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Did Science Cause the Industrial Revolution? A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Ó Gráda, Cormac Working Paper Did science cause the industrial revolution? UCD Centre for Economic Research Working Paper Series, No. WP14/14 Provided in Cooperation with: UCD School of Economics, University College Dublin (UCD) Suggested Citation: Ó Gráda, Cormac (2014) : Did science cause the industrial revolution?, UCD Centre for Economic Research Working Paper Series, No. WP14/14, University College Dublin, UCD School of Economics, Dublin This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/109709 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu UCD CENTRE FOR ECONOMIC RESEARCH WORKING PAPER SERIES 2014 Did Science Cause the Industrial Revolution? Cormac Ó Gráda, University College Dublin WP14/03 October 2014 UCD SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS UNIVERSITY COLLEGE DUBLIN BELFIELD DUBLIN 4 Did Science Cause the Industrial Revolution?1 Cormac Ó Gráda University College Dublin and CAGE, University of Warwick ABSTRACT: This paper reviews debates about the role of science and technology before and during the British Industrial Revolution. Keywords: economic history, science, human capital JEL classification: N13, O10, O30 1 Review of Margaret C. Jacob, The First Knowledge Economy: Human Capital and the European Economy, 1750-1850. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. The comments of John Kanefsky, Morgan Kelly, Liam Kennedy, Deirdre McCloskey, Joel Mokyr, Peter Solar, and Eric Vanhaute are gratefully acknowledged. The standard disclaimer applies. Did Science Cause the Industrial Revolution? ‘We are not anxious about the honour of acquiring gold medals nor of making an eclat in philosophical societies.’ Matthew Boulton to James Watt, 17832 Margaret Jacob believes that economists and economic historians have got some key elements of the British Industrial Revolution wrong. In The First Knowledge Economy (FKE) she pleads with them to focus more on James Watt’s improved steam engine and less on Richard Arkwright’s water frame (the water-powered device that revolutionized cotton-spinning); more on the complexities of science-based technological change and less on its determinants and quantitative impact. She wants to lure them away from their stubborn belief that ‘skilled artisans, who seldom cracked a book, held the key to British industrial prowess’ (p. 85)3. And she berates them for their over-emphasis on relative factor prices and resource endowments and for their failure to give the culture of applied science its due. Economic models of the Industrial Revolution increasingly emphasize the role of human capital (e.g. Becker et al. 2011; Galor and Moav 2004; Kelly et al. 2014). But what did that capital consist of? Was it literacy, numeracy, and affective traits learned at school? Or was it skills and discipline learned on the job? Or did it consist in better nutrition and health, with perhaps associated gains in cognitive ability? It could well have been an amalgam of these. But Jacob’s focus is much narrower, for 2 Cited in Cookson 1994: 154. 3 All unattributed page references are to FKE. 1 she concentrates only on science-based knowledge acquired by entrepreneurs and mechanics. FKE is a combative contribution by a distinguished historian of science to an old debate about the role of science-based technology at the dawn of modern economic growth. That debate flourished in the 1960s and 1970s and centred around the argument by Albert E. Musson and Eric Robinson (1969: vii) that the technology underpinning the Industrial Revolution required something more than the ‘unlettered empiricism’ of traditional historiography. Work by historians of science such as Cardwell (1972) and Hall (1974) and economic historians such as Mathias (1972) and Harris (1998) called into question Musson and Robinson's emphasis on science in the development of the new industrial technology and reaffirmed the primacy of artisanal knowledge. Subsequent work, notably by Cookson (1994), has tended to reinforce this position. As a result, for the period before the mid-nineteenth century the history of science and the history of technology have become increasingly independent of each other (Wengenroth 2000; compare Berg et al. 2007). What new does Jacob bring to this old debate? In FKE her focus is less on the development of science from the sixteenth century on—the so-called ‘scientific revolution’—than on the culture that forged the link between science and industry in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Her depiction of that culture through ‘a series of microcosms’ (p. 221) or case studies encapsulating the values and the informational transmission mechanisms that she champions is done with skill and conviction. Her emphasis on innovative entrepreneurs, embodiments of what she long ago (1981) dubbed the ‘moderate Enlightenment’, is in line with recent work by Joel Mokyr (2002, 2009), though he takes a much broader view of the Enlightenment's 2 effects on economic development. Also, and again unlike both Mokyr and participants in the earlier debate, Jacob wants to argue that England's precocious industrialization was chiefly the result of its being more enlightened in its attitude to science than countries on the continent. This reading of scientific and industrial history is informed by Jacob's (1981, 1987, 1997) own extensive research on science during the Enlightenment. She does not bring to the problem any major or systematic collection of data in the sense known to economists. Instead she offers vivid storytelling based on wide reading and rich qualitative archival material. This review essay pays tribute to Jacob’s feisty case for the role of science, but takes issue with her characterization of the human capital that made the Industrial Revolution and defends the role of more modest forms of learning and of artisanal genius. 1. Lunaticks and Mechanicks: Europe on the eve of industrialization saw economist François Quesnay wowing the court in Versailles with his physiocratic ‘zig-zags’, Benjamin Franklin hobnobbing with the Birmingham industrialist Matthew Boulton, and George Washington exchanging notes with agronomist Arthur Young. In FKE Jacob populates her England with similarly urbane ‘cosmopolitans’ (p. 35), spindle-makers versed in theoretical and applied mathematics (p. 16), ‘ubiquitous engineers’ learning from ‘Newtonian textbooks’ (p. 114), noblemen familiar with ‘the mechanical knowledge necessary to interrogate surveyors and engineers’ (p. 133; also pp. 8, 222, 224), travelling lecturers and mathematics teachers who ‘criss-crossed the country’, and 3 study groups organized to brush up on Newtonian mechanics (pp. 55-56). In this land of science-based innovation Matthew Boulton’s paradigmatic partnership with James Watt is so resonant of the marriage between manufacturing and science that Birmingham, where ‘the dandy and the Scot’ (p. 27) made their steam engines, becomes ‘the epicenter of the nascent Industrial Revolution’ (pp. 12, 21, 49). This is the land of the Lunar Society, where scientists and businessmen brushed shoulders and talked science, and of the Literary and Philosophical Society of Manchester (1781), which joined the intellectual curiosity and ‘useful knowledge’ (Mokyr 2002) at the heart of Jacob’s story (pp. 104-6). Thirteen of the Lit and Phil’s original membership of fifty were textile manufacturers, and its honorary members included Wedgwood and Lavoisier. James Watt Junior would become its secretary in 1790 at the age of twenty-one and atomic scientist John Dalton the Society’s leading light. Manufacturers mingled with surgeons, lawyers, clergymen, and merchants and discussed topics ranging from a clergyman’s ‘Attempt to Shew that a Taste for the Beauties of Nature has no Influence Favourable to Morals’ to Dalton’s ‘Extraordinary facts Relating to the Vision of Colours’.4 Yet while such societies lent scientific knowledge respectability, their role in spreading it was limited. The Lunar Society had no more than about a dozen members, met rarely, and some of its meetings were poorly attended (Jones 2009: 86- 94). And although one of the reasons given for the foundation of the Manchester Phil and Lit was the perception that ‘few of our mechanics understand the principles of 4 These presentations may be found Memoirs oF the Literary and Philosophical Society oF Manchester (1789) 1: 223-40; (1798) 5(1): 28-45. 4 their own arts and the discoveries made in other collateral
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