data 523

Looking at final stops, some of the words transcribed with the final [k] in BYDCBG were recorded without any final consonant, or with a [f] or [t]. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘mist/fog’ lt`j24 lB24 ‘root’ y`j44 y`22 ‘vegetable’ oiCj24 oi`24 ‘bird’ yt`j44 YtC20 ‘tiger’ jtj24 jtn24 ‘stinkbug’ y=j44 yt=s22 ‘girl’ faL24 fa=f24 ‘to wash’ rCj20 rC20 ‘heavy’ mCj24 mCf24 ‘deaf’ mtj24 mn24

The [L] nucleus transcribed in BYDCBG was often recorded in our data as various other nuclei. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘sky’ faLm02 fa=m13 ‘rain’ uLm02 u=m14 ‘wind’ yLl20 yX=l20 ‘leaf’ faCL02 faC13 ‘cow’ rL20 rX20 ‘wing’ uLs44 u=s22 ‘feather’ oLm02 o=m13 ‘ear’ yL20 YL=20 ‘beard’ lLl44 l=l22 ‘hungry’ fLj24 fiX=24 ‘hand’ uLM20 u=M20 ‘lungs’ oLs24 o=s24 ‘navel’ fcL02 fch13 ‘bean’ kLj20l`24 k=00l@24 ‘three-legged sbLM20 sbh=M31 ‘to hold/ fLl42 f=l31 stand’ hug’ The nucleus [u] transcribed in BYDCBG was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘mist/fog’ lt`j24 lB24 ‘sugar cane’ ft`h42 fvCh31 ‘thorn’ ft`m02 fvCm13 ‘goat’ itM20 inM20 ‘bear’ lth02 ldh24 ‘tiger’ jtj24 jtn24 ‘brain’ ftj24 fn24 ‘blood’ kts44 k=s22 ‘bone’ fct`j24 fctn24 ‘to boil’ ytM13 ynM13 ‘to swallow’ fctm42 fct=m31 ‘to crawl’ ytm20 Yt=m20 Below is a summary of the tonal pitch values of Changshun Guyang from BYDCBG and from our data.

524 5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data

1950 data Tone 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch 02 20 22 42 24 44 24 44, 20 Example m`02 m`20 m`22 m`42 ju`24 s`44 y`o24, y@o24 j`o44, j@o20 Gloss thick field face mother’s to cross river to carry (with to press older shoulder pole), between, brother small pig basket to catch 1990 data Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7, 9 8 10 Pitch value 13 21 22 41 25 44 34 21 33 5.5. Dushan Nanzhai With regard to initials, some words transcribed with a [v] initial in BYDCBG were recorded with a [w] initial in our data. For example:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘thorn’ u`m00 v@m13 ‘flower’ u`00 v`13 ‘water buffalo’ u`h00 v`:h20 ‘seed’ uCm00 v@m13 ‘sweet’ u`m00 v`m13 ‘cotton’ u`h24 v`h24 Most words transcribed with a [z] initial in BYDCBG survey were recorded in our survey with [Y].

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘early’ ynl44 Yt@l34 ‘afternoon meal’ yhM20 YhM20 ‘water’ yCl42 Y@l42 ‘sand’ yd24 YDh24 ‘road’ yBm00 Yv@m13 ‘dry field’ yh44 Yh22 ‘to get up’ yLm24 Yt=m24 ‘to go down’ yBM20 pnM20 ‘to comb’ ynh00 YtDh13 ‘to carry with hand’ yht22 idt22

Several of the words transcribed with the initial [h] in BYDCBG were recorded with a [w], [j], or [G]. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘morning’ gCs02 G`s13 ‘evening’ gCl44 G@l22 ‘stone’ ghm00 ihm13 ‘bank (river)’ gCm24 w@m20 ‘knee’ gn24 Gn24 ‘garlic’ gn00 Gn24 ‘bitter’ gCl20 w@l20 ‘ginger’ ghM00 ihM13 ‘to bite’ gCo22 y`o32 ‘to go up’ gLm22 w=m22

5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data 525

The [L] nucleus transcribed in BYDCBG was often recorded in our data as various other nuclei. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘cloud’ uL=22 uT22 ‘wind’ yLl20 y=l20 ‘chopsticks’ sL44 sX33 ‘rain’ uLm00 u=m13 ‘leaf’ fa`L00 fa@X13 ‘vegetable’ oi`L22 oi`X02 ‘beard’ lLl44 l=l24 ‘feather’ oLm00 o=m13 ‘clean’ rCL00 rDt13 ‘deep’ kCL22 k@=22 ‘near’ sbCL22 sb@h221 ‘top’ jLm20 j=m20

The nucleus [u] transcribed in BYDCBG was sometimes recorded as [tD] or [t=]. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘bowl’ sth42 stDh42 ‘goat’ it:M20 it=M20 ‘to swallow’ fctm42 fct=m44 ‘weaving machine’ rtM20 rt=M20 ‘to crawl’ yt:m20 Yt=m20 ‘younger sibling’ mt:M42 mt=M42 The nucleus [e] transcribed in BYDCBG was recorded in our data as various other nuclei. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘sand’ yd24 YDh24 ‘grass’ ¯d22 ¯hD22 ‘cow’ bhd20 bh=20 ‘bear’ ldh00 lDh13 ‘ear’ yhd20 YhD20 ‘navel’ fchd00 fch13 ‘scissors’ sbdt20 sbDt20 ‘money’ srdm20 bDm20 Below is a summary of the tonal pitch values of Dushan Mawei from BYDCBG and from our data. 1950 data Tone 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch 00 20 22 42 24 44 02 44, 22 Example m`00 m`20 m`22 m`42 ju`24 s`44 y`o02, y@o02 j`o44, j@o22 Gloss thick field face mother’s to cross river to carry (with to press older shoulder pole), between, brother small pig basket to catch 1990 data Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7, 9 8, 10 Pitch value 34 41 43 453 35 34 23 44

526 5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data

5.6. Dushan Shuiyan Most of the words transcribed in the 1950s with [z] initial were transcribed with [p] or [Y], with one occurrence of a [s] initial and a [k] initial. The nucleus of several of these words also was different. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘afternoon yhM20 phM20 ‘sand’ yd24 jD24 meal’ ‘building’ y`m20 Y`m20 ‘root’ y`f44 Y`24 ‘we (incl.)’ yCt20 Y@t20 ‘six’ ynf24 Ynf24 ‘loose’ ytM24 rtM22 ‘bright’ ynM44 YnM33

Some words transcribed in the 1950s with [h] were recorded in our data with [w], initials. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘morning’ gCs24 w`s24 ‘evening’ gCl44 w`l24 ‘sea’ g`h22 w`h22 ‘seed’ gnm02 wnm13 ‘rice’ gCt42 w`t31 ‘goose’ g`m24 w`m24 The differences in the nucleus of the words transcribed in the 1950s and the same words recorded in our survey are at times fairly significant. The nucleus [L] transcribed in the 1950s was recorded as various different vowels in our data. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘cloud’ uL=22 vt=22 ‘wind’ yLl20 y=l20 ‘rain’ uLm02 vDm13 ‘tail’ yL:M02 yh=M24 ‘wing’ uL:s44 v=s24 ‘flea’ kL:s44 ihDs24 ‘beard’ lLl44 l=l33 ‘feather’ oLm24 o=m24 ‘hand’ uLM20 v=M20 ‘lungs’ oLs24 o=s24 ‘blood’ kL:s44 kL=s22 ‘to eat’ jLm02 j=m13 ‘hoe’ juL=24 jt=f24 ‘mortar’ yLl02 Y=l13 ‘to hold/hug’ fLl42 f=l31 ‘girl’ faLf24 fa=f24 [u] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘bowl’ sth42 stDh31 ‘goat’ it:M20 it=M20 ‘to vomit’ yt:s44 rt=s13 ‘to boil’ ytM02 YnM13 ‘pants’ srt:M02 srt@M13 ‘to get up’ ytm24 Yt=m24 ‘round’ fct:m02 fct=m13 ‘soft’ ftm24 ft=m24

5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data 527

[e] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘sand’ yd24 jD24 ‘grass’ ¯hd22 ¯h=22 ‘cow’ srhd20 sbh=20 ‘feces’ fd42 fD31 ‘scissors’ sbdt20 sbDt20 ‘net’ yd02 yD13 ‘eight’ ods24 oDs24 ‘yellow’ gdm22 wDm22 ‘old’ sbd24 sbdh24 ‘at’ id24 i=24 The difference in the tone values transcribed in the 1950s data and the tones recorded in our data is not great. The pitch values as reported in the 1950s data are given below, as are the pitch values from our data. 1950 data Tone 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch 00 20 22 42 24 44 24 44, 20 Example m`00 m`20 m`22 m`42 ju`24 s`44 y`o24, yCo24 j`o44, jCo20 Gloss thick field face mother’s to cross river to carry (with to press older shoulder pole), between, brother small pig basket to catch 1990 data Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7, 9 8 10 Pitch value 24 41 33 51 35 55 35 32 44 5.7. Duyun Fuxi Most of the words transcribed in the 1950s with [z] initial were transcribed with [Y], and two had a [l] initial. The nucleus of several of these words also was different. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘afternoon meal’ yhM00 khM20 ‘building’ y`m00 Y`m22 ‘road’ ytCm02 Yt`m24 ‘bird’ ytCf02 Ynj13 ‘to chop’ yCl20 Yt`m33 ‘long’ yCh00 Y@h221 ‘bright’ ytCM24 Yt`M24 ‘stinkbug’ yL:s22 kh=s33

528 5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data

The final stop [f] transcribed for several words in BYDCBG was not found in our data. Most of those words were recorded with a [k] final stop.

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘mist/fog’ lt`f22 lt@24 ‘root’ y`f22 y`j24 ‘girl’ faLf24 fa=j24 ‘guest’ ih`f22 i`j33 ‘six’ yt`f24 ynj24 ‘heavy’ mCf24 m`j24

The nucleus [L] transcribed in the 1950s was recorded as various different vowels in our data. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘sky’ faLm02 fa=m13 ‘cloud’ uL=20 v=20 ‘rain’ uLm02 u=m13 ‘cow’ srL00 srh=22 ‘tail’ yL:M02 yh=M13 ‘wing’ uL:s24 v=s24 ‘feather’ oLm02 o=m13 ‘stinkbug’ yL:s22 kh=s33 ‘earthworm’ fcL:m02 fcDm13 ‘ear’ yL=00 Yh=220 ‘navel’ fcL=02 fch=13 ‘hand’ uLM00 u=:M22 ‘blood’ kL:s24 khns24 ‘lungs’ oLs24 o=s24 [u] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘wind’ ktl00 kn:l22 ‘late’ kt`s22 kns24 ‘bird’ ytCf02 Ynj13 ‘road’ ytCm02 Yt`m13 ‘bear’ lth02 lnh24 ‘to vomit’ yt:f22 Yt=f24 ‘to boil’ ytM02 ynM13 ‘lock’ ktM20 knM20 ‘weaving srt:M00 srt@M220 ‘to swell’ FtCf02 vnf220 machine’ ‘wash’ rth22 rtDh33 ‘two’ rtCM02 rnM02 ‘shallow’ fatCf24 fBj24 ‘Bouyei fith42 finh31 people’

5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data 529

The vowel [i] transcribed in BYDCBG was sometimes recorded as a slightly different vowel or vowel combination in our data.

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘oil’ iht00 ihnt221 ‘cucumber’ sh:M02 sh=M02 ‘mosquito yh:o22 yh@o24 ‘three-legged sbh:M00 sbh=M33 net’ stand’ ‘to borrow’ sbh22 sbhD=44 ‘to lead by srhM02 sbHM13 pulling’ ‘to smile’ yht02 yhDt13 ‘to ride’ jth24 jtDh24 The pitch values as reported in the 1950s data and in our data are given below. 1950 data Tone 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch 02 00 20 42 22 24 22, 24 24, 02 Example m`02 m`00 m`20 m`42 ju`22 s`24 y`o22, yCo24 j`o24, jCo02 Gloss thick field face mother’s to cross river to carry (with to press older shoulder pole), between, brother small pig basket to catch 1990 data Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Pitch value 24 33 31 41 44 35 45 33 44 25 5.8. Guiding Gonggu Most of the words transcribed in the 1950s with [z] initial were recorded in our data with a [Y], and one had a [n] initial. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘early’ yt`l42 Yt@l42 ‘water’ yCl20 Y@l20 ‘building’ y`m00 Y`m02 ‘stone’ yhm24 mhm24 ‘road’ ytCm24 Y@m24 ‘dry field’ yh42 Yh42

530 5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data

Some words transcribed in the 1950s with [sb] were recorded in our data with [c], [k], or [sr] initials. A few initials were palatalized. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘evening meal’ sbCt00 A@t02 ‘gold’ sbhl24 AiHl24 ‘spider’ sb`t24 Ai@t24 ‘egg’ sbCh22 A@h22 ‘bamboo hat’ sbtCo24 A@o24 ‘scissors’ sbh`t00 Ai@t02 ‘plow’ sbCh24 ji@h24 ‘money’ sbh`m00 srdm02 ‘to love’ sb`h00 ACh02 ‘drum’ sbt`M24 At@M24 ‘old’ sbd22 jiD22 ‘far’ sbCh24 A@h24

The nucleus [L] transcribed in the 1950s was recorded as various different vowels in our data. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘sky’ faLm24 fa=m24 ‘rain’ uLm24 u=m24 ‘chopsticks’ sL42 sX42 ‘grass’ ¯L02 ¯hX13 ‘leaf’ faCL24 fa@X24 ‘cow’ srL00 srX02 ‘tail’ yL:M24 YX=M24 ‘snake’ ML00 MX02 ‘wing’ uL:s42 u=s22 ‘feather’ oLm24 o=m24 ‘stinkbug’ kL:s42 k=s22 ‘earthworm’ fcL:m24 fc=m24 [u] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘mist/fog’ lt`f22 ln24 ‘late’ kt`s22 kns22 ‘bird’ ytCf02 YBf02 ‘road’ ytCm24 Y`m24 ‘forest’ fctCM24 fcnM24 ‘thorn’ ftCm24 fnm24 ‘goat’ it:M00 it=M02 ‘bear’ lth24 lDh24 ‘sour’ rtCl02 r@l13 ‘bamboo hat’ sbtCo24 A@o24 ‘pants’ srt:M24 sbt@M24 ‘dustpan’ fctCM20 fcBM20

5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data 531

[i] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘gold’ sbhl24 AiHl24 ‘mosquito net’ yh:o22 yh@o22 ‘knife’ lhs02 lHs02 ‘to sew’ ¯ho00 ¯hDo02 ‘to taste’ srhl00 sbHl02 ‘thin’ sbh:s22 ADs22 ‘to kick’ shs24 sh@f22 ‘to carry with yht02 YhDt13 hand’ ‘to smile’ yht24 YhDt24 ‘to ride’ jth42 jtDh42 ‘to push’ fch`M24 fcX=M20 ‘eight’ oh:s22 oh=s22 The pitch values as reported in the 1950s data and in our data are given below. 1950 data Tone 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch 24 00 02 20 22 42 22, 24 42, 02 Example m`24 m`00 m`02 m`20 ju`22 s`42 y`o22, yCo24 j`o42, jCo02 Gloss thick field face mother’s to cross river to carry (with to press older shoulder pole), between, brother small pig basket to catch 1990 data Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Pitch value 35 23 14 32 44 42 45 13 33 or 44 34 5.9. Huishui Danggu With regard to initials, some words transcribed with a [F] initial in the 1950s were recorded with a [w], [G], [M], or [j] initial. For example:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘cloud’ Ft22 vt22 ‘early’ Ft`l42 vnl30 ‘road’ Fnm13 vCm24 ‘bird’ Fnf0 v`o20 ‘building’ F`m00 GC:m20 ‘sand’ Fd44 GhD24 ‘knee’ Fn44 Gn24 ‘garlic’ Fn24 GB24 ‘morning’ FCs44 M=s24 ‘to carry with hand’ Fht13 iht22 ‘stone’ Fhm13 ihm24 ‘to smile’ Fht13 iht13

532 5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data

Some words transcribed in BYDCBG with a [ts] initial were recorded with a [sb] initial in our data. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘table’ srnM00 sbvCM31 ‘spicy’ sr`s42 sbDs31 ‘pants’ srt:M13 sbvnM24 ‘weaving srt:M00 sbvnM20 machine’ ‘to lead by srhM13 sbh=M4 ‘ten’ srho42 sb’Ho31 pulling’

Some words transcribed with a final [f] in BYDCBG were recorded with no final, or with a final [k]. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘tiger’ jtf44 jT=j24 ‘mouth’ o`f44 oC24 ‘ink’ lCf00 lCj31 ‘to dry in sun’ s`f44 sC24 ‘to fall’ snf44 snj24 ‘girl’ faLf44 fa=j24 ‘heavy’ mCf44 mCj24 ‘deaf’ mtf44 mnj24 The differences in the nucleus of the words transcribed in the 1950s and the same words recorded in our survey are at times fairly significant. The nucleus [L] transcribed in the 1950s was recorded as various different vowels in our data. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘sky’ faLm13 fa=m13 ‘rain’ uLm13 u=m14 ‘chopsticks’ sL42 sL=41 ‘cow’ srL00 srX20 ‘tail’ FL:M13 j=CM03 ‘wing’ uL:s42 uX=s3 ‘feather’ oLm13 o=m24 ‘stinkbug’ FL:s42 F=s31 ‘earthworm’ fcL:m13 fcX=m24 ‘beard’ lLl42 ltl41 ‘hand’ uLM00 u=M20 ‘lungs’ oLs44 o=s2 ‘navel’ fcL13 fcL=24 ‘blood’ kL:s42 kL=s31

5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data 533

[u] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘bear’ lth13 ldh24 ‘wind’ Ftl00 F=l20 ‘rainbow’ stM00 snM10 ‘late’ kt`s44 kvCs33 ‘sugar cane’ ft`h20 fvCh20 ‘tiger’ jtf44 jT=j24 ‘to boil’ FtM13 FnM24 ‘pants’ srt:M13 sbvnM24 ‘lock’ ktM22 knM22 ‘to hold/ ftl20 f=l31 hug’ ‘bow’ jtM44 jvC:M13 ‘soft’ ftm44 fT=l24 ‘deaf’ mtf44 mnj24 ‘loose’ FtM24 vnM24 ‘left’ rth20 rvdh31 ‘seems’ ktl22 k=l22 [o] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei in our data:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘day’ Mnm00 MvCm20 ‘road’ Fnm13 vCm24 ‘table’ srnM00 sbvCM31 ‘thorn’ fnm13 fvCm24 ‘dustbin’ fcnM44 fctCM31 ‘wrong’ knM13 ktCM24 ‘curved’ jn00 jCt20 ‘black’ unm20 uCm20 The pitch values as reported in the 1950s data and in our data are given below. 1950 data Tone 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch 13 00 22 20 44 42 44 42, 00 Example m`13 m`00 m`22 m`20 ju`44 s`42 y`o44, yCo44 j`o42, jCo00 Gloss thick field face mother’s to cross river to carry (with to press older shoulder pole), between, brother small pig basket to catch 1990 data Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7, 9 8 10 Pitch value 24 31 33 42 35 553 35 44 42

534 5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data

5.10. Longli Yangchang Most of the words transcribed in the 1950s with [F] initial were recorded in our data with a [G], and one had a [Y] initial. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘garlic’ Fn24 GvBf24 ‘evening’ FCl42 GCl42 ‘white’ F`t13 GC:t24 ‘outside’ Ft`f42 YtCf31

Some words transcribed in the 1950s with [sr] were recorded in our data with [sb] or [sb’] initials. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘table’ srn02 sbB102 ‘spicy’ sr`s42 sbDs31 ‘pants’ srt:M24 sbnM14 ‘to taste’ srhl00 sb’Hl103 ‘to lead by srhM24 sbHM24 ‘ten’ srho00 sbHo13 pulling’

Many words transcribed with a [z] initial in BYDCBG were recorded in our data with a [Y] or [P] initial. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘wind’ ytl00 Ynl13 ‘early’ yt`l42 YtCl41 ‘to carry with yht02 Yht13 ‘to search’ y`24 P`24 hand’ ‘to crawl’ yL:m00 Y=m24 ‘to know’ yn20 Yn20 ‘to steal’ yCf00 YCf12 ‘to cut (meat)’ yt`m22 YtCm24 ‘six’ ytCf24 Ynj24 ‘long’ yCh00 PC:h02 ‘round’ yhCm00 Y=m12 ‘full’ yhl24 YHl24

Several words in BYDCBG have a [f] final. These were recorded in our data with a [k] final. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘tiger’ jtf24 jtj24 ‘to vomit’ yt:f42 YB:j31 ‘ink’ lCf42 lCj24 ‘six’ ytCf24 Ynj24 ‘girl’ faLf24 fa=j24 ‘heavy’ mCf24 mCj24

5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data 535

The nucleus [L] transcribed in the 1950s was recorded as various different vowels in our data. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘sky’ faLm24 fa=m14 ‘rain’ uLm24 u=m13 ‘wing’ uL:s42 uX=s33 ‘feather’ oLm24 o=m24 ‘stinkbug’ yL:s42 kX=s22 ‘earthworm’ fcL:m24 fcX=m24 ‘hand’ uLM00 u=M102 ‘navel’ oLs24 o=s33 ‘blood’ kL:s42 k=s3 ‘to eat’ jLm24 j=m24 [u] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘wind’ ytl00 Ynl13 ‘rainbow’ stM00 snM13 ‘mist/fog’ lt`f22 ln=f24 ‘bird’ ytCf00 YBf13 ‘to vomit’ yt:f42 YBj31 ‘to boil’ ytM24 YnM24 ‘pants’ srt:M24 sbnM14 ‘lock’ ktM02 knM24 ‘mortar’ ytl24 Y=l24 ‘dustpan’ fctCM02 fcnM20 ‘to hold/hug’ ftl20 fnl20 ‘to swell’ FtCf00 FBj103 ‘to forget’ ktl00 k=l20 ‘work’ ut:M24 v`M24 [i] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘afternoon meal’ yhM00 YH=M20 ‘gold’ sbhl24 sbHl14 ‘monkey’ khM00 kh=M13 ‘duck’ ohs24 oHs24 ‘tongue’ khm20 kHm20 ‘ginger’ ihM24 iH=M24 ‘ten’ srho00 sbHo13 ‘round’ yhCm00 Y=m12 ‘full’ yhl24 YHl24 ‘tasteless’ srhs24 sb=s24 The pitch values as reported in the 1950s data and in our data are given below. 1950 data Tone 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch 24 00 02 20 22 42 22, 24 42, 02 Example m`24 m`00 m`02 m`20 ju`22 s`42 y`o22, yCo24 j`o42, jCo02 Gloss thick field face mother’s to cross river to carry (with to press older shoulder pole), between, brother small pig basket to catch

536 5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data

1990 data Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Pitch value 35 24 35 31 34 or 53 45 24 34 55 44 5.11. Luodian Poqiu Most of the words transcribed in the 1950s with [z] initial were recorded in our data with a [Y]. The nuclei of several of these words are also quite different. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘wind’ ytl00 Ytl202 ‘afternoon meal’ yhM00 YhM201 ‘sand’ yd24 YD24 ‘road’ yBm02 Yv=m13 ‘ear’ yh00 Yh=201 ‘stinkbug’ yh:s42 Yh=s31 ‘to boil’ ytM02 YtM13 ‘mosquito net’ yh:o24 yh=o24

The nucleus [L] transcribed in the 1950s was recorded as various different vowels in our data. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘cloud’ vL=22 vX=22 ‘rain’ uLm02 vDm13 ‘chopsticks’ sL42 sX42 ‘leaf’ fa`L02 fa@h13 ‘wing’ eL:s42 eX=s31 ‘feather’ oLm02 o=m13 ‘snake’ ML=00 MX=102 ‘hand’ eLM00 e=M201 ‘lungs’ oLs24 oXs24 ‘to eat’ jLm02 j=m13 ‘person’ uLm00 uDm20 ‘clean’ rCL02 r`X13 ‘to buy’ bL20 bX31 ‘girl’ faL24 faX=f24 [e] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘sand’ yd24 YD24 ‘grass’ ¯hd22 ¯`13 ‘cow’ bhd00 bh=201 ‘mosquito’ mdM00 mDM201 ‘money’ bdm00 bDm20 ‘net’ yd02 YD13 ‘strength’ ydM00 YDM201 ‘to borrow’ bhd24 bh=24 ‘to hurt’ sbds24 sbDs23 ‘to listen’ ¯d02 ¯h=13 The pitch values as reported in the 1950s data and our data are given below.

5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data 537

1950 data Tone 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch 02 00 22 20 24 42 24 42, 00 Example m`02 m`0 m`22 m`20 ju`22 s`42 y`o24, yCo24 j`o42, 0 jCo00 Gloss thick field face mother’s to cross river to carry (with to press older shoulder pole), between, brother small pig basket to catch 1990 data Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7, 9 8 10 Pitch value 24 323 33 31 35 41 35 31 53 5.12. Pingtang Xiliang Most of the words transcribed in the 1950s with [z] initial were transcribed with [p], [Y], [q], [f], or [s]. The nucleus of several of these words was also different. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘wind’ yLl00 Y@l20 ‘stone’ yhm02 phm13 ‘water’ yCl31 p@l31 ‘sand’ yd24 YDh24 ‘tail’ yhM02 ph=M13 ‘tooth’ ydt22 qh@t22 ‘bird’ yn00 Ytn20 ‘ear’ yL00 e=20 ‘boat’ yt00 Yt20 ‘sifter basket’ yCM02 r`M20 ‘mortar’ ytl02 Y@l13 ‘net’ yd02 qDh13

Most words transcribed in the 1950s with [s] are recorded in our data with [S] or [b]. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘paper’ r`02 S`13 ‘bamboo pole’ r`t31 S`t31 ‘to weave’ r`m02 S`m13 ‘male’ r`h02 S`:h13 ‘intestines’ rCh22 S`h22 ‘to borrow’ rh24 bh24 ‘to wash r`00 SB20 ‘seven’ rCs24 bhD24 (hands)’

Some words transcribed in the 1950s with [h] are recorded in our data with [w] initials. Examples:

538 5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘morning’ gCs24 w=24 ‘evening’ gCl43 w`l24 ‘rice’ gCt31 w`t31 ‘chin’ g`M00 w`:M20 ‘work’ gnM02 vnM13 ‘to open’ g`h22 w`:h22 The differences in the nucleus of the words transcribed in the 1950s and the same words recorded in our survey are at times fairly significant. The nucleus [L] transcribed in the 1950s was recorded as various different vowels in our data. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘sky’ faLm02 fa=m13 ‘cloud’ uL=22 vt13 ‘wind’ yLl00 Y@l20 ‘leaf’ faCL02 fa@X13 ‘chopsticks’ sL43 sX44 ‘beard’ lLl43 l=l34 ‘feather’ oLm02 o=m13 ‘snake’ ML00 MX20 ‘ear’ yL00 e=20 ‘hand’ eLM00 e=M20 ‘to eat’ jLm02 j=m1 ‘taro’ oiL24 on22 [u] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei in our data:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘rain’ utm02 vDm13 ‘rat’ jth22 jvDh22 ‘rainbow’ stM00 st`M20 ‘sugar cane’ fth31 ftDh31 ‘lungs’ ots24 otX24 ‘belly’ stM31 snM31 ‘to boil’ ytM02 YnM13 ‘wing’ et:s44 eX=f44 ‘to crawl’ yt:m00 YtDm20 ‘soft’ ftm43 ft=m24 [e] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei in our data:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘bear’ ldh02 lDh13 ‘mosquito’ mdM00 mh`M20 ‘tooth’ ydt22 qh@t22 ‘hair’ odl02 oi@l13 ‘feces’ fd31 fDh31 ‘scissors’ sbdt00 sb`t20 ‘money’ bdm00 bDm20 ‘strength’ ydM00 Yh@M20 ‘net’ yd02 qDh13 ‘to hurt’ sbds24 sbDs24 ‘to scold’ jud22 jvDh22 ‘to ride’ jdh43 jDh44 The pitch values as reported in the 1950s data and in our data are given below.

5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data 539

1950 data Tone 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch 02 00 22 31 24 43 02, 24 44, 22 Example m`02 m`00 m`22 m`31 ju`24 s`00 y`o02, yCo24 j`o44, jCo22 Gloss thick field face mother’s to cross river to carry (with to press older shoulder pole), between, brother small pig basket to catch 1990 data Category 1 2 3 4 5, 6 7, 9 8, 10 Pitch value 13 31 33 42 35 35 45 5.13. Qinglong Zitang Some words transcribed in the 1950s with [h] were recorded in our data with [w] and once with [F] in the present data. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘evening’ gCl02 F`l13 ‘sea’ g`h44 w@h30 ‘dry field’ gdh02 wDh13 ‘rice’ gCt31 w`t31 ‘to ask’ gCl13 w`l13 ‘morning’ gCs44 wCs24 ‘to open’ g`h22 w`h22 ‘to give’ gC44 g`13 The differences in the nucleus of the words transcribed in the 1950s and the same words recorded in our survey are at times fairly significant. [e] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘rainbow’ udh44 vDh22 ‘year’ odh22 o@h22 ‘bean’ odh02 o@h13 ‘dry field’ gdh02 wDh13 ‘feces’ fd31 fiD31 ‘towel gourd’ sbd22 sbhd=22 ‘fan’ odh00 o`h20 ‘green’ fadh13 faDh24

540 5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data

[u] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘day’ MtCm00 Mv`:m20 ‘bowl’ sth31 stDh31 ‘forest’ fctCM22 fcnM22 ‘bird’ itCj02 iBj13 ‘stinkbug’ its02 x=s13 ‘earthworm’ fctm22 fct=m22 ‘hand’ gtM00 wnM20 ‘belly’ stM31 snM31 ‘blood’ kts02 kt=s13 ‘to boil’ itM22 inM22 ‘to crawl’ itm00 It=m20 ‘to ride’ jth02 jvDh13 [i] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘tail’ ihM22 i=M20 ‘mosquito net’ iho44 iDo24 ‘scissors’ sbh`t00 sb`t20 ‘strength’ ih`M00 i`M30 ‘to sew’ ¯ho02 ¯Do13 ‘to hang’ uh`m22 uDm22 ‘to smile’ iht22 It22 ‘full’ ihl22 iHl22 ‘grass’ ¯h44 ¯X22 ‘few’ bht44 bDt34 The pitch values as reported in the 1950s data and in our data are given below. 1950 data Tone 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch 22 00 44 31 13 02 44 02 Example m`22 m`00 m`44 m`31 ju`13 s`02 s`f44 y`o02 Gloss thick field face mother’s older to cross river to scoop to steal brother 1990 data Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch value 33 31 45 41 24 23 45 23 5.14. Shuicheng Fa’er Most of the words transcribed in the 1950s with [z] initial were transcribed with [Y], and one had a [f] initial. The nucleus of several of these words also was different. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘bird’ ytCj02 YBj24 ‘stinkbug’ yts02 Yt=s33 ‘to know’ yt11 ft31 ‘outside’ yt02 Yt13 ‘to leak’ yt02 Yt13 ‘bright’ yt`M02 YnM13

5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data 541

Some words transcribed in the 1950s with [G] were recorded in our data with [F]. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘rice’ GCt11 F@t31 ‘chin’ G`M00 F`M20 ‘to bite’ GCo13 F`j13 ‘bitter’ GCl00 F`M20

Some words transcribed in the 1950s with [h] were recorded in our data with [w]. There is also one occurrence each of [F], [k], [f], and [f] initials. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘morning’ g`s44 w@s24 ‘sea’ gd22 wD31 ‘goose’ g`m44 w`m33 ‘garlic’ gt33et22 kB31 ‘to mend’ gnM33 wnM22 ‘to go up’ g=m22 w=m30 ‘to float’ g=t00 F@t20 ‘to close’ gCo44 f@j ‘poor’ gt22 et30 ‘to give’ gC22 g`30 [u] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘rain’ gtm33 v=m22 ‘mist/fog’ lt44 lT=f22 ‘day’ MtCm00 Mv`m20 ‘table’ srt`M00 sbBM20 ‘sugar cane’ ft`h11 v`:h31 ‘tiger’ jt`j44 jnj33 ‘thorn’ ftCm33 v?mf33 ‘brain’ ftCj44 fBj33 ‘forest’ fctCM22 fcnM22 ‘bird’ ytCj02 YBj24 ‘to ride’ jth02 jvDh13 ‘drum’ jt`M33 jvnM22 [e] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘year’ odh33 oDh22 ‘noon meal’ Md00 MD20 ‘afternoon meal’ ydM00 y=M20 ‘sea’ gd22 wD31 ‘two’ Mdh02 M@h13 ‘this’ mdh11 mDh31 ‘tired’ md44 mD33 ‘pretty’ rdt33 r@t22

542 5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data

[i] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘dry field’ yh02 yDh13 ‘tree’ uCh11 uD31 ‘navel’ fch22 fc=M22 ‘oil’ iht00 i@t20 ‘scissors’ sbh`t00 sb@tX20 ‘money’ bh`m00 sbDm20 ‘to hurt’ sbh`s44 sbDs33 ‘die’ s`h33 sD22 ‘yellow’ bh`m22 bDm30 ‘green’ bh`t33 b@t22 ‘cold’ sbh`M11 sb`M30 ‘few’ bht22 bDt30 The pitch values as reported in the 1950s data and in our data are given below. 1950 data Tone 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch 33 00 22 11 44 02 44 02 Example m`33 m`00 m`22 m`11 ju`44 s`02 y`o44, yCo44 j`o02, jCo02 Gloss thick field face mother’s to cross river to carry (with to press older shoulder pole), between, brother small pig basket to catch 1990 data Category 1 2 3, 4 5 6 7, 8, 9 Pitch value 44 33 or 41 55 24 44 31 5.15. Wangmo Fuxing Most of the words transcribed in the 1950s with [z] initial were transcribed with [p]. The nucleus of several of these words also was different. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘stone’ yhm02 phm13 ‘water’ yCl20 p`l31 ‘sand’ yd24 pD24 ‘road’ yBm02 pBm13 ‘building’ y`m00 p`:m20 ‘dry field’ yh42 ph33

Most words transcribed in the 1950s with [s] were recorded in our data with [S]. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘rice’ r`m02 S`:m13 ‘paper’ r`02 S`13 ‘garlic’ rnh24 Sn@h24 ‘sour’ rBl22 SBl41 ‘bamboo’ r`t20 S`:t31 ‘to weave’ r`m02 S`:m14

5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data 543

Some words transcribed in the 1950s with [h] were recorded in our data with [w], and one was recorded with a [b] initial. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘rain’ gtm02 wv=m13 ‘sea’ g`h42 b@:h42 ‘rice’ gCt20 w`:t13 ‘seed’ gBm02 wBm13 ‘chin’ g`M00 w`:M20 ‘goose’ g`m24 w`:m24 The differences in the nucleus of the words transcribed in the 1950s and the same words recorded in our survey are at times fairly significant. The nucleus [L] transcribed in the 1950s was recorded as various different vowels in our data. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘sky’ faLm02 fa=m13 ‘cloud’ uL=22 uX=42 ‘chopsticks’ sL42 sX33 ‘leaf’ fa`L02 fa`X13 ‘wing’ eL:s22 eX=s13 ‘feather’ oLm02 o=m13 ‘snake’ ML=00 MX=20 ‘earthworm’ fcL:m02 fchDm13 ‘boat’ yuL=00 pt=20 ‘to carry on back’ fL02 fX13 ‘inside’ fcCL02 fc@X13 ‘to buy’ bL20 bX31 ‘girl’ faLj24 fa=j24 ‘matchmaker’ rL24 rO24 [u] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei in our data:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘rain’ gtm02 wv=m13 ‘rainbow’ btM20 bnM20 ‘goat’ it:M00 it@M20 ‘belly’ stM20 snM3 ‘soft’ ftm42 fT=m24 ‘seems’ ktl22 k=l42 [e] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei in our data:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘sand’ yd24 pD24 ‘board’ odm22 oDm42 ‘cow’ bhd00 bh=20 ‘mosquito’ mdM00 mDM20 ‘to smile’ ydt02 pDt13 ‘to choose’ kd42 kD33 The pitch values as reported in the 1950s data and in our data are given below.

544 5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data

1950 data Tone 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch 02 00 22 20 24 42 24 22 Example m`02 m`00 m`22 m`20 ju`24 s`42 y`o24, j`o00, yCo24 jCo00 Gloss thick field face mother’s to cross river to carry (with to press older shoulder pole), between, brother small pig to catch basket 1990 data Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch value 24 42 52 31 35 33 35 34 5.16. Xingyi Bajie Most of the words transcribed in the 1950s with [z] initial were transcribed with [Y]. The nucleus of several of these words also was different. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘boat’ yL=20 Y=30 ‘mortar’ ytl22 Ytl23 ‘to leak’ yn00 Yn30 ‘to get up’ ytm02 y=m13 ‘to go down’ ynM20 YnM30 ‘to comb’ ynh22 Yn22

Some words transcribed in the 1950s with [h] were recorded in our data with [w], [F], [v], [l], and [G] initials. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘morning’ gCs24 F`s24 ‘rain’ gtm22 v=m22 ‘sea’ g`h24 w`h24 ‘knee’ gn02 Gn13 ‘ginger’ ghM22 khM22

5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data 545

The differences in the nucleus of the words transcribed in the 1950s and the same words recorded in our survey are at times fairly significant. The nucleus [L] transcribed in the 1950s was recorded as various different vowels in our data. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘sky’ faLm22 fa=m22 ‘cloud’ uL=24 uX24 ‘bowl’ sLh42 sXh20 ‘chopsticks’ sL00 sX20 ‘leaf’ fa`L22 fa@X22 ‘wing’ eL:s20 eX=s10 ‘feather’ oLm22 o=m22 ‘goat’ iL:M20 iBM30 ‘snake’ ML=20 MX=30 ‘stinkbug’ yL:s22 y=s20 ‘hand’ eLM20 e=M30 ‘lungs’ oLs24 o=s24 ‘navel’ fcL=22 fcX=22 ‘blood’ kL:s20 kX=s20 ‘bean’ suL=00 sX=20 ‘taro’ oL:j02 oX=j13 [u] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei in our data:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘wind’ ytl20 y=l31 ‘rain’ gtm22 v=m22 ‘rainbow’ btM20 bnM20 ‘goat’ it:M00 it@M20 ‘to float’ et20 ehDt30 ‘beard’ ltl00 l=l20 ‘to boil’ ytM22 YnM22 ‘lock’ ktM24 knM13 [e] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei in our data:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘sand’ yd02 yD13 ‘grass’ ¯d24 ¯hD24 ‘cow’ bhd20 bh=30 ‘mosquito’ mdM20 mDM30 ‘to carry with hand’ ydt24 yh@t24 ‘to listen’ ¯hd22 ¯h?22 ‘to smile’ ydt22 yhDt22 ‘to push’ fcdM22 fcDM22 ‘guest’ gdj24 gDj13 ‘to warm by fire’ oidt22 oi`t22 The pitch values as reported in the 1950s data and in our data are given below.

546 5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data

1950 data Tone 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch 22 20 24 42 02 00 02, 24 20, 22 Example m`22 m`20 m`24 m`42 ju`02 s`00 y`o02, j`o20, yCo24 jCo22 Gloss thick field face mother’s to cross river to carry (with to press older shoulder between, brother pole), small to catch pig basket 1990 data Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Pitch value 33 52 25 35 24 41 24 44 23 or 31 22 5.17. Zhenfeng Mingu Most of the words transcribed in the 1950s with [z] initial were transcribed with [p]. The nucleus of several of these words also was different. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘water’ y@l42 p@l31 ‘sand’ yd13 pD24 ‘stone’ yhm22 phm13 ‘road’ y@m22 p@m13 ‘ear’ yh00 phX20 ‘to vomit’ yt20 ptf20 ‘to smile’ ydt22 ph`t13 ‘to know’ yn42 pn31

Most words transcribed in the 1950s with [s] were recorded in our data with [S] or [b]. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘intestines’ r@h44 S@h34 ‘garlic’ rt`h13 St@h22 ‘paper’ r`22 S`13 ‘to weave’ r`m22 S`m13 ‘to borrow’ rh13 bX13 ‘to wash (hands)’ rth13 SD13 Some words transcribed in the 1950s with no final stop were recorded in our data with a final stop [f]. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘thunder’ oi`44 oi`f34 ‘mist/fog’ k`o33ln44 k`o33lnf34 ‘evening’ G@l20 F@lf20 ‘dirt’ m`l20 m`lf20 ‘weight scales’ b@M20 r=Mf20 ‘to leak’ yn20 pnf20 ‘two’ ¯h20 Mhf31 ‘bean’ stL20 st=f21

5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data 547

The nucleus [L] transcribed in the 1950s was recorded as various different vowels in our data. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘chopsticks’ sL20 sXf20 ‘wing’ eLs00 eLs21 ‘feather’ oLm22 o=m23 ‘snake’ ML00 MX20 ‘hand’ eLM00 etM20 ‘lungs’ oLs44 o=s34 ‘to eat’ jLm22 j=m13 ‘bean’ stL20 st=f21 ‘clothes’ oL20 oXf20 ‘fertilizer’ oLm20 o=mf30 ‘salt’ juL22 jLX22 [e] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘scissors’ sbdt00 sb@t13 ‘to smile’ ydt22 ph@t23 ‘sand’ yd13 pD24 ‘tooth’ idt44 gDt34 ‘money’ bdm00 bDm20 ‘strength’ ydM00 pDM20 The pitch values as reported in the 1950s data is given below, as well as the pitch values from our data. 1950 data Tone 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch 22 00 44 42 13 20 44 00 Example m`22 m`00 m`44 m`42 ju`13 s`20 y`o44, yCo44 j`o00, jCo00 Gloss thick field face mother’s to cross river to carry (with to press older shoulder pole), between, brother small pig basket to catch 1990 data Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch value 34 42 45 52 24 31 45 42 5.18. Zhenning Banle With regard to initials, some words transcribed with palatalization in the 1950s were recorded without palatalization in our data. For example:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘tooth’ idt44 fD:t44 ‘hair’ oi@l22 o=m13 ‘to warm by fire’ oiCt22 oCt22 ‘yellow’ idm44 GDm24

548 5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data

Most of the words transcribed in the 1950s with [z] initial were transcribed with [p] or [Y], and one had a [F] initial. The nucleus of several of these words was also different. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘road’ y@m22 p@m13 ‘building’ y`m00 FC:m20 ‘dry field’ yh20 ph13 ‘bird’ ynj00 Ynj13 ‘boat’ yt20 Yt20 ‘net’ yd22 pD22

A few words transcribed in the 1950s with [s] were recorded in our data with [b] or [S]. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘to wash’ rth24 bt@h24 ‘few’ rht44 ShDt22

Some words transcribed in the 1950s with [F] were recorded in our data with [G], [w], or [f] initials. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘sea’ F`h44 GC:h24 ‘rice’ FCt31 GC:t31 ‘five’ F`44 GC24 ‘smelly’ FCt22 w@t22 ‘poor’ Fn24 fn24 ‘evening’ FCl02 GCl3

The nucleus [L] transcribed in the 1950s was recorded as various different vowels in our data. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘sky’ faLm22 fa=m22 ‘rain’ uLm22 uDm22 ‘feather’ oLm22 o=m22 ‘snake’ ML20 ML=20 ‘hand’ eLM20 enM30 ‘lungs’ oLs24 oXs44 ‘to eat’ jLm22 j=m22 ‘fertilizer’ oLm02 o=mf13 [e] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘mosquito’ mdM20 mDM31 ‘tooth’ idt44 fD:t44 ‘scissors’ sbdt20 sbCt30 ‘money’ bdm20 bhDm20 rd ‘3 person singular’ sd22 sD22 ‘seven’ bds24 bCs24 ‘eight’ ods24 oDs24 ‘yellow’ idm44 GDm24 ‘to smile’ ydt22 ph@t22 ‘cow’ bhd20 bL20 The pitch values as reported in the 1950s data and in our data are given below.

5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data 549

1950 data Tone 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch 22 20 44 31 24 02 24 02 Example m`22 m`20 m`44 m`31 ju`24 s`02 y`o24, yCo24 j`o00, jCo00 Gloss thick field face mother’s to cross river to carry (with to press older shoulder pole), between, brother small pig to catch basket 1990 data Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch value 33 31 55 42 35 24 35 24 5.19. Zhenning Shitouzhai Most of the words transcribed in the 1950s with [z] initial were transcribed with [Y]. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘root’ y`02 Y`13 ‘goat’ ytM00 YtnM20 ‘bird’ ynf02 YBj13 ‘stinkbug’ yts02 Yt=s13 ‘to vomit’ yt02 Yt13 ‘boat’ yt00 Yt20

A few words transcribed in the 1950s with [h] were recorded in our data with [w]. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘to ask’ gCM44 wC:M33 ‘morning’ gCs44 wCs23 ‘to answer’ g`m22 w?m22 ‘goose’ g`m44 w@m24 ‘to close’ gCj44 wCj44 ‘to open’ gd2 wD22

A few words transcribed in the 1950s with [G] were recorded in our data with [F], [u], or [v] initials. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘bank (river)’ GCm00 FCm20 ‘hand’ GnM00 unM20 ‘evening’ GCM02 FC:M13 ‘shoulder pole’ G`m00 v?M20

The [f] final on many words in BYDCBG was recorded as [j] in our data:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘tiger’ jnf44 jnj23 ‘bird’ ynf02 YBj13 ‘ink’ lCf02 lC:j13 ‘to fall’ snf44 snj33 ‘to steal’ yCf02 yCj13 ‘to wash’ KCf02 KCj13

550 5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data

The vowel [d] transcribed in the 1950s was recorded as various different vowels in our data. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘sky’ fadm22 fa=m22 ‘year’ odh22 o@h33 ‘noon meal’ Md00 MD20 ‘dry field’ Gdh44 G@h13 ‘feces’ fhd31 fhD31 ‘towel gourd’ sbd22 sbhd=22 ‘net’ bhd22 bhD34 ‘to peel’ fadh44 fa@h23 ‘die’ sd22 sD22 ‘to walk’ o’d31 o’D30 [u] in BYDCBG was sometimes recorded as various other vowels in our data:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘mist/fog’ lt=44 ltn=33 ‘late’ kt`s44 ktCs24 ‘forest’ fctCM22 fcnM22 ‘goat’ ytM00 YtnM20 ‘stinkbug’ yts02 Yt=s13 ‘earthworm’ fctm22 fct=m22 ‘knee’ et=44 Gtn=34 ‘heart’ st`M44 snM34 The vowel [a] transcribed in BYDCBG was sometimes recorded as different vowels in our data.

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘dirt’ m`M02 mC:M13 ‘river’ s`02 sC13 ‘building’ y`m00 y?m20 ‘village’ fa`m31 faCm31 ‘fruit’ l`44 l?24 ‘horse’ l`31 lC31 ‘goose’ g`m44 w@m24 ‘mosquito’ mh`M00 mhCM20 ‘body’ fc`M22 fcCM22 ‘fish’ o`22 oC22

[=] in BYDCBG was sometimes recorded as various other vowels in our data.

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘door’ s=t22 s@t22 ‘chopsticks’ s=02 s?13 ‘cat’ l=t22 lCt22 ‘meat’ mt=02 mt@13 ‘socks’ l=s02 l?s13 ‘to float’ G=t00 GCt20 st ‘to buy’ sr=31 srD31 ‘1 person singular’ j=t22 j@t22 [i] in BYDCBG was sometimes recorded as various other vowels in our data.

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘tooth’ rh`t31 rC:t31 ‘mosquito net’ bhf44 bh=j33 ‘to rest’ bhs44 bHs33 ‘ten’ sb’hj02 sbHo13

5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data 551

[o] in BYDCBG was recorded as [B] twice, and as [C:t] and [uo] once each.

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘bat’ un00 uC:t20 ‘bird’ ynf02 YBj13 ‘to go down’ ynM00 YtnM20 ‘shallow’ fanf44 faBj33 The pitch values as reported in the 1950s data and in our data are given below. 1950 data Tone 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch 22 00 44 42 13 02 44 02 Example m`22 m`00 m`44 m`42 ju`13 s`02 y`o44, yCo44 j`o02, jCo02 Gloss thick field face mother’s to cross river to carry (with to press older shoulder pole), between, brother small pig basket to catch 1990 data Category 1 2 3, 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch value 44 31 42 34 24 45 24 5.20. Ziyun Huohua Most of the words transcribed in the 1950s with [z] initial were transcribed with [Y]. The nucleus of several of these words also was different. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘bird’ ynj02 Ynj13 ‘ear’ yh00 YL20 ‘to vomit’ yt02 Yt13 ‘to boil’ ytM22 YtM22 ‘outside’ yn02 Yn13 ‘to crawl’ ytm00 ytm20

A few words transcribed in the 1950s with [s] were recorded in our data with [b]. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘scales (weighing)’ rCM02 bhCM13 ‘to borrow’ rh13 bh24

Some words transcribed in the 1950s with [F] were recorded in our data with [G], [g], or [f] initials. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘bank (river)’ FCm00 GCm20 ‘rice’ FCt31 fC:t31 ‘to close’ FCo44 f=o24 ‘smelly’ GCt22 gCt22

552 5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data

The [j] initial in BYDCBG was recorded as [Y] once and [G] once:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘goat’ itM00 Yt:M20 ‘guest’ id13 GD24

The vowel [L] transcribed in the 1950s was recorded as various different vowels in our data. Examples:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘leaf’ faCL22 faC22 ‘bean’ kLj02s=t02 k=j13o=h13 ‘clothes’ oL02 oX13 ‘fertilizer’ oLm02 o=m13 ‘to give’ FCL44 FC13 ‘inside’ fcCL22 fcC22 [i] in BYDCBG was sometimes recorded as various other vowels in our data:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘duck’ ohs44 oHs24 ‘ear’ yh00 YL20 ‘foot’ shm22 s=m22 ‘to sew’ ¯ho02 mh@o13 ‘to ride’ jth02 jtDh13 ‘to smile’ yht22 yh=t22 [e] in the 1950s data was sometimes recorded as various other nuclei:

English 1950 1990 English 1950 1990 ‘year’ odh22 o=h22 ‘sand’ yd13 yD24 ‘vegetable’ odj44 oiDj24 ‘mosquito’ mdM20 ¯DM20 ‘tooth’ idt44 iCt33 ‘towel gourd’ jud22 jvD22 ‘sick’ odM02 ohDM13 ‘to choose’ kd02 kD13 ‘one’ fcdt22 fch@t22 ‘four’ rdh13 r=h24 ‘good’ fcdh22 fc=h22 ‘expensive’ odM00 ohDM20 The pitch values as reported in the 1950s data and in our data are given below. 1950 data Tone 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pitch 22 00 44 42 13 02 44 02 Example m`22 m`00 m`44 m`42 ju`13 s`02 y`o44, yCo44 j`o02, jCo02 Gloss thick field face mother’s to cross river to carry (with to press older shoulder pole), between, brother small pig basket to catch

5. Comparison of 1990s data with 1950s data 553

1990 data Category 1 2 3 4 5 6 7, 9 8 10 Pitch value 33 31 34 or 44 43 24 22 45 22 33 Conclusion For the following sounds, there is often either change or discrepancy between the BYDCBG data and ours. These are the sounds that vary most often across all or most of the data points:

BYDCBG sound Sounds in our data u v r S, b, p g G, F, w L X, =, X= d D final j final f There was also considerable difference in the complex vowels between our data and the BYDCBG, the nuclei found in our data sometimes being more complex than those recorded in the 1950s. For most of the data points, there is some difference in pitch values. Of all the phonological features of a language, pitch varies the most. The variation we see between our data and the BYDCBG could be due to change over time. However, pitch can vary slightly even from village to village. Since we do not know the exact village in the BYDCBG data points, and since in any one data point there are several villages, the variation could be due to pitch variation within the data point itself.

6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers

6.0. Introduction Our study was conducted with the aim of collecting data from as many of the original points in the BYDCBG as possible, in order to visit all of the various Bouyei lectal areas, and to do com- parative research between our data and the 1950s data to see if there are any significant changes going on. In each data point, our word list was collected (transcribed and then recorded) from an older speaker and a younger speaker concurrently in different rooms. We then listened to each tape, refining our transcriptions. In comparing the speech of younger and older speakers, we noted that in general there is not a great difference. Differences lie mainly in varying occurrences of allo- phones and we, therefore, will focus our comparison mainly on allophonic differences. Looking at the allophonic differences between older and younger speaker’s speech, it is possible to see some general linguistic tendencies. With regard to the data points, the linguistic environment has changed rather significantly since BYDCBG. The economic and educational conditions are more advanced, and the influence of the Han language and culture is greater. Especially along lines of transportation, more and more Bouyei people are bilingual to some degree. Therefore, the speakers that we collected data from were often bilingual rather than monolingual. In some of the points we visited, younger Bouyei people were using Chinese more than Bouyei, using Bouyei mainly with older Bouyei people who were not fluent in Chinese. In these areas, the influence of Chinese on the younger people’s speech was of course very great. In comparing the data of our survey with that of BYDCBG, it is apparent that there are differ- ences between the speech of the 1950s and our data, and between the speech of younger people and older people. The differences are not always the same between younger and older people, nor the same between lectal areas. Some phonemes have several allophones, and sometimes the difference between allophones is rather great. This results in apparent mixing of allophones and other pho- nemes. We realize that each speaker will have individual speech characteristics, though in each data point speakers were selected whose mother tongue was Bouyei and spoke it fluently. There- fore, the speech we collected will be generally representative of current Bouyei speech, and the characteristic differences found between younger and older people’s speech will be generally representative of current Bouyei speech. There are several reasons why a language will change. The situation with regard to Bouyei involves at least the following factors: 1. Lack of local implementation of a . Although the government helped create an orthography for the Bouyei people in the 1950s, except for a few selected points the orthography is not being used. If there is no locally accepted writing system, the language is more susceptible to phonological change. The beginning of phonological change is generally imperceptible to the listener (unless they are linguistically trained) as long as it does not affect the intended meaning. It is, therefore, impossible that any lect of a language would match up with a single standard orthography. In spoken language, rapid speech, and intonation will often induce phonological change. 2. The Bouyei people largely live in areas that have as well and, therefore, have a high level of contact with the Han. This has a definite impact on the Bouyei language. Han Chinese and Bouyei are different, and their phonologies and phonetics are different. When two languages are both often used, there is a definite respective influence of the sound systems on each other. For example, the Bouyei sound [v] often tends toward [w], a Han sound. The

554 6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers 555

Bouyei sounds [p] and [Y] tend to develop closer to the point of articulation of the Han Chinese sound [ts]. Bouyei sounds [kw] and [mj] tend to develop to unlabialized and unpala- talized sounds, similar to Chinese. In addition, many Chinese loan words are used in Bouyei today, and sometimes original Bouyei words are lost. Bouyei people often prefer using Chinese for words for abstract things, words for things rarely seen or used (like ‘stinkbug’), adverbs (like ‘most’, ‘more’, ‘quickly’, etc.), and conjunctions (like ‘because’, ‘or’, etc.). 3. Although Bouyei does not have dialects, it does have regional lects, and each lect has sub- variations. The Bouyei do not live isolated lives, but are often in contact with people outside the village. Therefore, the interaction of different Bouyei varieties can and does cause language change. For example, the nucleus [oi] in Wangmo and Ceheng is pronounced [t@h] in neigh- boring Anlong and Zhenfeng. The border area between these two lectal regions often has variation of this nucleus between [oi] and [t@h]. From analyzing the speech of younger and older speakers in 10 different points, the following characteristics can be seen: 1. Certain lexical items have been lost in Bouyei, though relatively speaking only a very small percentage of the total lexicon. The loan words are borrowed from the local Han variety, of course. This has happened in the speech of older and younger people, though the percentage of borrowing is slightly higher in younger people’s speech. However, the particular lexical items borrowed, and the percentage of borrowing, is not the same from Bouyei lect to lect. The larger the Han influence, the larger the percentage of borrowing. Of the 10 points selected for the study of younger and older people’s speech, the point with the highest percentage of borrowing is Dushan Shuiyan, with approximately 5.4 percent borrowing rate. Second highest percentage of borrowing occurs in the Duyun Fuxi point, with approximately 4.6 percent for the younger speaker and 4 percent for the older person.

2. With regard to initials, /z/ (or /p/, /Y/), /s/ (or /S/), and /x/ (or /F/) often have allophones. In varieties where [p] and [S] (or [Y] and [r[]) are allophones, younger speakers in general tend toward the phones [z] and [s] more frequently than older speakers. For example, the older speaker in Ziyun HuoHua produced the [z] allophone approximately 50 percent of the time, whereas the younger speaker produced it approximately 84 percent of the time. In Zhenning Shitouzhai, the older speaker produced [z] and [Y] both 50 percent the time, but the younger speaker produced [z] 95 percent of the time. In Wangmo, the older speaker produced [p] close to 95 percent of the time; the younger speaker produced [z] 15 percent of the time. The older speaker produced [S] approximately 68.4 percent of the time; the younger speaker produced [s] close to 73 percent of the time. Some varieties with an /x/ phoneme have allophones [F], [h], and [G], though the mapping of phoneme to allophone(s) is different in each variety. However, in virtually each place there seems to be much random or free variation. 3. In most data points, the occurrence of labialization is less than in the 1950s, with [w] changing to [u] in a secondary onset position. For example, ‘to pass over’ [jv`4] has changed to [jt`4], ‘wide’ [jv`:M4] has changed to [jt`:M4], etc. In general, younger speakers tend toward loss of labialization slightly more than older speakers.

556 6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers

4. The occurrence of palatalization is also less than in the 1950s, with [j] changing to [i] in the secondary onset position. For example, ‘vegetable’ [oi`j6] has changed to [oh`j6], ‘at’ [fit4] has changed to [fht4], etc. 5. Of the areas where [w] and [v] are sometimes interchangeably used, areas that have a high amount of Han contact tend to produce [w] more often than [v]. For example, in Qinglong Zitang the older speakers produced [w] about 75 percent of the time, and the younger speaker about 88 percent of the time. In Zhenning Shitouzhai, however, the older speaker was a retired school teacher and produced mainly [w], but the younger speaker produced mainly [v]. 6. With regard to long vowels, many places tend toward “lighter” syllables (less length), and a certain few places have virtually lost vowel length distinction, especially on syllables closed with [p], [t], or [k]. For example, in Wangmo about 20 percent of the words with historically long vowels are no longer than the short vowels. In that place, for the words the older speakers produced [o:], the younger speaker produced short [o] or [B] about 45 percent of the time. Of the words that the older speakers produced [B:] or [o:], the younger speaker produced short vowels 68.7 percent of the time. These variations are not systematic across lects, however. Also, in many places, for the [e]/[D] vowels, younger speakers produced long vowels on a few words, but older speakers never produced an [e] or [D] with significant length.

7. Older speakers in general produced the [H] allophone of /i/ more often than younger speakers. 8. Phonemes with the most frequent occurrence of allophones were generally vowels. In addition to points 6 and 7 mentioned above rd • /a/ often has allophones [@], [C], and [?] (in the 3 lect area) • /D/ has the allophone [e] • /o/ varies with [ua] or [t@], and • /u/ often varies with [T] or [t=]. With respect to the various data points, each has its own characteristic differences between the speech of older and younger people. In some places, there is difference in the production of final stops and in the production of tones as well. 6.1. Differences of the speech of older speakers versus younger speakers in specific data points 6.1.1. Ceheng Huarong In studying the speech of the older and younger speaker of Ceheng Huarong, we found the following differences: 1. On some lexical items, the younger speaker borrowed Chinese but not the older, and on a few items the older speaker borrowed but not the younger. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘paternal grandfather’ o@t4 ihD20 (Chinese) ‘again’ i@t13 (Chinese) ln4

6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers 557

2. With regard to the initials, there are relatively few allophones. Older speakers had 12 instances of labialized initials, whereas younger speakers had labialization on only five of these. Labialization in younger speaker’s speech in this area is probably disappearing. 3. With regard to the nucleus, the simple vowels in open syllables are relatively stable in the older speaker’s speech. In the younger speaker’s speech, /o/ often varies with [T], [Tn], and [ou]. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘well’ fan4 faT4 ‘mountain’ on0 oT ‘pig sty’ Gn5lt0 wT5lt0 ‘knee’ l`1wn4 l`1wnT0 ‘new’ ln4 lTn4 The variations on complex vowels or syllables with finals are more significant in both younger and older speech. The length on [a:] in the younger speaker’s speech was generally shortened in multisyllable words, and there was also some variation between [a] and [@]. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘dust’ m`:l5lnm4 m`M5lt`m4 ‘roof’ mDM1p`:m1 mDM1p`m1 ‘scissors’ s`t0 s`:t0 ‘ghost’ e`:M1 e`M1 ‘lightning’ fi`o6oi`2 fi@o6oi`2 ‘mist/fog’ k@o7ln4 k`o7ln4

/D/ infrequently has an [e] allophone in both the speech of the older and younger speaker. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘to hang’ udm0 uD:m0 ‘to be’ sDM0 sd:M0 ‘to hurt’ sbDs6 sbd:M0 ‘expensive’ odM1 oDM1

558 6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers

About half the occurrences of [nM] in the older speaker’s speech were produced as [tM] in the younger person’s speech. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘moon’ pnM5fchDm0 ptM5fchDm0 ‘rainbow’ bnM1 btM1 ‘to boil’ pnM0 ptM0 ‘lock’ knM2 ktM2 ‘to continue’ snM3s`l0 stM3s`l0 ‘to fight’ snM3w`:h3 stM3w`:h3 ‘drum’ sbnM0 sbTM0

In addition, there were a very few occurrences of [t`M] (‘weaving machine’ [bt`M1]), and [n:M] (‘two’ [Sn:M0] and ‘to work’ [jt=5 wn:M0]).

In both older and younger speaker’s speech, /u/ sometimes had the allophone [T], or [t=]:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘glutinous rice’ bTs7 bts7 ‘to stand’ fct=m0 fcTm0 ‘to forget’ kTl1 ktl1 ‘rabbit’ ¯ts7sn4 ¯t=s7sn4 On a few lexical items that the older speaker produced an [o] nucleus, the younger speaker produced [T] or [u], similar to [nM] versus [tM]. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘person’ wnm1 wTm1 ‘beard’ lnl5 lTl5 ‘fat’ fnm4 fT=m4 ‘dust’ m`:l5 lnm4 m`M5 lt`m4

Regarding the complex vowels with [i], [u], or [X] in the initial vowel position and either [@], [=], or [D] in the secondary position, there is infrequent variation in the secondary position when comparing younger and older speech. Examples:

6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers 559

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘mosquito net’ ph@o6 ph=o6 ‘umbrella’ kh@M2 kh@M2 ‘to mend’ uX=M2 uX@M0 ‘goat’ it@M1 it=M1 ‘to borrow’ bhD4 bh=4 ‘blood’ khDs7 kh=s7 There are a few other examples of allophonic differences:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘to carry with hand’ pht2 phDt2 ‘quick’ pht1 ph=t1 ‘quickly’ phDt1mt@h5 pht1mnh5 ‘gold’ sbHl0 sbhl0 ‘money’ bdm1 bhm1 ‘bird’ pBj7 pnj7 ‘mosquito’ mhM1 md:M1 ‘sick’ ohM5 oHM5 ‘narrow’ b@M1 bh@m1 There is very little difference in production of tone in the younger person’s and older person’s speech, though random variations such as [33] versus [44] or [35] versus [24] do occur. In summary, variation occurs mainly in the nucleus. There is a tendency for younger speakers to produce [tM], whereas older speakers produce [nM], and /o/ in the older person’s speech often tends to /u/ ([T]) in the younger person’s speech. 6.1.2. Duyun Fuxi In studying the speech of the older and younger speaker of Duyun Fuxi, we found the following differences: 1. For certain lexical items the older speakers used Chinese loans, having lost those items in their mother tongue. For example, ‘expensive’, ‘inexpensive’, ‘gift’, ‘peaceful’, ‘if’, etc. (a total of about 4 percent of the data). Younger speakers borrowed Chinese at just a slightly higher percentage. Younger speakers borrowed Chinese for such items as ‘sugarcane’, ‘taro’, and ‘story’; items for which the older speakers used Bouyei. On a few of the Chinese loans, the older and younger speakers had slightly different pronunciation. For example:

560 6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘peaceful’ [ ] r[hm24 rhm13 [rhm22 rhM13] (probably borrowing the word 清静 or qing1jing4) ‘wrong’ [srn13] [rn3] In comparison with the other data points, Duyun Fuxi has a greater difference between lexical items in older and younger speaker’s speech. Close to 10 percent of the data had different lexical items. For example:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘stinkbug’ [kh=s33] [yh@o24] ‘bat’ [oh24 o@t22 oh`20] [ut24 u`:t22 oi`f20] ‘sour’ [fc`s33] [s`:s24] 2. With regard to initials, the following differences were observed:

/z/ in the older person’s speech had the allophones [z], [Y], and [y[], but this phoneme in the younger person’s speech was relatively stable. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘moon’ Yt`M5fchDm0 yt@M5fchDm0 ‘road’ Yt`m0 yt@m0 ‘stone’ y[hm0 yhm0 ‘dry field’ y[h5 yh5 ‘boat’ yt=1 yt=1 ‘water’ y`l3 y@l3

Where the older speaker produced the voiced velar fricative [F], the younger speaker often produced a voiced glottal fricative [G]. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘rice’ F`t3 G`t3 ‘chin’ F`M1 G`:M1 ‘knee’ sbh`t2Fn4 sbi@t2Gn4 ‘to bite’ F`o7 G`o7

There was only one example of the older speaker producing [G] (‘a kind of bamboo’ [u@h3 GL1]). This example was not one of the word list items, but was elicited discussing the item ‘bamboo’). The younger speaker produced [F] on only a few words: ‘morning’ [F@s6], ‘evening’ [F`:l4], ‘a kind of bamboo’ [u@h3 FX1], and ‘white rice’ [G`t3 F`:t0].

6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers 561

Where the older speaker produced [w], the younger speaker most often produced [v]. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘tree’ v`h3 u@h3 ‘cloud’ v=2 uX=2 ‘axe’ v`m0 u`:m0 ‘classifier for knife handle’ v`j7 u`j7 However, for a few examples both the older and younger speaker produced the same phone (e.g., ‘cock’s crest’ [v=m0] and ‘to hang’ [v`h2]). This phone in both older and younger speaker’s speech has an element of free variation. For example, in the older person’s speech, ‘tree’ is [v`h3]. This lexeme occurs with a [v] in the ‘kind of bamboo’ example [u@h3 FL1]. Both the older and younger speaker’s speech has some loss of palatalization and labialization, but the older speaker had fewer examples than the younger speaker. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘drunk’ fihl4 fhl4 ‘hungry’ fi=f4 fhDj33 ‘mother’ lD5 liD5 ‘vegetable’ oh`j6 oi`j6 ‘to warm by fire’ oht4 oiDt4 ‘to comb’ yt@h0 yv@h0 ‘drum’ sbt`M0 sbvBM0 ‘Bouyei’ finh3 fivnh3 ‘afternoon’ jv`4khM1 jv`4khM1 There does not seem to be any regularity regarding the occurrence or nonoccurrence of pala- talization and labialization, but a free variation phenomenon. For the item ‘already’, the older speaker produced [jt`4kh`t3]. The first morpheme was clearly not strongly labialized. The first morpheme has the meaning ‘to pass over’, which the older speaker pronounced in isolation as [jv`4]. In addition, for ‘goat’, the older speaker produced the initial [j], while the younger speaker produced [xt@M1]. Where the younger speaker produced the initial [¯] (e.g., ‘mosquito’ [¯@M1]), the older speaker produced [ni]. On a few words where the younger speaker produced the initial [b], the older speaker produced [R] (‘stupid’ [Rt@h]). On some words where the older speaker produced the initial [sb], the younger speaker produced [kj] or something like [bi] (e.g., ‘cold’ [jihDm3] or ‘near’ [bi@h2]).

562 6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers

3. Regarding the nucleus and final, there is not a great deal of difference between the simple vowels in open syllables of the younger and older speaker. Most of the differences lie in complex vowels or in syllables with a final. For many of the words which the older speaker produced with [a], the younger speaker produced [@]:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘lightning’ fi`o6oi`2 fi@o6oi`2 ‘morning’ F`s6 F@s6 ‘evening’ F`l5 F`:l5 ‘morning meal’ M`:h1 M`:h1 ‘water buffalo’ u`:h1 u`:h1 ‘leaf’ fa`h0 fa@h0 Where the older person produced [a] in the secondary nucleus position, the younger speaker produced [@]. For example:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘moon’ Yt`M5fchDm0 yt@M5fchDm0 ‘day’ Mt`m1 Mt@m1 ‘road’ Yt`m0 yt@m0 ‘strength’ y[h`M1 yh@M1 The final [k] on lexical items was completely stable in the younger speaker’s speech, whereas for some of these lexical items the older speaker produced [f]. Examples:

English Older person Younger person ‘mouth’ o`f6 oi`j6 ‘bone’ fct@f6 fctBj6 ‘pumpkin’ u`f7 u@j7 ‘hungry’ fi=f6 fhDj6 ‘to vomit’ Yt=6 yt=j6

There is also variation between [i] and [H], [u] and [T], [ua] and [n=], [ua] and [tB], and [o] and [uo]. These variations occur very infrequently and are irregular. 4. Tones 1, 4, and 6 are basically the same in the speech of the older and younger person. The differences involving the other tones are as follows: • The 3rd tone of the younger speaker is noticeably shorter, and what should be open syl- lables with this tone can even end with a glottal stop. • The 5th tone is [44] in the older person’s speech, with little tendency toward rising. This tone in the younger person’s speech is sometimes [35], however. In both the speech of the

6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers 563

younger and older person, a very few words with this proto-tone has a [33] pitch value. For example, ‘stool’ [fc`M22] in the older person’s speech; ‘stool’ [fc`M22] and ‘big’ [fct=l22] in the younger person’s speech. Other tonal differences were relatively insignificant. In summary, the initials, nucleus, and finals in Duyun Fuxi speech all have minor differences between younger and older speech. Much of the variation is due to random variation between allophones. 6.1.3. Dushan Shuiyan In studying the speech of the older and younger speaker of Dushan Shuiyan, we found the following differences: 1. Some of the Bouyei lexical items have been lost, being replaced by Chinese loans. For example, the older speakers used Chinese for ‘bamboo pole’ and ‘god’, the younger speakers used Chinese for ‘friend’ and ‘bow’, etc. About 5 percent of the lexical items in the Dushan Shuiyan data are Chinese loans. 2. The major differences in initials between the older and younger speaker are as follows:

The usage of the allophones [z], [Y], and [y[] is quite random in both the speech of the older and younger speaker. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘stone’ y[hm0 YHm0 ‘building’ Y`m1 y`:m1 ‘dry field’ y[h5 yh5 ‘to go down’ YnM1 y[t@M1 For some words where the older speaker produced [w] the younger speaker produced [v]:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘iron’ v`1 u`1 ‘bamboo’ v@h3wL1 u@h3wX1 ‘hand’ v=M1 u=M1 ‘classifier (handle of knife)’ v`5 v`5 ‘axe’ v`m0 v`m0 The difference between a few of the initials produced by the older and younger speaker was rather large. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘cucumber’ sh=M0 fchdM1 ‘to stand’ rnM1 bv@M1 The reason for these differences merit further study.

564 6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers

There are also slight differences between the pronunciation of the older and younger speaker with regard to labialization. For example:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘hoe’ jt=f4 jvX=4 ‘comb’ Yt@h0 y[v@h13 ‘day’ Mv@m1 Mn=m1 3. Concerning the nucleus, for simple vowels in open syllables there is relatively little difference between younger and older speakers. Most of the differences occur with complex vowels or in syllables with a final consonant. The younger speaker produced [a:] more frequently than the older speaker. Examples of words the younger speaker produced [a:] and the older speaker did not:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘breakfast’ M`h1sr`t3 M`:h1sc@t3 ‘village’ fa`m3 fa`:m3 ‘building’ Y`m1 y`:m1 ‘goose’ w`m4 w`:m4 For several of the words where the older speaker produced [a], the younger speaker produced [@]:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘water’ y[`l3 y[@l3 ‘dirt’ m`l5 m@l5 ‘silver’ M`m1 M@m1 ‘rice’ w`t3r`m3 w@t3r`m0 There are examples where the younger speaker produced [a] and the older speaker produced [@], but these are very few. For example, ‘dark’ [k@o6] (younger) versus [k`o6] (older).

For words in the older person’s speech that had a [o] nucleus, the younger speaker most often produced [t@] or [tB], with a very few occurrences of [B:] or [B]. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘cloudy (water)’ ¯nM1 ¯t@M1 ‘hard’ fcnM3 fctBM3 ‘dustpan’ fcnM3 fct@M0 ‘drum’ sbnM0 sbt@M0 ‘3 p. (excl.)’ sbnM4st0 sbtBM4st0

6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers 565

In addition, there are a few examples where the older speaker produced a labialized initial followed by [@], and the younger speaker produced and unlabialized initial and [o] or [n=] for the nucleus. For example, ‘day’ [Mv@m1] (older) versus [Mn=m1] (younger).

Where older speakers produced [D], younger speakers sometimes produced [=]:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘rain’ vDm0 v=m0 ‘earthworm’ fcDm0 fc=m0 ‘hungry’ fihDf3 ih=f4 ‘to wash (hands)’ rtDh4 rv=h4

However, in most instances both the older and younger speaker produced [=]. Other differences between younger and older speech occur in the nucleus, though relatively insignificant ([i] versus [H], [u] versus [T], and [h=] versus [hD] or [ie]).

The [k] final on some of the words produced by the older speaker is weakened to a glottal, whereas the younger speaker produced [k]:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘tiger’ jtf6 jTj6 ‘bird’ Ynf7 ynj7 ‘brain’ ftf6 ftj6 4. Regarding tones, most of the difference between younger and older speech occurs on the 7th and 8th tones. For the 7th tone pitch the older speaker produced [35], whereas the younger speaker produced either a high rising [35]/[45] or a high even [55]/[44]. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘sunlight’ fchs24 fchs24 ‘morning’ w`s24 w`s34 ‘late’ k@o24 k`o44 ‘board’ s`o24 s`:o44 ‘broom’ sbhs24¯ht20 sbhs44¯ht20 ‘to dry in sun’ s`f24 s`f24 ‘sour’ fc`s24 fc`s24 ‘to hurt’ sbDs24 sbDs24 The younger speaker produced the high rising pitch and the even pitch on about the same frequency of lexical items. For the 8th tone, both the older and younger speaker produced various pitches, without any apparent rule. The 8th tone is short, which may be a factor. Examples:

566 6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘bird’ Ynf20 ynj22 ‘claw’ yho22 yho22 ‘wing’ v=s24 vX24 ‘ant’ lns20 lBs20 ‘stinkbug’ khDs24 k=s33 ‘blood’ kL=s22 kL=s33 ‘to bite’ w@o20 w`o11 ‘to nod’ M`f24 M`f31 ‘bird nets’ YtM20Ynf20 YBM20ynj22 ‘to sew’ ¯ho22 ¯Ho20 ‘to steal’ y[`f20 y[`f11 ‘ten’ sbho22 sbHo22 ‘child’ k=f20m@h24 k=f20m@h24 ‘only child’ k=f20sB33 k=f20sBf44 Difference in the pitches seem to be random. In summary, most of the differences between younger and older speech occurs in the nucleus, and the pitch values of closed syllable words. Much of the difference that occurs between older and younger speech seems random. 6.1.4. Qinglong Zitang In studying the speech of the older and younger speaker of Qinglong Zitang, we found the following differences:

1. [ts’] and [sb’] do not occur on the same lexical items in the older and younger person’s speech. Although the aspiration is sometimes light, it is easy to distinguish the aspirated sounds from the nonaspirated sounds. The older speaker produced aspiration on only four lexical items; the younger speaker on slightly more items. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘afternoon’ srX1w@M1 sr’X1w=M1 ‘gold’ sbHl0 sb’hl0 ‘three-legged stand’ sbhM1 sb’hM1 ‘evening meal’ sr’`t1 sr’`t1 ‘scissors’ sb`t1 sb’`t1 ‘cow’ sb’h sb’h1 ‘pestle (for sticky rice)’ ih0sr’Dh1 fh0srdh1

6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers 567

[w] and [v] vary randomly. The younger speaker produced [w] slightly more frequently than the older speaker. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘free time’ u`M4 v`M4 ‘reed’ u@h3Mtn3 v@h3Mn3 ‘cotton’ u`:h4 v`h4 ‘story’ unM1 vnM1 ‘tree’ u`h3 v`h3 There are just a few examples of when the younger speaker produced [v] and the older speaker produced [w]; ‘wing’ [u=s7] (younger) versus [v=s7] (older). The younger speaker has a tendency to produce [w], whereas the older speaker has a tendency to produce [v]. In addition to the variation between older and younger speech for the aspirated affricates, there is also some variation for [x] and [h], [j] and [I], and a few other pairs. These variations are very infrequent though.

2. Except for /X/, there is little difference between the speech of the older and younger speaker with regard to simple vowels in open syllables. For /X/, the older speaker sometimes produced the allophone [=], whereas the younger speaker often produced a vowel tending toward [L], and produced [X] infrequently. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘chopsticks’ s=5 sL5 ‘to paddle (boat)’ s=1 sL1 ‘dry’ w=4 wL4 ‘snake’ MX1 ML1 ‘afternoon’ srX1w@M1 sr’X1w=M1

In addition, there are some differences for the vowel pair [o] and [B]. The older speaker produced [B] only once (‘to leak’ [iB5]), and produced [n=] once (‘mist/fog’ [k`o6 ln=]). There are some differences for the vowel pair [D] and [e].

There is more variation between the speech of the younger and older speaker with regard to complex nuclei and syllables with a final consonant. On lexical items where the older speaker produced [a:], the younger speaker did not. The length difference was very clear. Examples:

568 6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘morning’ j`:M0w`s6 j`M0w`s6 ‘day’ Mv`:m1 Mv`m1 ‘lunch’ M`:h1 M`h1 ‘dirt’ m`:l5 m`l5 ‘water buffalo’ v`:h1 vDh1 ‘tail’ o`:h0i=M0 o`h0ihM0 ‘horn’ j`:t0 j`t0 ‘bat’ u`:t1 u`t1 ‘cotton’ u`:h4 v`h4 ‘three’ r`:l0 r`l0 Variation between [o] and [u] is a special phenomenon. Where the older speaker produced the final [nM], the younger speaker generally produced [tM]. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘spider’ inM1jnM4j`t0 itM1jtM4j`t0 ‘belly’ snM3 stM3 ‘to boil’ inM0 itM0 ‘to mend’ unM0 utM0 ‘together’ snM3st`h5 stM3st`h5

There is also one example (‘pig pen’) where the older speaker produced the final [nM] and the younger speaker produced [t`M].

Where the older speaker produced [Dh] (infrequently [@h]), the younger speaker most often produced [ei] (infrequently [Dh]). Examples:

6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers 569

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘claw’ iHo7k@h1 iHo7kdh1 ‘fin’ j@h1 jdh1 ‘to reach out’ o@h1 odh1 ‘to live’ wDh3 wdh3 ‘fire’ vDh3 vdh3 ‘to hit’ sDh1 sdh1 ‘two’ Mdh5 Mdh5 ‘left’ rtDh3 rvDh3 ‘thousand’ wDh4 wDh4 The younger speaker produced this phoneme slightly higher in the vowel space than did the older speaker. Other variations that occur do so only very infrequently. Before a final voiceless stop, /u/ → [T] and /i/ → [H] (even [D]) in the older speaker’s speech (e.g., ‘tiger’ [jTj6]). Younger speakers produced the lax allophones very infrequently.

On a few lexical items, where the older speaker produced a triphthong or diphthong, the younger speaker produced a diphthong or simple vowel instead. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘bowl’ stDh3 sth3 ‘cucumber’ k=j7 sh`M0 shM0 ‘umbrella’ kh=M2 khM2

Where the older speaker produced [@t], the younger speaker produced [=t]. For example, ‘at’ [fi@t4] (older) versus [fi=t4] (younger).

There are other instances of variation of nuclei between the speech of the older and younger speaker. For example, the phones [D], [=], [a], and [?] vary, but these occur very infrequently, and without rule.

3. The pitch of the 3rd and 5th tones vary between the older and younger speaker’s speech. The other tones have very little variation. The younger speaker produced [35] pitch for the 3rd tone, whereas the older speaker largely produced [44] or [55]. For the 5th tone, the older speaker generally produced [24], sometimes [35]. The younger speaker produced [24] some of the time as well, but overall produced [35] somewhat more frequently.

570 6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers

6.1.5. Guiding Gonggu In studying the speech of the older and younger speaker of Guiding Gonggu, we found the following differences: 1. On some lexical items the younger speaker used Chinese, whereas the older speaker used Bouyei. 2. With regard to initials, the older speaker produced the phone [c] (sometimes [cj]) on some words. On these words, the younger speaker produced [sb]. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘morning’ c@M22F@s24 sb`M22G@s24 ‘evening meal’ c@t02 sb`t102 ‘table’ co13 sbn13 ‘egg’ c@h22 sb@h23 ‘three-legged stand’ chM02 sbh=M103 ‘bamboo hat’ c@o24 sb@o24 ‘scissors’ cj@t02 sbh`t13

There were only two instances where the older speaker produced [sb] (‘seedling’ [sb`13] and ‘3 p. plural’ [sbnM22 sh24]). The initial transcribed for these words in BYDCBG is [sb].

On a few words, the younger speaker produced [G] instead of [F], as in ‘morning’ [G@s24].

With regard to palatalized and labialized initials, on some words the younger speaker produced, the secondary consonant was weakened to a vowel. For example, ‘vegetable’ [oh@j24] versus [oi@f24] in the older person’s speech, ‘to pass over’ [jt`22] versus [jv`22], and ‘wide’ [jt`M22] versus [jv`M22]. For the two words ‘seven’ and ‘ten’, the younger speaker produced the initial [sb], whereas the older speaker produced [sr]. In addition, there were just a few examples of other differences in initials (e.g., ‘work’ [FnM24] versus [v@M24]).

3. With regard to the nucleus, there is very little difference in the simple vowels on open syllables. The younger speaker sometimes produced [L] for the phoneme /X/. There is greater difference in the complex nucleus, and in vowels in closed syllables.

6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers 571

Whenever the older speaker produced [B], the younger speaker produced [t`]. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘moon’ YBM42fc=m24 Yt`M31fc=m24 ‘bank (river)’ jBm22 jt`M22 ‘tail’ jBM13YX=M24 jt`M13Y=:M24 ‘bird’ YBf02 yt`j23 ‘to fall’ sBf24 st`f24

Where the older speaker produced [o], the younger speaker produced [t@] or [ua] (there is only one item on which the younger speaker produced [o], ‘weaving machine’ [srnM103]). Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘late’ kns24 kt@s24 ‘to go down’ YnM02 Yt@M103 ‘forest’ fcnM24 fct@M24 ‘to stand’ rnM02 rt@M13

For most of the instances where the older speaker produced [tM], the younger speaker produced [nM]. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘rainbow’ stM02 snM13 ‘tiger’ jtf24 jnf24 ‘brain’ ftf24 fnf24 ‘belly’ stM20 snM20 ‘intestines’ stM20fc@X24 snM20fc`L24

On some of the words where the older speaker produced [@], the younger speaker produced [a] instead:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘evening meal’ c@t02 sb`t102 ‘silver’ M`m02 M`m201 ‘rice’ F`t20 F`t20 ‘tree’ u@h20 u`h20

Most likely, the younger speakers do not distinguish between [a] and [@].

572 6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers

There are other slight differences in the complex vowels and in closed syllables. The younger speaker at times produced a diphthong with [=] as secondary vowel on words, where the older speaker produced only a simple vowel (as in ‘wind’ [yt=l113]). In addition, there is infrequent variation between [=] and [@], [=:] and [X=], and [i] and [H]. These variations are simply allophonic.

4. Tonal differences involve pitch difference only, and occur mainly on the 2nd tone. For the 2nd tone, the older speaker produced [13], whereas the younger speaker produced a dipping tone [213]/[214], or a kind of extended tone [223]/[224]. For the 6th tone the older speaker produced a higher pitch overall [53] versus [42] that the younger speaker produced.

6.1.6. Luodian Poqiu In studying the speech of the older and younger speaker of Luodian Poqiu, we found the following differences: 1. For a few lexical items such as ‘stinkbug’, ‘reed’, and ‘mortar’ the younger speaker used Chinese, whereas the older speaker used only Bouyei. There were also a total of 24 lexical items where the older and younger speaker used different Bouyei words, though some of these words are synonyms. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘soft grass’ ¯`13ft=m31 ¯h=22 ‘owl’ Yn20jt13Gt20 Yn20sb@t22lhDt22 ‘sour’ sbDs24 r[nl22 ‘pot’ b`:m24 jnl24 ‘gift’ k@h31 sn20ih@M42 2. With regard to initials, there is not a great deal of difference. Only a few words had different initials. For example, ‘morning’ [G`:s24] (older) versus [F`s24] (younger) and ‘girl’ [faX=24] (older) versus [lX=24] (younger). There are relatively few allophonic differences in the speech of this data point. For example, /Y/ in the older person’s speech only has one instance each of [z] and [y[]; /r[/ occurs as [S] and [s], though infrequently, and /w/ occurs as [G] once, ‘poor’ [vn22 Gn22]. 3. There is virtually no difference between the older and younger person’s speech with regard to the nucleus in open syllables, with only a few exceptions such as ‘sugar cane’ [fB31] (older) versus [fn31] (younger) or ‘to buy’ [bX31] (older) versus [bHX31]. Also, where [X] occurs in an open syllable in the older speaker’s speech, the younger speaker often produced [X=] or [h=]. The differences in the younger and older person’s speech with regard to complex vowels and the nucleus of closed syllables are more significant.

6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers 573

On some words the older speaker produced [a] but the younger speaker produced [a:]:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘to sit’ m`M42 m`:M42 ‘to walk’ oi`h22 oi`:h22 ‘to carry with shoulder pole’ Y`o24 Y`:o24 ‘to close’ G`o24 G`:o24 ‘to open’ G`h13 G`:h13 ‘slanted’ jv`h22 jv`:h22 There are also a few instances where the older speaker produced [a:] and the younger speaker produced [a]:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘morning’ G`:s24 F`s24 ‘like’ f`:M42 f`M24 ‘burn’ oi`:t13 oi`t13

On some items the older speaker produced [a] whereas the younger speaker produced [@]:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘back’ k`M13 k@M13 ‘skin’ m`M3 m@M13 ‘hook’ M`t24 M@t24 ‘to return’ s`t24 s@t24

On some words the older speaker produced [@] but the younger speaker produced [a]:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘lightning’ fi@o24 fi`o24 ‘stool’ s@M24 s`M24 ‘rice’ G`t31 G`t31 ‘corner’ j@t13 j`t13

For the phoneme /u/ the older speaker generally produced the allophone [T] when occur- ring before a nasal final (as in ‘beard’ [lTl42]), whereas the younger speaker did not. On some words of this type the younger speaker produced [o], as in ‘black’ [en:m31] (younger) versus [eTm31] (older). Also, there is no length distinction on /o/ in the older speaker’s speech, but the younger speaker clearly does produce a lengthened vowel on a few words, as in ‘fragrant’ [Gn:l].

574 6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers

In both the older and younger speaker’s speech the phones [e], [D], and [@] seem to vary freely. Also, [h@] and [h=] vary, as do [hD] and [h=]. This variation often occurs on a single morpheme when produced on different lexical items, which indicates simple free variation.

In the older person’s speech /i/ → [H]/__Cstop#. This does not occur in the younger person’s speech.

The final /k/ has disappeared in this lect, though on most words that final /k/ would normally occur on, the older speaker produces [f]. The younger speaker produced [f] in this environment much less than the older speaker. This is an indication that the older speaker is still preserving this phoneme, whereas the younger speaker is not. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘vegetable’ oh`f oh`24 ‘to fall’ snf24 sn24 ‘to steal’ Y`f11 Y`200 ‘to wash (clothes)’ S`f11 r[`200 ‘girl’ faX=f24 lX=24 On two words where the older speaker produced a final [t], the younger speaker produced a glottal (‘seven’ [bDf24] and ‘eight’ [oDf24]). It is difficult to tell if this is simple a coincidence or not.

4. With regard to tones, most of the difference between the speech of the younger and older person occurs on tones 2 and 8. For the 2nd tone, the older person most often produces a dipping tone, [312]/[313]/[314]. The rising part of this tone is sometimes cut off when followed by another syllable in rapid speech. Second tone in the younger person’s speech generally has a [31] pitch value. However, a few words with this tone had a pitch value like [311] where the end part of the tone was drawn out level, as in ‘snake’ [MX=200]. The 8th tone has two pitch values, a high falling and a low even pitch. In both the younger and older speaker’s speech the low even pitch varies significantly, randomly varying between even, rising and falling pitches. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘glutinous rice’ bTs12 bTs13 ‘claw’ Yho11 YDo11 ‘ant’ lBs02 lns12 ‘ink’ l`f13 l`f200 6.1.7. Shuicheng Fa’er In studying the speech of the older and younger speaker of Shuicheng Fa’er, we found the following differences:

6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers 575

1. For some lexical items (‘bear’, ‘net’, ‘story’, ‘1 p. plural (incl.)’, ‘bow’, ‘arrow’, ‘speak’, etc.), the younger speaker used Chinese, whereas the older speaker used Bouyei.

2. For the initial /z/, the older speaker mainly has the allophones [z] and [Y], with a few instances of [y[]. The younger speaker mainly produced [z], producing [y[] less frequently and producing [Y] even less frequently. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘dry field’ yDh5 yDh5 ‘root’ y`5 y`5 ‘stinkbug’ Yt=s5 yt=s5 ‘bird nest’ YnM1YBj7 y[nM1y[nj7 ‘bright’ YnM5 YnM5

There is an abundance of labialized initials in the older person’s speech (Mv, jv, Fv, sv, rv, and gv); the younger speaker only has three (Mv, wv, and jv). Some of the labialized initials in the older person’s speech are vocalized in the younger person’s speech. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘day’ Mv`m1 Mv`m1 ‘pig pen’ jv`M5 jvBM5 ‘to pass over’ jv`4 jv`4 ‘sand’ m`M5rvDh1 m@M5rtDh1 ‘lake’ fvnM1s=M5 FnM1s=M5 ‘bowl’ svDh3 stDh3 The number of instances of labialization in the younger speaker’s speech is about half that of the older speaker’s speech.

The older speaker’s speech has a rather unique initial [oe], for which the younger speaker simply produces [f]:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘mountain’ oet0 et0 ‘clothes’ oet5 et5 ‘to blow’ oet4 et4 ‘father’ oet5 et5 These particular lexical items have a /p/ initial and a [o] nucleus in the 1st and 2nd lectal areas. In addition to these words, there is one additional example which does not occur in other lects: ‘navel’ [oenM22 fc=M22] (older) versus [enM20 fc=M22] (younger). There is one other

576 6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers

unique initial in the older person’s speech, [wh], which occurs on one lexical item: ‘rain’ [vg=m0] (older) versus [wt=m0] (younger).

Some other variation in initials between the older and younger person include [j] and [I], [j] and [fi], [n] and [¯], and [sb] and [ts]. There are very few of these examples, and the variation seems random. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘lightning’ fkH=M2o’`f2 kh=M2o’`2 ‘roof’ mh@t4 ¯ht4 ‘table’ sbBM1 srnM1 ‘hoe’ fi`f6 i`f6 ‘to have’ I`t4 i@t4 ‘one’ ihs6 fhs6 ‘to be’ s’D0 sD0 With regard to vowels on open syllables, there is very little difference, and the differences occur infrequently. The main differences in the older and younger person’s simple vowels in open syllables are between

• [C] and [a] • [X] and [L] or [L=] • [D] and [hD] • [u] and [T] • [o] and [B] or [tB], and • [i] and [y]. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘iron’ uC1 u`1 ‘river’ sC5 s`5 ‘rainbow’ MX1rC0 ML1r`0 ‘dry’ wX4 wL=4 ‘big’ kn2 ktB3 ‘rabbit’ kt4 kT4 ‘right’ bh0 bx0

The older speaker only produced [C] in open syllables. The younger speaker almost never produces this phone.

6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers 577

Most of the variation in the nucleus occurs on complex vowels and closed syllables. There is variation between [a:], [a], and [@]. There are a total of seven examples of [a:] in the older speaker’s data, and for most of these examples the younger speaker produced [@]. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘water’ y`:M2 y[@M2 ‘dirt’ m`:M5 m@M5 ‘sugar cane’ v`:h2 v@h3 ‘skin’ m`:M0 m@M0 The younger speaker seems to be losing vowel length.

There are several examples of differences between [a] and [@], and a few instances of other phones in that vowel space as well:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘early’ jv`m4 jt?m4 ‘rice’ F`t3 F@t3 ‘evening meal’ s`t1 s@t1 ‘thorn’ v? m0 v`m0 ‘chicken’ j@h4 j`h4 ‘ant’ l? s7 l@s7

The younger speaker produced the phone [?] less frequently than the older speaker. The older speaker produced phones in the vowel space between [?] and [`_], whereas the younger speaker’s vowel for these examples was between [a] and [`_], with few exceptions.

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘village’ fa? m3 fa`m3 ‘building’ y? m1 y`_m1 ‘rice’ F@t3 r? m3 F@t3 r`m0 ‘axe’ u`_m0 u`M1 ‘ghost’ u`_M0 u`M1 ‘grandchild’ k`m0 k? m0

On a few lexical items the older speaker produced the vowel [@], whereas the younger speaker produced [=], though on one item this was switched:

578 6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘sunlight’ fc@s6 fc=s6 ‘to close’ f@j6 f=j6 ‘empty’ o=t4 o@t4 ‘ten’ sr@j7 sr=j7

The variation between the phones [a], [a:], [?], [@], and [=] often seems random.

There is variation in the speech of the older and younger person between [=] and various other phones ([H=], [=], [D], and [@]):

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘star’ fcn0 fcdh4 fcn0 fc=h4 ‘rain’ vg=*m0 wt=m0 ‘stone’ rDm0 r=m0 ‘gold’ sb=M0 sbH=M0 ‘person’ uDm1 u=m1 ‘two’ M`h5 MDh5

The variation of /D/ in the older and younger person’s speech mainly involves allophones [e], [h@], and [hD]:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘money’ sbDm1 sbhDm1 ‘brass drum’ ¯Dm1 mdm1 ‘flat’ faDm0 fahDm0 ‘dirty’ ¯Dm5 ¯H=m5

The final [nM] in the older person’s speech was often pronounced as [tM] in the younger person’s speech:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘spider’ jvnM4 jvB0 jtM4 jvB0 ‘belly’ snM2 stM2 ‘to mend’ wnM0 wtM0 ‘to breathe’ srnM4 rtDh0 srtM4 rtDh0 ‘loose’ rnM4 rtM4

In addition to these differences in the nucleus, a few other variations occur (such as [t=] versus [T=], [B] versus [o], etc.), but there are few examples of these.

6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers 579

3. The older speaker produced [44] for tone 5, just a bit higher than the [33] pitch of tone 1. The younger speaker produced a higher pitch for tone 5, [45] or [55]. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘well’ ut33 ut34 ‘stool’ s`M33 s`M34 ‘cotton’ eD33 eD44 ‘pot’ sbn33 sbn44 There are a few instances where the younger speaker produced [44] for the 5th tone, such as ‘heart’ [st`M33]. Sometimes the pitch on the 7th tone was rising on one speaker’s word, and level on the other speaker’s word:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘sunlight’ fa=m22 fc@s24 fc=s44 sb=t44 ‘tiger’ jnj33 jnj34 ‘flea’ fcDh33 l@s24 l`s34 ‘lungs’ e=s33 e=s34 The pitches on the other tone categories had very little variation between the speech of the older and younger speaker. Most of the variation occurs in the initial and nucleus, with the tonal differences being minimal.

6.1.8. Wangmo Fuxing In studying the speech of the older and younger speaker of Wangmo Fuxing, we found the following differences: 1. There are a total of seven lexical items where the older and younger speakers used different words. Most of these are instances of synonyms or near synonyms. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘often’ bh=1 bh=1 jt4 jt4 ‘tender grass’ ¯`0 ¯h=2 ‘to like’ f`M4i`:M5 l@h2

2. With regard to initials, there is variation of the phonemes /p/ and /S/ (with their various allophones) between the speech of the older and younger person. Examples:

580 6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘to steal’ p@j7 y[@j7 ‘to cut (meat)’ pt=m4 y[n:m4 ‘six’ pnj6 y[nj7 ‘root’ y[`5 p`5 ‘intestines’ r@h0 r[@h2 ‘lock’ St`2 r[v`2 ‘matchmaker’ r[O4 rO4 ‘two’ rn:M0 Sn:M0

There is free variation between these phones. In the older person’s speech, [y[] only occurs twice (‘root’ [y[`5] and ‘long’ [y[@h1]), and [Y] only occurs once (‘owl’ [Ynj7 i`5 GX5]). It is apparent that the [p] phone is the central phone and is fairly stable. In the younger person’s speech [y[] occurs somewhat more frequently than in the older person’s speech, though [p] is produced most frequently.

We found that /S/ has the allophones [S], [s], and [r[], with [S] occurring most frequently in the older person’s speech, but [r[] occurring most frequently in the younger person’s speech. Labialization occurs more frequently in the older person’s speech. For example:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘rain’ [wv=m0] [wTm0] ‘to work’ [jv=33wn:M13] [jt=22wnM13] ‘already’ [jv`4 o@h0] [jt`4 ih=4] The younger person is losing this phonetic characteristic. 3. With regard to the nucleus, there is not much variation of vowels in open syllables between the older and younger person’s speech, but there is a relatively significant amount of variation in the complex vowels and finals. Where the older speaker produced [X], the younger speaker sometimes produced [L] or [h=]. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘to breathe’ sDt5 bX0 sDt4 bh=0 ‘dry’ GX4 wL4 ‘when’ bX1 k@X1 bh=1 k@L1

6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers 581

There is much more variation in the vowels of complex nuclei. Variation between [a] and [@] is common:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘stool’ s`M4 s@M4 ‘tree’ e`h3 e@h3 ‘leaf’ fa`X0 fa@L0 ‘head’ sb`t2 sb@t2 ‘back’ k`M0 k@M0 ‘liver’ s`o6 s@o6 Within the older speaker’s speech alone there is a fair amount of variation between these two phones. There are also instances where the older speaker produced [@] and the younger speaker produced [a]:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘lightning’ fi@o6oi`2 fi`o6oi`2 ‘liquor’ k@t2 k`t2 ‘ink’ p@l3l@j7 p`l3l`j7 ‘wash (clothes)’ S`j7 r`j ‘diligent’ p@j6pDM1 p`j6pDM1 Vowel length is not as frequent in the younger person’s speech. Where the older speaker produced [a:], the younger speaker often did not. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘morning’ g`:s6 w`s6 ‘chin’ w`:M1 w`M1 ‘ghost’ e`:M1 e`M1 ‘return’ s`:t4 s`t4 There are also instances where the younger speaker produced [a:] and the older speaker did not:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘goiter’ f`h0 f`:h ‘socks’ l`s7 l`:s7 ‘axe’ u`m0 u`:m0 ‘this’ j`h4mDh3 j`:h4mDh3 The length on this vowel in both the older and younger person’s speech has a tendency to be weakened.

582 6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers

There is variation of length in the phones [o] and [B], and [o:] or [B:]. Examples of items on which the older speaker had length but the younger speaker did not:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘day’ Mn:m1 MBm1 ‘work’ wn:M0 wnM0 ‘smoke’ wn:m1 wBm1 ‘bow’ jn:M0 jBM0 Examples of items on which the younger speaker had length but the older speaker did not:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘table’ bnM1 bn:M1 ‘thorn’ fBm0 fB:m0 ‘bird nest’ ptM1 pn:M1 ‘error’ knM0 kn:M0 ‘to go down’ pnM1 pB:M1 There is no phonemic length distinction on these particular vowels, length seems to be simply a phonetic variation on some nasal final words.

There are instances where the younger speaker produced length on [D], but the older speaker did not:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘moon’ pnM5 fchDm0 pnM5 fchD:m0 ‘to swim’ khDt5 s`5 kD:t5 s`5 ‘one’ fcDt0 fcD:t0 ‘some’ on1 fcDt0 on1 fcD:t0 ‘crafty’ fDm4 fD:m4

For the nuclei [t@h], [tDh] that the older speaker produced, the younger speaker tended to produce [oi]:

6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers 583

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘bowl’ st@h3 snh3 ‘sugar cane’ ft@h3 fnh3 ‘bear’ lT=h0 lnh0 ‘to ride’ jtDh5 jnh5 ‘left’ ST@h3 rnh3 ‘garlic’ Sn@h4 r[n:h4 ‘mortar’ stDh5 snh5

In the older person’s speech there are a few occurrences of [nM] which the younger speaker produced as [tM]:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘rainbow’ e`M1bnM1 e`M1btM1 ‘belly’ snM3 stM3 ‘to fight’ snM3w`:h3 stM3w`:h3 ‘crooked, winding’ jnM4jn1 jtM4jn1

In the older person’s speech, /i/ → [H]/__Cstop#. This rule did not occur in the younger person’s speech. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘broom’ sbHs6¯t1 sbhs6¯t1 ‘duck’ oHs6 ohs6 ‘claw’ pHo7 pho7 ‘knife’ lHs7 lhs7

[T] occurs in the speech of both the older and younger speaker, generally before a final nasal:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘wind’ ptl1 pTl1 ‘beard’ lTl3 ltl5 ‘to hold/hug’ fTl3 ftl3 ‘bean’ st= sT=5 4. For the 6th tone, the older speaker varied between [33] and [44], producing [44] more fre- quently. The younger speaker produced only [33]. This variation in the older person’s speech also occurred on the 8th tone, though [33] occurred more frequently. The younger speaker produced only [33] for this tone value.

584 6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers

In summary, the older and younger person’s speech is very similar, with differences lying mainly in complex and lengthened vowels. 6.1.9. Zhenning Shitouzhai In studying the speech of the older and younger speaker of Zhenning Shitouzhai, we found the following differences: 1. In both the older and younger person’s speech, Chinese is used for certain lexical items, such as ‘grandmother (maternal)’, ‘expensive’, ‘why’, etc.

2. With regard to initials, for /z/ the older speaker sometimes produced the allophone [Y], whereas the younger speaker produced this phone only once (‘pretty’ [fht4 Ytn5]) Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘water’ yCM2 yCM2 ‘building’ y?_m1 y@m1 ‘root’ YC5 y`5 There is free variation between [w] and [v], with the older speaker producing [w] more frequently and the younger speaker producing [v] more frequently:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘day’ pCm1 uCm1 ‘iron’ vC1 u`1 ‘tree’ vC:h1 u`h2 ‘firewood’ u=m1 u=m1 The labialization of [kw] in the older person’s speech was fairly strong, but not in the younger person’s speech:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘to ride’ jvdh5 jt=h5 ‘to pass over’ jvC4 jt`4 ‘to cut (grass)’ jvCm1 jtCm4 ‘first’ jv`m4 jtCm4

There is random variation with the phones [n] and [¯] between the older and younger person’s speech:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘roof’ ¯t4 mht4 ‘to sew’ ¯Hj7 mhj7 ‘mosquito’ mhCM1 ¯hCM1 ‘slanted’ mhCM4 ¯hCM4

6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers 585

Palatalization on the glottal initial was more apparent in the older person’s speech:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘drunk’ fhM4 fihM4 ‘to live/stay’ fit4 fht4 ‘to blink’ fiCj6 fiCj6 ‘hard’ fiC4 fhC4 ‘pretty’ fit4Yn5 fht4Ytn5 In addition, /x/ in the older person’s speech has an allophone, but the younger person’s speech does not. Both the older and younger speaker produced allophones for /G/.

3. With regard to the nucleus, on words that the older speaker produced [C], the younger speaker produced either [C] or [a], the variation seeming to be random. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘thunder’ o’C2 o’`2 ‘river’ sC5 s`5 ‘leaf’ faC0 faC0 ‘river’ yCM2 yCM2

The older speaker produced [=:] and [a:] on a few items, but the younger speaker did not:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘wind’ y=:M1 y=M1 ‘moon’ st0jC:t1 st0j`t1 ‘early’ srC:t2 sr`t2 ‘dirt’ mC:M5 m`M5

On items where the older speaker produced [D], the younger speaker sometimes produced [e]:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘afternoon meal’ MD1 Md1 ‘water buffalo’ vD1 ud1 For diphthongs with [i] in the secondary position, there is variation on the initial vowel between the older and younger person’s speech:

586 6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘dry field’ G@h5 Gdh5 ‘navel’ o’n=2k@h5 ot=2kDh5 ‘claw’ iHj7k@h1 ihj7kDh1 ‘good’ fc=h0 fc@h0 ‘gift’ kdh5 kDh5 ‘to peel’ fa@h5 faDh5 ‘to yawn’ fC2sr’dh4 f`2sr’Dh4 ‘to ride’ jvdh5 jt=h5 ‘older sibling’ oDh2 odh2 ‘fire’ udh1 uDh1 ‘this’ m@h2 mDh3 ‘NEG’ lDh1 lh1

The older person produced [@h] most frequently, and the younger person produced [Dh] most frequently.

On words which the younger speaker produced the final [tCM], the older speaker produced either [nM] or [tnM]:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘moon’ YtnM5fcT=m0 ytCM5fct=m0 ‘table’ srnM1 srtCM1 ‘younger sibling’ mnM2 mtCM2 ‘bow’ jnM0 jtCM0

There is also variation between the older speaker’s [nM] final and the younger speaker’s [tM] final:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘goat’ YtnM1 ynM1 ‘spider’ jnM4jn0 jtM4jn0 ‘hand’ unM1 utM1 ‘to mend’ enM0 etM0 ‘all’ snM0 stM0 ‘slow’ rnM4 rtM4 Vocalic length occurred more frequently and more clearly in the younger person’s speech than in the older person’s.

6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers 587

In the older person’s speech [H] occurs more often than in the younger person’s speech. When occurring in the older or younger person’s speech, it does so before a voiceless stop. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘broom’ iHj7oCs6 ihj7oCs6 ‘claw’ iHj7k@h1 ihs7kDh1 ‘to sew’ ¯Hj7 mhj7 ‘ten’ sb’Hj7 sb’hj7 ‘lazy’ sbHj6 sbhj6

[T] also occurs in the older person’s speech, but not in the younger person’s speech:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘moon’ YtnM5fcT=m0 ytCM5fct=m0 ‘blood’ kT=s7 kt=s7 ‘name’ srT=5 srt=5 ‘straight’ KT=5 Kt=5 There are a few instances of variation in the occurrence of final nasals:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘umbrella’ khM2 khm2 ‘rod, stick’ s=M2 s=m2 ‘to taste’ sr=M1 sr=m1 ‘short’ j’=M2 j’=m2 ‘red’ fchM0 fchm0 ‘gold’ sbhm0 sbhM0 ‘three’ K?m0 KCM0 It is possible that the place of articulation distinction on the final nasal is being lost. In addition, there are a very few examples of variation

• between [C] and [a], [@] • between [D] and [=], [@] • between [o] and [B], [uo] • between the occurrence of final [k] and [t], and • in the occurrence of certain diphthongs.

588 6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers

Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘towel gourd’ sbhd=0 sbh=0 ‘mosquito net’ bh=j6 bhj6 ‘to take’ bhDt2 bht2 ‘to have’ fht4 fh=t4 ‘claw’ iHj7 ihs7 ‘to drink’ fcCs6 fcCf ‘to take off (clothes)’ stCs6 st`s6 ‘sugar cane’ ftCh2ltCh5 ft`h2lt@h5 ‘pot’ srtn4 srn4 ‘to breathe’ srnM4KtDh22 srnM4Kt@h22 ‘brain’ fBj6 fnj6 4. For the 5th tone, the older speaker most often produced a [44] pitch, though also [45] and [35]. The younger speaker produced [35] with few exceptions. For the 7th tone the older speaker produced [44] most often; also producing [35], [45], and [34]. The younger speaker produced [35] with few exceptions. Pitch production for these two tones is relatively stable in the younger person’s speech.

In summary the major differences between the older person’s and younger person’s speech occurs in the nucleus and on the 5th and 7th tones.

6.1.10. Ziyun Huohua In studying the speech of the older and younger speaker of Ziyun Huohua, we found the following differences: 1. Both the older and younger speaker borrowed Chinese for certain lexical items, such as ‘most’, ‘more’, ‘or’, ‘because’, ‘if’, ‘already’, etc. In addition, only the younger speaker borrowed Chinese on the following items: ‘fin’, ‘stinkbug’, ‘heart’, ‘pestle’, ‘to continue’, ‘grandfather (maternal)’, ‘grandmother (maternal)’, ‘to hunt’, ‘strong’, ‘weak’, and ‘crafty’.

2. With regard to initials, most of the variation involves the phonemes /z/ and /F/. For /z/ the older speaker has allophones [z], [y[], and [Y]; the younger speaker has [z], [y[], [Y], and [P]. The variation seems random. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘bird’ Ynj7 ynj7 ‘ear’ yL1 PO1 ‘mosquito net’ y[ho6 Pho6 ‘to crawl’ Ytm1 Yt=m1

6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers 589

Both the older and younger speaker produced [z] most often, but the younger speaker produced it more frequently than the older speaker.

For /F/, the older speaker has the allophones [F], [G], [h], [j], and [f], and the younger speaker has the allophones [G], [h], and [j]:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘bank (river)’ F`m1 F@m1 ‘goose’ F`:m4 G`:m4 ‘neck’ gn1 Gn1 ‘glutinous rice’ f`t3fD4 G`t3fD4 ‘guest’ GD4 iD4 ‘yellow’ iDm2 GhDm2

The older speaker produced [F] most of the time, whereas the younger speaker produced [G] most frequently. There are few examples of variation with regard to labialization or palatalization:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘rain’ v=m0 u=m0 ‘roof’ mdM1 ¯h@M1 ‘spider’ j`:t0 ju`:t0 ‘hungry’ fih4 fh4 ‘dream’ u`M3MX=m1 e`:M3M=m1 ‘pumpkin’ jv`0 ju`0 ‘round’ jvnM1 jnM1

3. Other than variation in the phones [X], [=], and [u], there is little difference between the older and younger person’s speech with regard to vowels in open syllables. There is much more variation with regard to complex vowels and finals. Both the older and younger speaker varied in the production of [a] and [@]:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘moon’ st0j`t1 st0j@t1 ‘early’ b`t3 b@t3 ‘silver’ M`m1 M`m1 ‘bank (river)’ F`m1 F@m1 ‘skin’ m`M0 m`M0 ‘to speak’ m@t1 m@t1

590 6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers

There is also variation on the production of finals such as [n:M], [nM], or [tnM]:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘drum’ sbn:M0 sbtM0 ‘to work’ jt5vn:M0 jt5vnM0 ‘two’ rnM0 rn:M0 ‘hard’ fctnM3 fcnM3 ‘pig pen’ jtnM0l@t0 jt@M0l@t0 ‘loose’ YtnM4 ytM4 There is no length distinction on vowels.

The older speaker sometimes produced a [u] before the diphthongs [dh], [Dh], [@h], or [=h], but the younger speaker did only infrequently. This occurs most often after labial consonants. Examples:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘day’ v@m1 ut@m1 ‘firewood’ ut=m1 u=h1 ‘fire’ utdh1 u=h1 ‘flame’ rtDh0utdh1 rth0u=h1 ‘bear’ lt=h0 l=h0 ‘to comb’ Yt@h0 yt@h

There are a few examples of the occurrence of [=] in a diphthong in the older speaker’s speech that did not occur in the younger person’s speech:

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘to smile’ y[h=m0 yht0 ‘to breathe’ rnM4rt=h0 rts6rth0 ‘to taste’ bh=l1 bh@l1

The younger speaker sometimes produced [h@] on items where the older speaker produced [hD] (and one instance of [=]). Each of these items has a final nasal. Examples:

6. Comparison of speech between younger and older speakers 591

English Older speaker Younger speaker ‘to push’ fchDM0 fch@M0 ‘to hang’ uhDm2 uh@m2 ‘to add’ shDl0 sh@l0 ‘sick’ ohDM5 oh@M5 ‘expensive’ ohD:M1 oh@M1 ‘to lead by pulling’ b=M0 bh@M0

There is also infrequent variation between the occurrence of [H] and [=], [i]; between [T] and [u], and [ei] and [Dh], [=h]. There is virtually no difference in the production of final consonants.

4. There is only significant variation on the 8th tone. The older speaker produced a [24] pitch most frequently, though also producing [23], [34], and [33]. The younger speaker generally produced [23], sometimes producing [24].

7. Summary It is very difficult to draw any concrete conclusions from the above comparisons between the speech of older Bouyei and younger Bouyei, though there are some tendencies that can be inferred from the data. From analyzing the speech of younger and older speakers in these 10 different points, the following characteristics can be seen: 1. Certain lexical items have been lost in Bouyei, though only a very small percentage of the total lexicon. The loan words are borrowed from the local Mandarin variety. Although loan words occur in the speech of older and younger people, the percentage of borrowing is slightly higher in younger people’s speech. However, the particular lexical times borrowed, and the percentage of borrowing, is not the same from lect to lect. The greater the influence of Chinese, the larger the percentage of borrowing. Of the 10 points selected for the study of younger and older people’s speech, the point with the highest percentage of borrowing is Dushan Shuiyan, with approximately 5.4 percent. The second highest percentage of borrowing occurs in Duyun Fuxi, with approximately 4.6 percent for the younger speaker and 4 percent for the older speaker.

2. With regard to initials, /z/ (or /p/, /Y/), /s/ (or /S/), and /x/ (or /F/) often have allophones. In varieties where [p] and [S] (or [Y] and [r[]) are allophones, younger speakers in general tend toward the more fronted phones, [z] and [s], more frequently than older speakers. For example: • The older speaker in Ziyun Huohua produced the [z] allophone approximately 50 percent of the time, whereas the younger speaker produced it approximately 84 percent of the time. • In Zhenning Shitouzhai, the older speaker produced [z] and [Y] both 50 percent of the time, but the younger speaker produced [z] 95 percent of the time. This tendency does not occur in every lect, however. • In Wangmo, the older speaker produced [p] close to 95 percent of the time. The younger speaker produced [z] 15 percent of the time. The older speaker produced [S] approximately 68.4 percent of the time. The younger speaker produced [s] close to 73 percent of the time.

Most varieties with an /x/ phoneme have allophones [F], [h], and [G], though the mapping of phoneme to allophone(s) is different in each variety. In each place there is a great deal of random variation. 3. In many lects there are labialized and/or palatalized initials. However, for both older and younger speakers, there is variation in the degree of labialization/palatalization. For example, in any particular lect, ‘vegetable’ could be pronounced [oi`j6] or [oh`j6]. In general, younger speakers tend toward loss of labialization/palatalization slightly more than older speakers do. 4. Of the areas where [w] and [v] are used interchangeably, areas that have a high amount of Han contact tend to produce [w] more often than [v]. For example: • In Qinglong Zitang the older speaker produced [w] about 75 percent of the time and the younger speaker about 88 percent of the time. • In Zhenning Shitouzhai, however, the older speaker was a retired school teacher and produced mainly [w], but the younger speaker produced mainly [v]. 5. With regard to long vowels, many places tend toward “lighter” syllables (less length), and certain places have virtually lost vowel length distinction, especially on syllables closed with [p], [t], or [k]. For example, in Wangmo 20 percent of the words with historically long vowels

592 7. Summary 593

are no longer than the short vowels. In that place, for the words for which the older speakers produced [o:], the younger speaker produced short [o] or [B] about 45 percent of the time. Of the words for which the older speakers produced [B:] or [o:], the younger speaker produced short vowels 68.7 percent of the time. These variations are not systematic across lects. In many places, for the [e]/[D] vowels, younger speakers produced long vowels on a few words, but older speakers never produced a [e] or [D] with significant length.

6. Older speakers in general produced the [H] allophone of /i/ more often than younger speakers. 7. Phonemes with the most frequent occurrence of allophones were generally vowels. rd /a/ often has allophones [@] and [C], and [?] (in the 3 lect area). /D/ has the allophone [e]. /o/ varies with [ua] or [t@]. /u/ often varies with [T] or [t=]. Each data point has its own characteristic differences between the speech of older and younger people. In some places, there is difference in the production of final stops and in the production of tones as well as the above mentioned points.

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