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1. (SI/NF) Personalinformation: Placeofbirth: Kasala, Sudan (SU
SECRET NOFORN 20301011 DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE JOINT TASK FORCE GUANTANAMO GUANTANAMO BAY, CUBA APO AE 09360 JTF GTMO- CG 11 October2005 MEMORANDUMFORCommander United States SouthernCommand, 3511NW Avenue, Miami, FL 33172. SUBJECT : Recommendation for Continued Detention Under Control (CD) for Guantanamo Detainee, ISN: ( S) JTF GTMO DetaineeAssessment 1. ( SI/ NF) Personal Information: JDIMS ReferenceName: Zamir Muhammed Aliases and Current / True Name: Muhammed Noor Uthman, Akrima, Abu AlHareth , Farouq AlKamari Place of Birth: Kasala, Sudan (SU ) Dateof Birth: 1 January 1962 Citizenship: Sudanese 29.04 2005 InternmentSerial Number(ISN) 00000707DP 2. (FOUO) Health: Detaineeis in good health. He has refused treatment for latent TB, but has no significant medical issues. Detaineedoes suffer from seasonal allergic rhinitis, but it is easily controlled by medications. He has no known drug allergies. 3. SI/NF ) JTF GTMO Assessment: a . (S ) Recommendation : JTF GTMO recommends this detainee for Continued Detention Under Control (CD) . b . ( SI Summary: JTF GTMO previously assessed detainee as Retain in Control ( ) on 27 August 2004. CLASSIFIED BY: MULTIPLE SOURCES REASON : 12958 SECTION 1.5(C ) DECLASSIFY ON : 20301011 SECRETI 20301011 SECRET // 20301011 JTF GTMO -CG SUBJECT : Recommendation for Continued Detention Under Control ( CD) for Guantanamo Detainee , ISN: 000707DP (S) Detainee is assessed as a probable member ofAl-Qaida. Senior Al-Qaida members identified detainee as a senior trainer at the Khaldan training camp near Khowst, Afghanistan (AF) . Detainee trained hundreds of jihadists including high-level Al-Qaida terrorists. Detainee worked under senior Al- Qaida lieutenant, Abu Zubaydah, who directed Khaldan camp. He admitted being Khaldan Camp facilitator Ibn Sheikh Al assistant. Detainee was a primary weapons trainer and supply officer for the camp. -
Forensic Mental Health Evaluations in the Guantánamo Military Commissions System: an Analysis of All Detainee Cases from Inception to 2018 T ⁎ Neil Krishan Aggarwal
International Journal of Law and Psychiatry 64 (2019) 34–39 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect International Journal of Law and Psychiatry journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/ijlawpsy Forensic mental health evaluations in the Guantánamo military commissions system: An analysis of all detainee cases from inception to 2018 T ⁎ Neil Krishan Aggarwal Clinical Psychiatry, Department of Psychiatry, Columbia University Medical Center, Committee on Global Thought, Columbia University, New York State Psychiatric Institute, United States ABSTRACT Even though the Bush Administration opened the Guantánamo Bay detention facility in 2002 in response to the September 11, 2001 attacks in the United States, little remains known about how forensic mental health evaluations relate to the process of detainees who are charged before military commissions. This article discusses the laws governing Guantánamo's military commissions system and mental health evaluations. Notably, the US government initially treated detaineesas“unlawful enemy combatants” who were not protected under the US Constitution and the United Nations Convention Against Torture and Other Forms of Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment, allowing for the use of “enhanced interrogation techniques.” In subsequent legal documents, however, the US government has excluded evidence obtained through torture, as defined by the US Constitution and the United Nations Convention Against Torture. Using open-source document analysis, this article describes the reasons and outcomes of all forensic mental health evaluations from Guantánamo's opening to 2018. Only thirty of 779 detainees (~3.85%) have ever had charges referred against them to the military commissions, and only nine detainees (~1.16%) have ever received forensic mental health evaluations pertaining to their case. -
Unclassified//For Public Release Unclassified//For Public Release
UNCLASSIFIED//FOR PUBLIC RELEASE --SESR-Efll-N0F0RN- Final Dispositions as of January 22, 2010 Guantanamo Review Dispositions Country ISN Name Decision of Origin AF 4 Abdul Haq Wasiq Continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war. AF 6 Mullah Norullah Noori Continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war. AF 7 Mullah Mohammed Fazl Continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001 ), as informed by principles of the laws of war. AF 560 Haji Wali Muhammed Continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001 ), as informed by principles of the laws of war, subject to further review by the Principals prior to the detainee's transfer to a detention facility in the United States. AF 579 Khairullah Said Wali Khairkhwa Continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war. AF 753 Abdul Sahir Referred for prosecution. AF 762 Obaidullah Referred for prosecution. AF 782 Awai Gui Continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war. AF 832 Mohammad Nabi Omari Continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001 ), as informed by principles of the laws of war. AF 850 Mohammed Hashim Transfer to a country outside the United States that will implement appropriate security measures. AF 899 Shawali Khan Transfer to • subject to appropriate security measures. -
The Military Commissions Act of 2009 (MCA 2009): Overview and Legal Issues
The Military Commissions Act of 2009 (MCA 2009): Overview and Legal Issues (name redacted) Legislative Attorney August 4, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R41163 The Military Commissions Act of 2009 (MCA 2009): Overview and Legal Issues Summary On November 13, 2001, President Bush issued a Military Order (M.O.) pertaining to the detention, treatment, and trial of certain non-citizens in the war against terrorism. Military commissions pursuant to the M.O. began in November 2004 against four persons declared eligible for trial, but the Supreme Court in Hamdan v. Rumsfeld invalidated the military commissions as improper under the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ). To permit military commissions to go forward, Congress approved the Military Commissions Act of 2006 (MCA), conferring authority to promulgate rules that depart from the strictures of the UCMJ and possibly U.S. international obligations. Military commissions proceedings were reinstated and resulted in three convictions under the Bush Administration. Upon taking office in 2009, President Obama temporarily halted military commissions to review their procedures as well as the detention program at Guantánamo Bay in general, pledging to close the prison facilities there by January 2010, a deadline that passed unmet. One case was moved to a federal district court. In May 2009, the Obama Administration announced that it was considering restarting the military commission system with some changes to the procedural rules. Congress enacted the Military Commissions Act of 2009 (MCA 2009) as part of the Department of Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) for FY2010, P.L. 111-84, to provide some reforms the Administration supported and to make other amendments to the Military Commissions Act, as described in this report. -
Prosecuting a Pre-9/11 Terrorist: the Legal Limits of Military Commissions
PROSECUTING A PRE-9/11 TERRORIST: THE LEGAL LIMITS OF MILITARY COMMISSIONS DEBORAH PEARLSTEIN* It is an interesting moment to step back and assess how the mil- itary commission trials have progressed in the thirteen years since the trials were originally conceived by presidential order in 2001.1 I had the privilege of being among the first group of human rights monitors to visit Guantanamo Bay in 2004 to witness the opening hearings of an earlier generation of military commission trials, and I have watched the trials closely since then.2 Military commissions in their various forms have had multi- ple trips to the federal courts, including a trip to the Supreme Court in 2006.3 They have been the subject of two major pieces of federal legislation—the Military Commissions Act of 2006, and the Military Commissions Act of 2009, which have sub- stantially revised the rules surrounding commission proceed- ings.4 Today, the commissions boast a truly distinguished chief prosecutor in General Mark Martins, who is an extraordinary lawyer, among other things. In many respects, the commissions are vastly fairer procedurally than they were when they were conceived in 2001 and 2002.5 Yet the central problem remains: The legal complexity of pursu- ing a novel system of military commission trials, or war crimes * Associate Professor of Law, Cardozo Law School, Yeshiva University. This essay was adapted from remarks given at the 2014 Federalist Society Annual Stu- dent Symposium at the University of Florida in Gainesville, Florida. 1. See Military Order of November 13, 2001, Detention, Treatment, and Trial of Cer- tain Non-Citizens in the War Against Terrorism, 66 Fed. -
True and False Confessions: the Efficacy of Torture and Brutal
Chapter 7 True and False Confessions The Efficacy of Torture and Brutal Interrogations Central to the debate on the use of “enhanced” interrogation techniques is the question of whether those techniques are effective in gaining intelligence. If the techniques are the only way to get actionable intelligence that prevents terrorist attacks, their use presents a moral dilemma for some. On the other hand, if brutality does not produce useful intelligence — that is, it is not better at getting information than other methods — the debate is moot. This chapter focuses on the effectiveness of the CIA’s enhanced interrogation technique program. There are far fewer people who defend brutal interrogations by the military. Most of the military’s mistreatment of captives was not authorized in detail at high levels, and some was entirely unauthorized. Many military captives were either foot soldiers or were entirely innocent, and had no valuable intelligence to reveal. Many of the perpetrators of abuse in the military were young interrogators with limited training and experience, or were not interrogators at all. The officials who authorized the CIA’s interrogation program have consistently maintained that it produced useful intelligence, led to the capture of terrorist suspects, disrupted terrorist attacks, and saved American lives. Vice President Dick Cheney, in a 2009 speech, stated that the enhanced interrogation of captives “prevented the violent death of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands, of innocent people.” President George W. Bush similarly stated in his memoirs that “[t]he CIA interrogation program saved lives,” and “helped break up plots to attack military and diplomatic facilities abroad, Heathrow Airport and Canary Wharf in London, and multiple targets in the United States.” John Brennan, President Obama’s recent nominee for CIA director, said, of the CIA’s program in a televised interview in 2007, “[t]here [has] been a lot of information that has come out from these interrogation procedures. -
The Constitutional and Political Clash Over Detainees and the Closure of Guantanamo
UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH LAW REVIEW Vol. 74 ● Winter 2012 PRISONERS OF CONGRESS: THE CONSTITUTIONAL AND POLITICAL CLASH OVER DETAINEES AND THE CLOSURE OF GUANTANAMO David J.R. Frakt ISSN 0041-9915 (print) 1942-8405 (online) ● DOI 10.5195/lawreview.2012.195 http://lawreview.law.pitt.edu This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. This site is published by the University Library System of the University of Pittsburgh as part of its D- Scribe Digital Publishing Program and is cosponsored by the University of Pittsburgh Press. PRISONERS OF CONGRESS: THE CONSTITUTIONAL AND POLITICAL CLASH OVER DETAINEES AND THE CLOSURE OF GUANTANAMO David J.R. Frakt Table of Contents Prologue ............................................................................................................... 181 I. Introduction ................................................................................................. 183 A. A Brief Constitutional History of Guantanamo ................................... 183 1. The Bush Years (January 2002 to January 2009) ....................... 183 2. The Obama Years (January 2009 to the Present) ........................ 192 a. 2009 ................................................................................... 192 b. 2010 to the Present ............................................................. 199 II. Legislative Restrictions and Their Impact ................................................... 205 A. Restrictions on Transfer and/or Release -
AI Media Briefing Guantanamo Anniversary
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL MEDIA BRIEFING DECEMBER 2011 Guantánamo 10th anniversary: Timeline 2001 11 September – Nearly 3,000 people are killed when four hijacked planes are crashed into the World Trade Center in New York, the Pentagon, and a field in Pennsylvania. Amnesty International considers the attacks to constitute a crime against humanity. 14 September – US Congress passes a resolution, Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF), giving the President unprecedented authorization to use force against "nations, organizations and individuals" whom he determined were connected in any way with the attacks or with future acts of international terrorism. 17 September – US President George W Bush signs a memorandum authorizing the CIA to set up detention facilities outside the USA and containing specific information relating to the sources and methods by which the CIA was to implement this detention programme. This memorandum remains classified. 18 September – President Bush signs the AUMF into law. 7 October – The USA leads military action against the Taleban government and members of al- Qa’ida in Afghanistan. 13 November – President Bush issues a military order on the "Detention, Treatment and Trial of Certain Non-Citizens, in the War Against Terrorism", ordering the Secretary of Defense to find an “appropriate location” to hold non-US nationals in indefinite custody without charge. The order seeks to prohibit any detainee held under it from seeking any remedy in any proceeding in any US, foreign or international court. If any detainee were to be tried, the trial would be by military commission – a body created by the executive, not an independent or impartial ordinary court. -
Military Commissions: a Place Outside the Law’S Reach
MILITARY COMMISSIONS: A PLACE OUTSIDE THE LAW’S REACH JANET COOPER ALEXANDER* “We have turned our backs on the law and created what we believed was a place outside the law’s reach.” Colonel Morris D. Davis, former chief prosecutor of the Guantánamo military commissions1 Ten years after 9/11, it is hard to remember that the decision to treat the attacks as the trigger for taking the country to a state of war was not inevitable. Previous acts of terrorism had been investigated and prosecuted as crimes, even when they were carried out or planned by al Qaeda.2 But on September 12, 2001, President Bush pronounced the attacks “acts of war,”3 and he repeatedly defined himself as a “war president.”4 The war * Frederick I. Richman Professor of Law, Stanford Law School. I would like to thank participants at the 2011 Childress Lecture at Saint Louis University School of Law and a Stanford Law School faculty workshop for their comments, and Nicolas Martinez for invaluable research assistance. 1 Ed Vulliamy, Ten Years On, Former Chief Prosecutor at Guantanamo Slams ‘Camp of Torture,’ OBSERVER, Oct. 30, 2011, at 29. 2 Previous al Qaeda attacks that were prosecuted as crimes include the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center, the Manila Air (or Bojinka) plot to blow up a dozen jumbo jets, and the 1998 embassy bombings in East Africa. Mary Jo White, Prosecuting Terrorism in New York, MIDDLE E.Q., Spring 2001, at 11, 11–14; see also Christopher S. Wren, U.S. Jury Convicts 3 in a Conspiracy to Bomb Airliners, N.Y. -
Guantanamo Bay (Also GTMO Or Gitmo) Is a US Naval Base in Cuba Covering 45 Square Miles
Guantanamo Bay (also GTMO or Gitmo) is a US Naval base in Cuba covering 45 square miles. It contains several prison camps, the first of which was established by the Bush Administration in January 2002 to house enemy combatants captured in Afghanistan. The US Government committed to closing the prison by January 2010 however as of March 2011 there are 172 prisoners still housed with no immediate date for closure. This PDF is a text version of the interactive feature, How To Get Out Of Guantanamo. abc.net.au/innovation/gitmo PAGE 1/11 © ABC 2011 HOW TO GET OUT OF GUANTANAMO abc.net.au/innovation/gitmo 779 DETAINED SINCE 2002 The first 20 prisoners arrived at Guantanamo on Jan 11 2002 from Afghanistan. They were detained under a Military Order issued by President Bush after the 9/11 attacks allowing individuals to be held without charge indefinitely. On Feb 7 2002, Bush signed a memorandum excluding them from prisoner of war status (POW) and Article 3 of the Geneva Convention; Article 3 prohibits unfair trials, torture, cruelty and outrages on human dignity. On March 14, 2008, the last known prisoner arrived at Guantanamo Bay. At its peak capacity Guantanamo has housed about 660 pris- oners (November 2003). 12 of these prisoners have been children under the age of 16. Some inmates were transferred to the prison after being held for months or years in detention at so-called CIA 'black sites'. This included 14 men in 2006 described as 'high value detainees'. REFERENCES: Amnesty International, Guantanamo Timeline (2008) http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AMR51/148/2008/en/d620ceca-cde2-11dd-b0c5-1f8db3691f48/amr511482008en.html -
Download Spokespersons for Terror
PROPAGANDISTS, RECRUITERS, AND SPOKESPERSONS SPOKESPERSONS FOR TERROR The following individuals serve as formal representatives for sanction-designated terrorist organizations. As spokespersons for terror, these individuals endorse, amplify, and seek to justify the violent acts carried out by their terror organizations. Their various messaging campaigns translate into their abilities to lure new recruits and incite individuals to violence. AL-QAEDA IN THE ARABIAN PENINSULA Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) is reportedly the most dangerous of al-Qaeda’s affiliates. The Yemeni-based terror group is represented by its chief spokesperson, Ibrahim al- Qosi. Ibrahim al-Qosi, a Sudanese national, is a former Guantanamo detainee who returned to terrorism and became a leader of AQAP. In July 2010, al-Qosi pleaded guilty to charges of conspiracy and material support to terrorism. He was sentenced to 14 years in prison, but was released after two years and was repatriated to Sudan in 2012. Al-Qosi was featured in an AQAP propaganda video in January 2018. For more on al-Qosi, see CEP’s Ibrahim al-Qosi report. HAMAS Hamas, the Palestian terror group, has separate spokespersons working for its political and military wings, the Islamic Resistance Movement and Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades, respectively. They include: Sami Abu Zuhri is a spokesperson for Hamas’s political wing. In this role, he frequently applauds and praises violent terror attacks in Israel. Following a March 2016 attack, Zuhri said that, “Hamas congratulates the three heroic operations this evening, in Tel Aviv, Jerusalem, and Jaffa, and…the martyrs that have ascended through these operations.” Zuhri has been accused of sexually harassing female journalists in the Gaza Strip in 2007 and 2014, respectively. -
Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP): an Al-Qaeda Affiliate Case Study David Knoll
Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP): An Al-Qaeda Affiliate Case Study David Knoll With contributions from Alexander Thurston and Pamela G. Faber October 2017 DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT A. Approved for public release: distribution unlimited. This document contains the best opinion of CNA at the time of issue. It does not necessarily represent the opinion of the sponsor. Distribution DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT A. Approved for public release: distribution unlimited. SPECIFIC AUTHORITY: N00014-16-D-5003 10/27/2017 Photography Credit: Michael Markowitz, CNA. Approved by: October 2017 Dr. Jonathan Schroden, Director Center for Stability and Development Center for Strategic Studies This work was performed under Federal Government Contract No. N00014-16-D-5003. Copyright © 2017 CNA Abstract Section 1228 of the 2015 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) states: “The Secretary of Defense, in coordination with the Secretary of State and the Director of National Intelligence, shall provide for the conduct of an independent assessment of the effectiveness of the United States’ efforts to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat Al- Qaeda, including its affiliated groups, associated groups, and adherents since September 11, 2001.” The Assistant Secretary of Defense for Special Operations/Low Intensity Conflict (ASD (SO/LIC)) asked CNA to conduct this independent assessment, which was completed in August 2017. In order to conduct this assessment, CNA used a comparative methodology that included eight case studies on groups affiliated or associated with Al-Qaeda. These case studies were then used as a dataset for cross-case comparison. This document is a stand-alone version of the Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) case study used in the Independent Assessment.