DBW-6 1998 EAST ASIA

Daniel Wright is an Institute Fellow studying ICWA the people and societies of inland . LETTERS Common Prosperity INTERIOR CHINA AND THE COAST (PART 2)

“Our policy is to allow certain groups of people and certain regions to prosper Since 1925 the Institute of first. The advanced regions are then obligated to bring along and assist the Current World Affairs (the Crane- backward regions. We must hold to the course of socialism: the goal is common Rogers foundation) has provided prosperity. But an equal pace of development is not possible. In the past we long-term fellowships to enable pursued egalitarianism and all ate out of iron rice bowls — this was actually com- outstanding young professionals mon backwardness, common poverty. We all lost out. First and foremost, reform to live outside the United States must do away with egalitarianism; we must smash the iron rice bowl.” and write about international areas and issues.An exempt —Deng Xiaoping (1986) operating foundation endowed by “Socialism is not when a small group of people become wealthy while most re- the late Charles R. Crane, the main poor. Socialism’s superiority is found in its pursuit of common prosperity Institute is also supported by — this is the embodiment of socialism’s most basic value. If, however, the rich contributions from like-minded and the poor become polarized, this is something very different. Conflict between individuals and foundations. ethnic minorities, between regions, between social classes, even between the 1 central government and localities could develop, possibly resulting in chaos.” TRUSTEES —Deng Xiaoping (1990) Bryn Barnard , China March, 1998 Carole Beaulieu Evelyn Cohn Mr. Peter Bird Martin Richard Dudman Executive Director Peter Geithner Institute of Current World Affairs Thomas Hughes 4 West Wheelock Street William E. Knowland Hanover, NH 03755 USA Stephen Maly Mildred Marcy Dear Peter: Peter Bird Martin Paul A. Rahe My previous newsletter provided a first-hand account of a profound human Carol Rose drama: 50 million men and women flowing away from China’s less-than-prosperous John Spencer regions toward areas of opportunity. Desperation and the fear of poverty, combined Edmund H. Sutton with the lure of pockets of relative wealth, have persuaded a massive population Sally Wriggins within China — equal in size to the U.S. population west of the Rocky Mountains — to live and work under often-difficult conditions far from home and family. HONORARY TRUSTEES The spontaneity of this mass movement is striking, especially when one con- A. Doak Barnett siders that for the first 30 years after communist “liberation” (1949-1979) almost David Elliot every aspect of a person’s life was organized and controlled. Today, however, David Hapgood market forces are at work. So is the growth of personal freedom as millions cre- Pat M. Holt ate a spontaneous referendum on their country’s widening disparity — currently Edwin S. Munger surpassing pre-revolution levels — by voting with their feet. 2 Richard H. Nolte Albert Ravenholt The flip-side of migrant labor’s spontaneous response to their country’s Phillips Talbot 1 Huang Junru and Xie Hekuan, Xuexi Deng Xiaoping de fazhan lilun, (Deng Xiaoping’s The Institute of Current World Affairs Development Theory) (: Guizhou People’s Press, 1996). THE CRANE-ROGERS FOUNDATION 2 The absolute per-capita GDP disparity gap between China’s richest and poorest regions 4 West Wheelock Street has steadily widened since 1949, especially since 1978. For example, the per-capita GDP Hanover, New Hampshire 03755 difference between Shanghai and Guizhou Province was 2,323 yuan in 1978; 3,437 in 1985; 5,024 in 1990; 10,468 in 1993; and 13,000 in 1994. unequal prosperity is a series of government policies, de- ever, it disturbed many leaders in China’s yet-to-prosper veloped during the 1990s, that attempts to assuage those regions. Not only did they feel Deng Xiaoping’s national who feel passed over by China’s economic miracle. form of trickle-down economics was not dripping quickly enough, Deng’s visit to Shenzhen — symbolic of This newsletter reports on the central government’s continued emphasis on coast-led development — indi- response to the disparity dilemma and the way those in cated no hope for a shift toward, or even equal treatment impoverished Guizhou Province view one of its policies: for, developing the interior. The reform period had sister-city relationships in which wealthy coastal cities brought unprecedented growth to the inland provinces have been directed by the central government to adopt in absolute terms — inland leaders knew that — but compared their backward, interior cousins. to the highly-favored coast, they were falling farther and farther behind. Coastal China’s high-growth takeoff had COMPLAINT left most of the less-prosperous interior choking in its fumes.3

In early 1992, Deng Xiaoping (88 years old at the time) Leaders from the interior began to express frustration made what will be remembered as one of his most skill- with not only their relatively smaller piece of a growing ful political maneuvers: he paid a visit to Shenzhen Spe- pie, but perhaps more importantly, a sense of injustice cial Economic Zone, bordering Hong Kong. One of four with biased government policy. Deng Xiaoping’s devel- “special economic zones” created in 1979 as an experi- opment strategy had created a playing field that leaned ment in market-oriented reform, Shenzhen — the sleepy hard to the east: special economic zones and other coastal fishing village turned high-tech and export dynamo — regions received preferential tax policies and foreign in- had become the jewel in Deng’s coast-led, development- vestment incentives, as well as lopsided central-govern- strategy crown. After inspecting some key factories in ment investment.4 To make matters worse, because Shenzhen, the elderly leader visited some other parts of interior regions had little formal representation in the Guangdong province and Shanghai. At each stop he central government, as coastal economic strength was in- called for the country to emulate Shenzhen’s economic creasingly parlayed into political capital, impoverished development by pushing ahead with rapid market-ori- interior regions had less and less voice in central-govern- ented reform. ment politics.5 Hu Angang, an influential economist at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, calls the politi- Known as the “southern tour,” Deng’s trip was stra- cal-resource bias “the root cause of the sharpened con- tegic because, just months before the 14th Party Congress tradictions between the central government and localities and [convened every five years to evaluate and determine policy between the developed and less-developed regions.”6 and leadership direction], it was an end-run around conserva- tive critics. As a trump-card played against retrenchment Complaint continued to percolate during the years policies in place since 1989, Deng’s outing mandated following Deng Xiaoping’s landmark trip to Shenzhen. In unequivocal support for continued reform and full-throttle 1994, economist Hu Angang gave voice to the growing economic growth. His designs were solidified during the 14th anxiety through two surveys: one with 30 provincial- Party Congress in late 1992, as evidenced by the creation of the level inland leaders, the other with 127 county-level gov- term “socialist market economy.” ernment officials from China’s interior.7 Approximately 90 percent of each group believed that regional disparity Deng Xiaoping’s high-profile “southern tour” had reached extreme proportions, violating socialism’s touched off explosive economic growth and got market- “common prosperity” principle. Sixty-three percent of oriented reform back on track. At the same time, how- the provincial-level leaders and 95 percent of those from

3 For example, between 1978 and 1993, coastal Guangdong province’s per-capita GNP grew from 390 yuan to 2,115 yuan. Guizhou’s per-capita GNP, however, grew only from 195 yuan to 592 yuan. 4 The ratio of per-capita government investment (total fixed-asset investment) strongly favored China’s richest regions. Between 1978 and 1995, for example, the distribution of per-capita investment in China’s coast increased 19 percentage points (from 45% to 64%), while it decreased 11 percentage points in central China and 7 percentage points in western China during the same period. Instead of government investment promoting and balancing development, it served only to exacerbate disparity. Between 1993 and 1995, the ratio of central-government funding for basic construction projects (e.g. transportation, power, telecommunications) increasingly moved in favor of the coast. In 1993, the ratio was 1.44 : 0.98 : 1.0 (coast: central: western); in 1995, the ratio shifted to 1.6 : 1.12 : 1.0 [source: Zhao Puping, Guanyu zhongxibu liyong waizi zhengci de jidian sikao (Points to consider regarding central and western china’s foreign investment policies), State Council Development Research Center Report, no. 59 (August 10, 1997)] 5 At the 14th Party Congress (1992) four provincial leaders from China’s high-income regions (Shanghai, Beijing, Tianjin and Guangdong) and one provincial leader from an upper-middle income region (Shandong) were recruited into the Politburo of the Party’s Central Committee. No provincial leader from the interior, low-income regions participated in the central-government elite. 6 Hu Angang, Zhongguo diqu chabie baogao (China regional disparity report) (Shenyang: Liaoning People’s Press, 1995), 82. 7 Ibid., 288. 2 DBW-6 “Maintain the basic line of the Communist Party for one hundred years.” This Shenzhen billboard celebrates Deng Xiaoping’s role as Shenzhen’s patriarch and creator of China’s coast-led economic miracle. The author, who took this photo, was in Shenzhen on the one-year anniversary of Deng Xiaoping’s death — February 19, 1998. Displays of flowers set in front of the billboard memorialize Deng’s contribution.

the county level believed that a solution to the problem leaders began to echo back to China’s interior their con- was urgent, that it could not be put off until the next cen- cern over the hazardous development gap. In their tury. Eighty percent of both groups felt that the gap speeches they began to speak of the disparity problem in would lead to social instability. Of that group, 16 percent a different tone. For example, President Jiang Zemin said at the provincial-level and 12 percent at the county level in a 1993 speech: believed the development gap could lead to the country’s breakup. Hu’s survey results were passed “During the development of our nation’s socialist along to central-government decision-makers. market economy, ethnic-minority regions of the country — because of a weak economic base — In February 1995, Chinese Academy of Sciences may fall further behind for a period of time. We President Zhou Guangshao made an unusual appear- must pay attention to this problem, we must ance on China Central Television’s (CCTV) investiga- strengthen our research, and we must develop a tive-report program “Focal Point” (Jiaodian Fangtan). In policy response.” response to the reporter’s question on the potential con- sequences of widening economic disparity, Zhou said: Premier Li Peng said in a speech the same year: “Chinese history has many examples that demonstrate when society’s distribution of wealth becomes terribly “We must admit the east-west gap. We must cre- disproportionate, social instability can occur, in some ate conditions so that the gap can gradually close. cases leading to a break in social development.” Influen- The central government cares very much about tial academics in China do not speak casually about potential this problem and has determined that the west’s social chaos in public — especially on national television. The development is a major issue that must be ad- situation had obviously become quite serious. dressed through policy, funding and technologi- cal support.” With influential commentators like Zhou Guangshao and Hu Angang reflecting sentiment that much of And not only did central-government leaders re- China’s interior felt passed over by China’s economic spond by speaking to the issue, they responded to a miracle — while at the same time growing numbers of call for “western entry (xijin) and not just southern migrant laborers were on the march — it became clear to tours (nanxun)” by traveling to the interior. China’s the central government that regional disparity was no leaders began to observe first-hand what was actu- longer simply an economic issue; it had also become a ally happening in the backwater regions. In 1996, for political problem. With that kind of input flowing back example, 11 central-government leaders visited to Beijing, central-government leaders began to sit up, Guizhou Province. take notice and respond. Beyond speaking and traveling, which, while impor- RESPONSE tant, could have resulted in nothing more than public- relations stunts, the most significant step in the central As coastal economic growth continued to charge for- government’s response to the disparity alarm came in ward — and dazzle the world — central-government September 1995 at the fifth plenary session of the 14th Institute of Current World Affairs 3 In the Autumn of 1994, Qiao Shi, then chairman of the National People’s Congress, visited Guizhou Province’s Sandu Shui Ethnic Minority , in Qiannan prefecture, where the author and his family now live. Part of a stream of central government leaders making their “western entry” (xijin), these trips were designed to let China’s less-than-prosperous regions know that though there was a huge gap in economic wealth, they had not been forgotten.

Party Congress. Whereas China’s Seventh Five-Year Plan ing the interior’s development with the rest of the coun- (1986-1990) explicitly stated that the country would pur- try. Guizhou Province, for example, was designated to sue a growth strategy to accelerate the development of receive U.S.$1.2 billion from the central government and coastal regions, at the fifth plenary session, the Central various ministries through the year 2000 to support: Committee put forward the principle of “persisting in the farming and poverty-relief work; preferential treatment coordinated development among different regions and in major project approvals involving infrastructure and gradually narrowing regional development gaps.” The energy development; and designation as a key province result was a series of policy initiatives implemented in for resource development through the construction of the Ninth Five-Year Plan (1996-2000). The policy package several major industrial bases. focused on a commitment to increase central government funding for poverty alleviation and infrastructure assis- Of these and other recent initiatives, the most fasci- tance, improve tax incentives to attract foreign invest- nating policy I have observed is a central-government ini- ment to the country’s central and western regions, and tiative to create sister-city relationships under which maintain a policy environment conducive to coordinat- wealthy coastal cities adopt their poor, inland cousins.

Shenzhen Hope School, with its four-million-yuan investment, belies its location — the remote, impoverished mountains of south- ern Guizhou Province. It is the largest of 21 Shenzhen-supported schools in Sandu County.

4 DBW-6 0 60 km GUIZHOU’S RUSSIA 0 40 mi SISTER CITIES SICHUAN ➈ 1. ➇ [and Dalian] HUNAN 2. District ➁ GUIZHOU MONGOLIA [and Shenzen] ➄ ➆ 3. Qianxinan Buyi ➀ • ➃ NORTH ➅ KOREA [and Qingdao] YUNNAN ➂ Beijing✪ 4. District Dalian• SOUTH KOREA [and Ningbo] 5. Guiyang Qingdao • [province capital,not matched] Yellow Sea 6. Qiannan Buyi and Miao CHINA Autonomous Prefecture Ningbo • [and Shenzhen] 7. Qiandongnan Miao and Dong Autonomous Prefecture NEPAL [and Ningbo] BHUTAN 8. District Guizhou TAIWAN [and Qingdao] BANGLA- INDIA DESH Shenzen 9. District • [and Dalian] Hong Miles MYANMAR VIETNAM Kong 0 50 0

As part of the central government’s efforts to give greater attention to China’s backward interior, the State Council matched wealthy coastal cities with their poor, inland cousins. For Guizhou, four coastal cities — Shenzhen, Ningbo, Qingdao and Dalian — each adopted two of the province’s eight districts.

SISTER-CITY RELATIONS: SHENZHEN AND tion the beginning of the 1996 school year; Shenzen Hope GUIZHOU8 opened its doors in September 1997. Because elementary education is so critical to an area’s development, Shen- As I walked through the school’s front entrance into zhen chose education as the centerpiece of its support. the courtyard, the open area teemed with elementary and middle-school-aged children. The impressive four-story, Though Shenzhen Hope School has been open for just white-tile building belies its location — the remote, im- one semester, it buzzes with excitement. An inscription poverished mountains of southern Guizhou Province. greets all who pass through the main gate. It begins: “In Shenzhen Hope School was constructed through the do- honor of Deng Xiaoping’s words that the first-to-develop nations of 17 Shenzhen companies who gave 4.35 million regions should help bring along the less-developed re- yuan (U.S. $526,000) as part of a sister-city relationship gions until, in the end, all reach common prosperity, the between Shenzhen Special Economic Zone and Sandu following companies donated funds to the construction Shui Ethnic Minority Autonomous County [one of 10 of Shenzhen Hope School....” counties in Qiannan Miao and Buyi Autonomous Prefec- ture]. The school is located in Sandu’s county-town, on In the spirit of Deng’s intentions, the Shenzhen- recently-completed Shenzhen Street — of all places. Sandu relationship — and others like it across China’s in- terior — is the result of a State Council decision in 1995 Shenzhen Hope School, with its 1,400 students (800 to link wealthy coastal cities with backward regions. For elementary and 600 middle-school), is the largest of 21 Guizhou Province, four wealthy coastal cities (Shenzhen, Shenzhen-supported schools sprinkled though the Ningbo, Dalian and Qingdao) were each selected by the mountains of Sandu County.9 Each of the other central government to adopt two of the province’s eight smaller, more distant schools, which educate a total districts. Qiannan prefecture was paired with Shenzhen of 4,000 students, is sponsored by one Shenzhen Special Economic Zone.10 In the first few months after the company. All but Shenzhen Hope School began opera- relationships were established, the four cities signed

8 I have translated the Chinese term for the policy — duikou zhiyuan — as ‘sister-city,’ even though the matched-location in the interior is usually not a city. 9 Sandu Shui Ethnic Minority Autonomous County has a population of 290,000, 100,000 of whom live in the county-town. Sandu is one of 10 counties in Qiannan Miao and Buyi Autonomous Prefecture. 10 Though the primary relationship is between Qiannan prefecture and Shenzhen, Sandu County, because of its uniqueness as the country’s only Shui ethnic minority autonomous county and its extreme poverty, has a direct relationship with Shenzhen. Both Qiannan prefecture and Sandu County, for example, have their own representative offices in Shenzhen. Institute of Current World Affairs 5 agreements with Guizhou for over 100 projects — mainly central government does not require Shenzhen to pro- in education, health care and tourism development — duce certain funding levels for their contribution to the totaling U.S. $225 million. sister-city relationship. Rather, each city’s government is to organize and encourage their companies to give as During a recent visit to Shenzhen, I met with the di- much as possible to projects in their poor sisters’ areas. rector of Qiannan prefecture’s Shenzhen Representative Director Wang’s role, therefore, as information provider Office. Director Wang has led the office — in fact, the is critical both to Shenzhen as he lets them know of wor- office is a one-man show — since its establishment in thy projects, and back home to Qiannan as he communi- 1996. A former journalist from Qiannan prefecture’s capi- cates what Shenzhen companies are wanting and willing tal, , Director Wang described his threefold-role: to give. to assist in directing Shenzhen donations; to provide in- formation to relevant offices in Qiannan and Shenzhen; I assumed that the companies were motivated by tax and to occasionally help place laborers from Qiannan in incentives. I was wrong. Director Wang said there are positions requested by Shenzhen companies (i.e., orga- other incentives at work: Shenzhen’s leaders want to do nizing migrant labor). Though he says the labor- a good job to impress the central government so as to in- matching role is the least time-consuming, Director crease their chances of being promoted to a central gov- Wang told me that a group of 30 young women from ernment position. Shenzhen’s leaders also want to look Qiannan prefecture had just arrived for training. well in comparison to other coastal cities in the support These would-be Shenzhen maids were staying in his of their backward interior brethren. four-room office — one of the rooms had up to a dozen three-level bunkbeds — until they are success- In Sandu County, government officials also told me fully relocated. that the sister-city relationship is not a “give-and-get- out” type of arrangement. After the funds stop flowing, I was surprised to learn from Director Wang that the advising, training and exchange are to continue. The sis- ter-city relationship’s objective, beyond providing finan- cial support, is to strengthen understanding between regions.

It is not difficult to see the potential good that can come out of sister-city relationships. For backward inland areas, the financial support helps alleviate capital short- ages and provides education and health-care improve- ments otherwise not possible. The extent to which this good is maximized on the recipient-side, of course, as- sumes a bucket that does not leak — that is, that those tasked to oversee the handling of the donations get the gifts to their ultimate destination. From what I hear, skimming and resource diversion is a problem. Never- theless, for Sandu County as an example, 21 schools have been vastly improved and are in operation, and 4,000 children across the county are receiving a better educa- tion than they were two years ago.

From the central government’s perspective, the sister- city relationships are an important policy success. Be- cause wealthy coastal companies foot the bill for what would otherwise be government expenditure, the gov- ernment is able to provide social services without paying for them — a big victory for any politician.

Important as well is that the policy is an excellent mechanism to produce political fruit on the grass-roots level, where resentment by the less-prosperous may be the strongest. Sister-city relationships communi- cate that the government cares about the disparity issue. If I’m a poor farmer in the mountains of Director Wang of Qiannan’s Shenzhen Representative Guizhou’s Sandu County who can now send my child off Office pictured with the author in Shenzhen. “I’m like an to Shenzhen Hope School, you bet it seems like the gov- ambassador,” Director Wang said proudly as he ernment has done something beyond just saying that it described his role in the sister-city relationship. cares about regional disparity; they got some of those 6 DBW-6 Shenzhen Cigarette Factory donated U.S.$60,000 to design and print postcards that showcase Qiannan’s stunning mountain scenery and colorful ethnic minorities. The pack’s cover reads: “The Scenery Over Here is Unique — Remove Qiannan’s Mysterious Veil.” The postcards hope to draw tourists, and their pocketbooks, to what is otherwise a poor, backward region.

Postcards like this one — picturing a Buyi ethnic minority bride (l) and a Miao ethnic minority bride (r) — hope to attract travelers to discover one of Qiannan prefecture’s greatest resources: its people. Institute of Current World Affairs 7 wealthy coastal folks back here to help us out. government’s commitment to “persist in the coordinated development among different regions and gradually nar- The best comment I heard, however, regarding the row regional development gaps.” It is early to judge the value of sister-city relationships was from a Qiannan results of the Ninth Five-Year Plan. businessman as we discussed the issue over dinner. He said, “the money is not nearly as important as what Since I began to investigate the government’s re- sister-city relationships can do for our nation as a people. sponse to its economic disparity dilemma, Deng They have the potential of bringing us together, of help- Xiaoping’s frequent use of the term “common prosper- ing us understand each other.” Well said. Certainly, those ity” to justify his coast-led national development strategy in the central government have this in mind as well. has lingered in my mind. National unity has always been a top priority for China’s leaders; it is also one of the qualities most threatened by During this last month, I visited two extremes of this severe regional disparity. great country — Shenzhen and Sandu County — that have been brought together through a government- Recently I quizzed a senior Qiannan prefecture gov- directed sister-city relationship. Coastal Shenzhen Spe- ernment official regarding potential down-sides to the cial Economic Zone, with its average annual economic sister-city relationships. His greatest concern was the growth of 45 percent (!) and per-capita GNP at 488 percent dependence charity tends to breed. The opportunity-cost of the national level, boggles the mind. Sandu County is of what these gifts take away from self-reliant initiative equally astonishing: locked away in Guizhou’s moun- has to be weighed against their contribution. tains, with per-capita GNP less than 45 percent of the na- tional level, where at least half of the people cannot read As wealthy Shenzhen company and government of- and thousands do not have enough food to eat and ficials — symbols of Deng Xiaoping’s growth strategy, clothes to wear. Several times — somewhere between which sacrificed the interior for the coast — blow in and Shenzhen’s Hard Rock Cafe and the bus ride through Sandu’s out of the mountain communities for ground-breaking craggy mountains — I thought to myself, “How can and photo ceremonies, a passive, “we deserve it” attitude China’s leaders even speak of a ‘common prosperity’?” undermines solid, much-needed self-initiative. Gifts do not always stimulate responsible action. * * * * *

To guard against the dependence problem, a Sandu As Shenzhen Hope School’s principal and I leaned government official told me that Sandu County is cur- over the railing outside his third-floor office, delighting rently forming a policy that requires all government in the hundreds of poor school children as they skipped cadre below age 30 to spend at least one to two years and played below us — the beneficiaries of Shenzhen, working as “migrant laborers” on the coast. After the re- Inc. — I asked him: “What about Deng Xiaoping’s phrase quired time period, they can return to Sandu to resume ‘common prosperity’ that I read in the school’s inscrip- their posts if they fulfill at least one of three conditions: tion? Do you actually believe Sandu County will ever (1) learn a skill they can teach others; (2) bring back capi- catch up to Shenzhen?” tal to their home village or town; and/or, (3) bring back an investor and a project. The rationale is that such “train- “There will always be distance between us and Shen- ing” not only results in more resources flowing back to zhen,” the school principal replied. Then he thought for Sandu, it hopefully creates a leader who is less likely to pas- a long awhile as he looked over the children playing in sively accept poverty. Instead, having seen the relative pros- the courtyard below, and said, “Common prosperity? We perity of the coast, he/she will be more enthusiastic about may never reach it, but it is something we can strive creating change. If the young men or women choose not toward.” to come back, their remittance of funds back home alone makes it worthwhile for the county to have them remain I suppose that as long as those in China’s backwater on the coast. are aspiring toward common prosperity with their wealthy, coastal cousins, and not burning with resent- From a broader perspective and with potentially ment, government policy is successfully holding off most more serious consequence, if the short-term fix of sister- of the potential dangers of skewed development. That city successes combines with national urgencies — e.g., will give the government more time to address the state-owned enterprise reform and the Southeast Asian deeper, more fundamental issues associated with the financial crisis — to distract the central government from country’s economic disparity. pushing forward with comprehensive policies to stimu- late growth in China’s interior, sister-city relationships Sincerely, will undermine long-term, necessary change.

Hopefully the sister-city relations will remain a complement to — and not a substitute for — the central

8 DBW-6 Shenzhen’s “mountains” have been built in 20 years.

Guizhou’s mountain scenery hasn’t changed for thousands of years.

Institute of Current World Affairs 9 Index to ICWA Letters by Daniel Wright

Entries refer to ICWA Letter (DBW-1, etc.) and page, with Letter number given before each page entry

A F L adopt-a-student 4.7 Fifteenth Party Congress 1.1 Laos 1.5 agricultural cooperative foundation filling station 4.6 Lei Feng 3.2 (nongyehezuojijinhui) 4.3 fishing 4.10 Li Cheng 1.4 agriculture 5.6 floating population 5.2 Li Peng 6.3 Focal Point (JiaodianFangtan) 6.3 B 4.8 Fourteenth Party Congress 6.2, 6.3 life styles 1.6, 5.3 Baisuo Town 4.2 Fuquan City 2.4 Liu ji 1.1 Bank of China 1.6 Liu Shaoqi 2.5, 2.6 G baozi(Chinese breakfast dumpling) 1.5 3.2 Barnett, Doak 1.9 Gao Gang Harbor 1.2 M Beijing 2.5, 2.7 geography 1.5 “Blood Field” 3.3 Grand Canal 1.2 Mao jackets 1.6 Boyao Township 4.1, 4.6 Great Leap Forward 2.2, 2.6 Mao Zedong 2.3, 2.5, 2.6, 2.7, 3.2 Bund 1.1, 1.2 Guangdong Province 5.1, 5.6, 6.2 Mekong River 1.5 Buyi 1.6 Guangxi Province 1.5 Meng Shihua 2.4, 2.5, 2.6 Guangzhou 1.4, 1.5, 1.6 C “mess hall eating” 2.6 guerrilla warfare 2.4 Miao 1.6, 2.1 CalamityandReforminChina 2.6 Guiyang 1.4, 1.5, 1.6, 2.1 micro-credit 1.7 Chen Junsheng 3.6 Guizhou EconomicDaily 5.7 micro-enterprises 1.7 Chiang Kai-shek 2.3 Guizhou Province 1.1, 1.2, 1.3, 1.4, migrant labor 1.7, 5.1, 5.2, 5.6, 5.7, China Southwest Airlines 1.4 1.5, 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 2.7, 2.10, 5.8, 6.1, 6.6, 6.8 Chinese Academy of Sciences 6.3 3.2, 5.1, 6.2, 6.3, 6.4, 6.5 mortality rate 2.6 Chinese Academy of Social Sciences Myanmar 1.5 H 6.2 N Chinese New Year 5.1 Han 1.6 Chinese Spring Festival 5.2 Hard Rock Cafe 6.8 Nanjing 1.2, 2.4 Chongqing 2.4 He Yuanliang 3.2 National Day celebration 1.1 Communist 2.2 history 2.2 New Pudong Area 1.2 county-towns (xiancheng) 4.1 Hong Kong 1.1, 1.5, 1.6, 1.9 Ningbo 6.5 CPPCC (Chinese People’s Political Hu Angang 3.1, 6.2, 6.3 Ninth Five-Year Plan, 1996-2000 1.4, Consultative Conference) 1.7 Hunan Province 5.5 6.4 Cultural Revolution 2.5, 2.6, 2.7 North Vietnam 2.7 culture 5.1 I O D ‘impoverished township’ 4.7 investment per capita 6.2 off-post 5.4 Daguan Village 3.2, 3.5, 4.1 iron rice bowl 5.5 opium 2.2 Dalian 6.5 Oriental Pearl TV Tower 1.2 J Dazhai production brigade 3.2 Overseas Chinese 5.7 Deng Xiaoping Japanese occupation 2.2 P 1.1, 1.2, 1.9, 2.7, 6.1, 6.2, 6.8 Jiading Township 4.9 Dongguan 5.4 Jiang Zemin 1.1, 2.4, 4.1, 6.3 parties 2.2 Duyun 1.2, 1.4, 1.5, 1.6, 1.7, 1.9, 2.1 Jiangsu Province 1.2, 1.3, 1.6, 2.7, 4.3 Party Congress 6.4 E Jiangxi Province 2.2 People’sDaily 3.2, 3.6 Jiaotong University 2.4 People’s Liberation Army 2.6 economic conditions and trends Jiuqiantujiu (home-grown rice wine) 2.5 per-capita GDP 1.5, 6.1 1.6, 2.7, 3.6, 5.5, 5.6, 5.7 jump into the sea 1.6 per-capita GNP 6.2, 6.8 Education and Economic Development per-capita income 4.4, 4.7, 5.1, 6.8 K for Ethnic Minorities (3E) 1.7 Politburo 3.2 ethnic groups. See Kou’an 1.2 population 1.3, 1.4, 1.6, 3.5, 4.7, 5.4 Buyi; Han; Miao; Shui Kuomintang party 2.2, 2.4 poverty 3.1, 4.4

10 DBW-6 provinces (China). SeeGuangdong; Shanxi Province 3.2 travel permit 4.4 Guangxi; Guizhou; Hunan; Shenzhen 1.5, 1.6, 6.5, 6.8 U Jiangsu; Jiangxi; Sha'anxi; Shenzhen Airlines Co. 4.7 Shanxi; Sichuan; Tibet; Yunnan Shenzhen Hope School U.S. Air Force 4.2 6.4, 6.5, 6.6, 6.8 Q Shenzhen Representative Office 6.6 V Qiannan Education College 1.6, 1.8 Shenzhen Special Economic Zone Vietnam 1.5, 2.7 Qiannan Miao and Buyi Autonomous 6.2, 6.5, 6.8 Vinzani, Debbie and Tim Prefecture 1.5, 1.6, 1.7 2.4, 6.5, Shui 1.6, 1.7, 1.8 1.5, 1.7, 1.8 6.4, 6.6, 6.8 Sichuan Province 1.5, 2.4, 2.7 Qiannan Prefecture’s Office of sister-city relationship 6.2, 6.4, W 6.5, 6.6, 6.8 Poverty Alleviation 3.1 Wang Mingguang 3.3 skills transfers 5.8 Qiao Shi 6.4 warlords 2.2 Snow, Edgar 2.3 2.2 White Swan hotel 1.5 South China Sea 1.5 Qingdao 6.5 Wu Jiapu 3.1 Southeast Asia financial crisis 5.8 R southern tour 6.2 Y Southwest Airlines 1.4 railroads 5.1 Yan’an 2.3, 2.4 Red Army 2.3 Soviet Union 2.7 “spirit of a screw” 3.2 Yang, Dali 2.6 Red Guards 2.5 Yangtze river 1.2, 2.4 Red Star Over China 2.3 T Yingpan village 2.1 rivers. SeeMekong; Yangtze Yonggui, Chen 3.2 Taiwan 2.7 Rural Chinese Government Adminis- Yunnan Province 1.5, 2.7 tration 4.3 Taizhou City 1.3 The Long March 2.3 Z S TheLongMarch:TheUntoldStory Zhangjiagang 1.3 Salisbury, Harrison E. 2.2 2.2 Third Front industrial structure 2.7 Zhongnanhai 2.5 Sandu County 4.8, 6.6, 6.8 Zhou Enlai 2.5 Sandu Shui Ethnic Minority Autono- Tianjin 1.5 Tibet 1.5 Zhou Guangshao 6.3 mous County 2.4, 6.4, 6.5 Zhouqing Town 4.8 Seventh Five-Year Plan 6.4 town (zhen) 4.2 township (xiang) 4.2 Zhu De 2.6 Sha'anxi Province 2.3 Zunyi 2.3 Shanghai 1.1, 1.2, 1.3, 1.6, 2.7 township and village enterprises (TVEs) 4.7 Zunyi Conference 2.3

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INSTITUTE FELLOWS AND THEIR ACTIVITIES ASIA] Adam Smith Albion. A former research associate at of Economics and a Master’s in International Peace the Institute for EastWest Studies at Prague in the Czech Chenoa Egawa. An enrolled member of the Lummi Studies from Notre Dame, he describes his postgraduate Republic, Adam is studying and writing about the Indian Nation, Chenoa is spending two years living years as “seven years’ experience in international republics of Central Asia, and their importance as actors among mesoAmerican Indians, studying successful and development programming and peace research.” [sub- within and without the former Soviet bloc. A Harvard not-so-successful cooperative organizations designed SAHARA] graduate (1988; History), Adam has completed the first to help the Indians market their manufactures, year of a two-year M. Litt. Degree in Russian/East agricultural products and crafts without relying on Randi Movich. The current John Miller Musser Memorial European history and languages at Oxford University. middlemen. A former trade specialist for the American Forest & Society Fellow, Randi is spending two years in [EUROPE/RUSSIA] Indian Trade and Development Council of the Pacific Guinea, West Africa, studying and writing about the ways Northwest, Chenoa’s B.A. is in International Business in which indigenous women use forest resources for Christopher P. Ball. An economist, Chris Ball holds a and Spanish from the University of Washington in reproductive health. With a B.A. in biology from the B.A. from the University of Alabama in Huntsville and Seattle. [THE AMERICAS] University of California at Santa Cruz and a Master of attended the 1992 International Summer School at the Science degree in Forest Resources from the University London School of Economics. He studied Hungarian for Paige Evans. A playwright and former Literary Manager of Idaho, Randi is building on two years’ experience as two years in Budapest while serving as Project Director of the Manhattan Theatre Club in New York City, Paige a Peace Corps agroforestry extension agent in the same for the Hungarian Atlantic Council. As an Institute Fellow, is looking at Cuba through the lens of its performing arts. region of Guinea where she will be living as a Fellow he is studying and writing about Hungarian minorities in With a History/Literature B.A. from Harvard, she has with her husband, Jeff Fields — also the holder of an the former Soviet-bloc nations of East and Central served as counselor at the Buckhorn Children’s Center Idaho Master’s in Forest Resources. [sub-SAHARA] Europe. [EUROPE/RUSSIA] in Buckhorn, Kentucky (1983-84), as Arts Editor of the International Courier in Rome, Italy (1985-86), and as Daniel B. Wright. A sinologist with a Master’s Degree Shelly Renae Browning. A surgeon specializing in ears an adjunct professor teaching a course in Contemporary in International Relations from the Nitze School of and hearing, Dr. Browning is studying the approaches American Playwrights at New York University. She joined Advanced International Studies of the Johns Hopkins of traditional healers among the Aborigines of Australia the Manhattan Theatre Club in 1990. [THE AMERICAS] University, Dan’s fellowship immerses him in southwest and the indigenous peoples of Vanuatu to hearing loss China’s Guizhou Province, where he, his journalist-wife and ear problems. She won her B.S. in Chemistry at the Marc Michaelson. A program manager for Save the Shou Guowei, and their two children (Margaret and Jon) University of the South, studied physician/patient Children in The Gambia, Marc has moved across Africa will base themselves for two years in the city of Duyun. relationships in China and Australia on a Thomas J. to the Horn, there to assess nation-building in Eritrea Previously a specialist on Asian and Chinese affairs for Watson Fellowship and won her M.D. at Emory and Ethiopia, and (conditions permitting) availing and the Washington consulting firm of Andreae, Vick & University in Atlanta. Before her ICWA fellowship, she unavailing humanitarian efforts in northern Somalia and Associates, Dan also studied Chinese literature at Beijing was a Fellow in Skull-Base Surgery in Montreal at McGill southern Sudan. With a B.A. in political science from University and holds a Master of Divinity degree from University’s Department of Otolaryngology. [SOUTH Tufts, a year of non-degree study at the London School Fuller Theological Seminary of Pasadena, California. [EAST ASIA] Chosen on the basis of character, previous experience and promise, Institute Fellows are young professionals funded to spend a minimum of two years carrying out self-designed programs of study and writing outside the United States. The Fellows are required to report their findings and experiences from the field once a month. They can write on any subject, as formally or informally as they wish. The result is a unique form of reporting, analysis and periodic assessment of international events and issues.

Author: Wright, Daniel B. ICWA Letters (ISSN 1083-4265) are published by the Institute of Current World Affairs Title: ICWA Letters - East Asia Inc., a 501(c)(3) exempt operating foundation incorporated in New York State with of- fices located at 4 West Wheelock Street, Hanover, NH 03755. The letters are provided ISSN: 1083-4265 free of charge to members of ICWA and are available to libraries and professional Imprint: Institute of Current World Affairs, researchers by subscription. Hanover, NH Material Type: Serial Executive Director: Peter Bird Martin Phone: (603) 643-5548 Language: English Program Administrator: Gary L. Hansen Fax: (603) 643-9599 Frequency: Monthly Publications Manager: Ellen Kozak E-Mail: [email protected] Other Regions: Sub-Saharan Africa; South Asia, ©1998 Institute of Current World Affairs, The Crane-Rogers Foundation. Mideast/North Africa; The information contained in this publication may not be reproduced without the Europe/Russia; The Americas writer’s permission.