Guantanamo Bay (Also GTMO Or Gitmo) Is a US Naval Base in Cuba Covering 45 Square Miles
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Day Two of Military Judge Questioning 9/11 Accused About Self-Representation
Public amnesty international USA Guantánamo: Day two of military judge questioning 9/11 accused about self-representation 11 July 2008 AI Index: AMR 51/077/2008 On 10 July 2008, military commission judge US Marine Colonel Ralph Kohlmann held further proceedings to question the men accused of orchestrating the attacks of 11 September 2001 about their decision to represent themselves at their forthcoming death penalty trial in the US Naval Base in Guantánamo Bay, Cuba. Amnesty International had an observer at the proceedings. The primary purpose of the hearings was to inquire of each of the accused individually about whether they had been intimidated before or during their arraignment on 5 June 2008 into making a choice to represent themselves, or whether this decision had been made knowingly and voluntarily. Judge Kohlmann had questioned two of the accused, ‘Ali ‘Abd al-‘Aziz ‘Ali (‘Ammar al Baluchi) and Mustafa al Hawsawi at individual sessions held on 9 July (see http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/AMR51/076/2008/en). He had scheduled sessions for the other three men, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, Walid bin Attash and Ramzi bin al-Shibh on 10 July. In the event, Ramzi bin al-Shibh refused to come to his session. It seems unlikely that the military judge will question him again on the matter of legal representation until the issue of Ramzi bin al-Shibh’s mental competency is addressed at a hearing scheduled to take place next month (see http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/AMR51/074/2008/en). Both Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and Walid bin Attash denied that they had been intimidated or that any intimidation had taken place. -
Ghailani, Ahmed Khalfan Verdict
United States Attorney Southern District of New York FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE CONTACT: U.S. ATTORNEY'S OFFICE NOVEMBER 17, 2010 ELLEN DAVIS, EDELI RIVERA, JESSIE ERWIN PUBLIC INFORMATION OFFICE (212) 637-2600 AHMED KHALFAN GHAILANI FOUND GUILTY IN MANHATTAN FEDERAL COURT OF CONSPIRING IN THE 1998 DESTRUCTION OF UNITED STATES EMBASSIES IN EAST AFRICA RESULTING IN DEATH Al Qaeda Terrorist And First Guantanamo Detainee To Be Tried In Civilian Court Faces Possible Life Sentence In January PREET BHARARA, the United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York, announced that AHMED KHALFAN GHAILANI was found guilty today for his role in the 1998 bombings of the United States Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania that took the lives of 224 people, including 12 Americans. GHAILANI, 36, a Tanzanian national and the first detainee held at the Guantanamo Bay Naval Base in Cuba to be tried in a civilian court, was found guilty of conspiring to destroy property and buildings of the United States, following a five week trial before U.S. District Judge LEWIS A. KAPLAN. GHAILANI faces a mandatory minimum sentence of 20 years in prison and a maximum sentence of life on this count. GHAILANI was acquitted of the remaining counts against him. "Ahmed Ghailani was today convicted of conspiring in the 1998 destruction of the United States Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, causing death as a result," said United States Attorney PREET BHARARA. "He will face, and we will seek, the maximum sentence of life without parole when he is sentenced in January. I want to express my deep appreciation for the unflagging commitment, dedication, and talent of the agents who so thoroughly investigated this case and the prosecutors who so ably tried it." According to the evidence presented at trial, previous court proceedings in this case, and documents filed in Manhattan federal court: GHAILANI was first indicted on December 16, 1998, by a federal grand jury in the Southern District of New York. -
Download Legal Document
Case 1:10-cv-00436-RMC Document 49-3 Filed 08/09/13 Page 1 of 48 IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA ) AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES ) UNION, et al., ) ) Plaintiffs, ) ) v. ) Civil Action No. 1:1 0-cv-00436 RMC ) CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY, ) ) Defendant. ) -----------------------J DECLARATION OF AMY E. POWELL I, Amy E. Powell, declare as follows: 1. I am a trial attorney at the United States Department of Justice, representing the Defendant in the above-captioned matter. I am competent to testify as to the matters set forth in this declaration. 2. Attached to this declaration as Exhibit A is a true and correct copy of a document entitled "Attorney General Eric Holder Speaks at Northwestern University School of Law," dated March 5, 2012, as retrieved on August 9, 2013 from http://www.justice.gov/iso/opa/ag/speeches/ 2012/ag-speech-1203051.html. 3. Attached to this declaration as Exhibit B is a true and correct copy of a Transcript of Remarks by John 0. Brennan on April30, 2012, as copied on August 9, 2013 from http://www.wilsoncenter.org/event/the-efficacy-and-ethics-us-counterterrorism-strategy/ with some formatting changes by the undersigned in order to enhance readability. Case 1:10-cv-00436-RMC Document 49-3 Filed 08/09/13 Page 2 of 48 4. Attached to this declaration as Exhibit C is a true and correct copy of a letter to the Chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee dated May 22, 2013, as retrieved on August 9, 2013 from http://www.justice.gov/slideshow/AG-letter-5-22-13 .pdf. -
Unclassified//For Public Release Unclassified//For Public Release
UNCLASSIFIED//FOR PUBLIC RELEASE --SESR-Efll-N0F0RN- Final Dispositions as of January 22, 2010 Guantanamo Review Dispositions Country ISN Name Decision of Origin AF 4 Abdul Haq Wasiq Continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war. AF 6 Mullah Norullah Noori Continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war. AF 7 Mullah Mohammed Fazl Continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001 ), as informed by principles of the laws of war. AF 560 Haji Wali Muhammed Continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001 ), as informed by principles of the laws of war, subject to further review by the Principals prior to the detainee's transfer to a detention facility in the United States. AF 579 Khairullah Said Wali Khairkhwa Continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war. AF 753 Abdul Sahir Referred for prosecution. AF 762 Obaidullah Referred for prosecution. AF 782 Awai Gui Continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001), as informed by principles of the laws of war. AF 832 Mohammad Nabi Omari Continued detention pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (2001 ), as informed by principles of the laws of war. AF 850 Mohammed Hashim Transfer to a country outside the United States that will implement appropriate security measures. AF 899 Shawali Khan Transfer to • subject to appropriate security measures. -
Omar Khadr's Legal Odyssey: the Erasure of Child Soldier As a Legal
GEORGIA JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AND COMPARATIVE LAW(DO NOT DELETE) 4/18/2018 1:10 PM OMAR KHADR’S LEGAL ODYSSEY: THE ERASURE OF CHILD SOLDIER AS A LEGAL CATEGORY M. Mehdi Ali* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................... 348 II. FACTS .............................................................................................. 349 III. LEGAL BACKGROUND ..................................................................... 351 IV. LEGAL ARGUMENTS ........................................................................ 359 V. CONCLUSION ................................................................................... 367 * J.D., Stanford Law School; M.A., Stanford University; B.A., Stanford University. I am deeply grateful to my parents, Nisar and Mehnaz, and my wife, Sarah, for always encouraging me throughout my academic career. I am also thankful to my siblings, Hadi and Heraa, for their unwavering support, and for their excellent comments and suggestions to an earlier draft of this Article. Lastly, it was a great privilege to work with the editors at the Georgia Journal of International and Comparative Law, and I am indebted to them for their hard work and thoughtful feedback. 347 GEORGIA JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AND COMPARATIVE LAW (DO NOT DELETE) 4/18/2018 1:10 PM 348 GA. J. INT’L & COMP. L. [Vol. 46:347 I. INTRODUCTION After the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, U.S. officials warned the American public that they were facing a “new kind of war.”1 The scale of the attacks, conducted by a foreign enemy on the American homeland, allowed the administration to exceed institutional restraints built into the political system. In the name of security, the government launched two wars, rounded up thousands of individuals on the basis of national origin, and dramatically altered long-held notions of liberty and due process. -
The Oath a Film by Laura Poitras
The Oath A film by Laura Poitras POV www.pbs.org/pov DISCUSSION GUIDe The Oath POV Letter frOm the fiLmmakers New YorK , 2010 I was first interested in making a film about Guantanamo in 2003, when I was also beginning a film about the war in Iraq. I never imagined Guantanamo would still be open when I finished that film, but sadly it was — and still is today. originally, my idea for the Oath was to make a film about some - one released from Guantanamo and returning home. In May 2007, I traveled to Yemen looking to find that story and that’s when I met Abu Jandal, osama bin Laden’s former bodyguard, driving a taxicab in Sana’a, the capital of Yemen. I wasn’t look - ing to make a film about Al-Qaeda, but that changed when I met Abu Jandal. Themes of betrayal, guilt, loyalty, family and absence are not typically things that come to mind when we imagine a film about Al-Qaeda and Guantanamo. Despite the dangers of telling this story, it compelled me. Born in Saudi Arabia of Yemeni parents, Abu Jandal left home in 1993 to fight jihad in Bosnia. In 1996 he recruited Salim Ham - dan to join him for jihad in Tajikistan. while traveling through Laura Poitras, filmmaker of the Oath . Afghanistan, they were recruited by osama bin Laden. Abu Jan - Photo by Khalid Al Mahdi dal became bin Laden's personal bodyguard and “emir of Hos - pitality.” Salim Hamdan became bin Laden’s driver. Abu Jandal ends up driving a taxi and Hamdan ends up at Guantanamo. -
Print: Bush's Plan to Erode Our Liberties
Print: Bush's Plan to Erode Our Liberties http://www.thenation.com/doc/20070625/huq/print Bush's Plan to Erode Our Liberties by AZIZ HUQ June 8, 2007 Early this week, judge advocates halted two prosecutions in the Guantánamo military commissions established under the 2006 Military Commissions Act (MCA). This is not the first setback the Administration's second-tier court system has hit; the Supreme Court invalidated an earlier iteration of the commissions in 2006. And it won't be the last. But while this week's setback likely will be speedily surmounted, it casts an unexpected light on the MCA's real purposes, and what's at stake when the Bush Administration plays politics with national security. Understanding the significance of this week's ruling means delving into a bit of procedural arcana. The devil in the MCA is, almost literally, in the details--and unless we attend closely to the rococo details of the statute, we'll miss the ways in which the Administration intends to slowly erode our liberties. At the beginning of this week, the military commissions' two judges--Army Col. Peter Brownback and Navy Capt. Keith Allred--dismissed charges filed against Omar Khadr and Salim Hamdan. The rulings focused on a question of categorization--basically, the judges found that Khadr and Hamdan had been wrongly classified. But how did this happen? The MCA, which created the military commissions, states that only an alien who is an "unlawful enemy combatant" can be tried in a military commission. It also defines "unlawful enemy combatants" in tremendously sweeping terms to include anyone who has "materially supported hostilities." Many civil libertarians, including myself, expressed grave concerns about the scope of this provision. -
The Military Commissions Act of 2009 (MCA 2009): Overview and Legal Issues
The Military Commissions Act of 2009 (MCA 2009): Overview and Legal Issues (name redacted) Legislative Attorney August 4, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R41163 The Military Commissions Act of 2009 (MCA 2009): Overview and Legal Issues Summary On November 13, 2001, President Bush issued a Military Order (M.O.) pertaining to the detention, treatment, and trial of certain non-citizens in the war against terrorism. Military commissions pursuant to the M.O. began in November 2004 against four persons declared eligible for trial, but the Supreme Court in Hamdan v. Rumsfeld invalidated the military commissions as improper under the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ). To permit military commissions to go forward, Congress approved the Military Commissions Act of 2006 (MCA), conferring authority to promulgate rules that depart from the strictures of the UCMJ and possibly U.S. international obligations. Military commissions proceedings were reinstated and resulted in three convictions under the Bush Administration. Upon taking office in 2009, President Obama temporarily halted military commissions to review their procedures as well as the detention program at Guantánamo Bay in general, pledging to close the prison facilities there by January 2010, a deadline that passed unmet. One case was moved to a federal district court. In May 2009, the Obama Administration announced that it was considering restarting the military commission system with some changes to the procedural rules. Congress enacted the Military Commissions Act of 2009 (MCA 2009) as part of the Department of Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) for FY2010, P.L. 111-84, to provide some reforms the Administration supported and to make other amendments to the Military Commissions Act, as described in this report. -
No Torture. No Exceptions
NO TORTURE. NO EXCEPTIONS. The above sketch by Thomas V. Curtis, a former Reserve M.P. sergeant, is of New York Times an Afghan detainee, Dilawar, who was taken into U.S. custody on December 5, 2002, and died five days later. Dilawar was deprived of sleep and chained to the ceiling of his cell—techniques that the Bush administration has refused to outlaw for use by the CIA. Further, his legs were, according to a coroner, “pulpified” by repeated blows. Later evidence showed that Dilawar had no connection to the rocket attack for which he’d been apprehended. A sketch by Thomas Curtis, V. a Reserve M.P./The 16 January/February/March 2008 Introduction n most issues of the Washington Monthly, we favor ar- long-term psychological effects also haunt patients—panic ticles that we hope will launch a debate. In this issue attacks, depression, and symptoms of post-traumatic-stress Iwe seek to end one. The unifying message of the ar- disorder. It has long been prosecuted as a crime of war. In our ticles that follow is, simply, Stop. In the wake of Septem- view, it still should be. ber 11, the United States became a nation that practiced Ideally, the election in November would put an end to torture. Astonishingly—despite the repudiation of tor- this debate, but we fear it won’t. John McCain, who for so ture by experts and the revelations of Guantanamo and long was one of the leading Republican opponents of the Abu Ghraib—we remain one. As we go to press, President White House’s policy on torture, voted in February against George W. -
Prosecuting a Pre-9/11 Terrorist: the Legal Limits of Military Commissions
PROSECUTING A PRE-9/11 TERRORIST: THE LEGAL LIMITS OF MILITARY COMMISSIONS DEBORAH PEARLSTEIN* It is an interesting moment to step back and assess how the mil- itary commission trials have progressed in the thirteen years since the trials were originally conceived by presidential order in 2001.1 I had the privilege of being among the first group of human rights monitors to visit Guantanamo Bay in 2004 to witness the opening hearings of an earlier generation of military commission trials, and I have watched the trials closely since then.2 Military commissions in their various forms have had multi- ple trips to the federal courts, including a trip to the Supreme Court in 2006.3 They have been the subject of two major pieces of federal legislation—the Military Commissions Act of 2006, and the Military Commissions Act of 2009, which have sub- stantially revised the rules surrounding commission proceed- ings.4 Today, the commissions boast a truly distinguished chief prosecutor in General Mark Martins, who is an extraordinary lawyer, among other things. In many respects, the commissions are vastly fairer procedurally than they were when they were conceived in 2001 and 2002.5 Yet the central problem remains: The legal complexity of pursu- ing a novel system of military commission trials, or war crimes * Associate Professor of Law, Cardozo Law School, Yeshiva University. This essay was adapted from remarks given at the 2014 Federalist Society Annual Stu- dent Symposium at the University of Florida in Gainesville, Florida. 1. See Military Order of November 13, 2001, Detention, Treatment, and Trial of Cer- tain Non-Citizens in the War Against Terrorism, 66 Fed. -
The Value of Claiming Torture: an Analysis of Al-Qaeda's Tactical Lawfare Strategy and Efforts to Fight Back, 43 Case W
Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law Volume 43 | Issue 1 2010 The alueV of Claiming Torture: An Analysis of Al- Qaeda's Tactical Lawfare Strategy and Efforts to Fight Back Michael J. Lebowitz Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Michael J. Lebowitz, The Value of Claiming Torture: An Analysis of Al-Qaeda's Tactical Lawfare Strategy and Efforts to Fight Back, 43 Case W. Res. J. Int'l L. 357 (2010) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil/vol43/iss1/22 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. File: Lebowitz 2 Created on: 1/9/2011 9:48:00 PM Last Printed: 4/5/2011 8:09:00 PM THE VALUE OF CLAIMING TORTURE: AN ANALYSIS OF AL-QAEDA’S TACTICAL LAWFARE STRATEGY AND EFFORTS TO FIGHT BACK Michael J. Lebowitz* I. INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................... 357 II. CLAIMING TORTURE TO SHAPE THE BATTLEFIELD .............................. 361 A. Tactical Lawfare ........................................................................... 362 B. Faux Torture ................................................................................. 364 C. The Torture Benchmark ............................................................... -
True and False Confessions: the Efficacy of Torture and Brutal
Chapter 7 True and False Confessions The Efficacy of Torture and Brutal Interrogations Central to the debate on the use of “enhanced” interrogation techniques is the question of whether those techniques are effective in gaining intelligence. If the techniques are the only way to get actionable intelligence that prevents terrorist attacks, their use presents a moral dilemma for some. On the other hand, if brutality does not produce useful intelligence — that is, it is not better at getting information than other methods — the debate is moot. This chapter focuses on the effectiveness of the CIA’s enhanced interrogation technique program. There are far fewer people who defend brutal interrogations by the military. Most of the military’s mistreatment of captives was not authorized in detail at high levels, and some was entirely unauthorized. Many military captives were either foot soldiers or were entirely innocent, and had no valuable intelligence to reveal. Many of the perpetrators of abuse in the military were young interrogators with limited training and experience, or were not interrogators at all. The officials who authorized the CIA’s interrogation program have consistently maintained that it produced useful intelligence, led to the capture of terrorist suspects, disrupted terrorist attacks, and saved American lives. Vice President Dick Cheney, in a 2009 speech, stated that the enhanced interrogation of captives “prevented the violent death of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands, of innocent people.” President George W. Bush similarly stated in his memoirs that “[t]he CIA interrogation program saved lives,” and “helped break up plots to attack military and diplomatic facilities abroad, Heathrow Airport and Canary Wharf in London, and multiple targets in the United States.” John Brennan, President Obama’s recent nominee for CIA director, said, of the CIA’s program in a televised interview in 2007, “[t]here [has] been a lot of information that has come out from these interrogation procedures.