China's Other Army: the People's Armed Police in an Era of Reform
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The People's Liberation Army
January 5, 2021 China Primer: The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) Overview sovereignty) as the “operational target” of military The two-million-strong People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is preparations since 1993. China’s defense planners anticipate the military arm of the People’s Republic of China’s that a military confrontation over Taiwan could involve (PRC’s) ruling Communist Party. The Trump “powerful enemy interference,” an apparent reference to the Administration identified strategic competition with China United States. China also has sought military capabilities to and Russia as “the primary concern in U.S. national dominate its maritime periphery and to support foreign security” in 2018 and U.S. defense officials have since said policy and economic initiatives globally. that China is the U.S. Department of Defense’s (DOD’s) top priority. According to a 2020 DOD report, the PLA has PLA Modernization and Key Capabilities “already achieved parity with—or even exceeded—the Since 1978, China has engaged in a sustained and broad United States” in several areas in which it has focused its effort to transform the PLA from an infantry-heavy, low- military modernization efforts and is strengthening its technology, ground forces-centric force into a leaner, more ability to “counter an intervention by an adversary in the networked, high-technology force with an emphasis on joint Indo-Pacific region and project power globally.” See also operations and power projection. In 2015 and 2016, Xi IF11712 on U.S.-China Military-to-Military Relations. publicly launched the most ambitious reform and reorganization of the PLA since the 1950s. -
The Chinese Civil War (1927–37 and 1946–49)
13 CIVIL WAR CASE STUDY 2: THE CHINESE CIVIL WAR (1927–37 AND 1946–49) As you read this chapter you need to focus on the following essay questions: • Analyze the causes of the Chinese Civil War. • To what extent was the communist victory in China due to the use of guerrilla warfare? • In what ways was the Chinese Civil War a revolutionary war? For the first half of the 20th century, China faced political chaos. Following a revolution in 1911, which overthrew the Manchu dynasty, the new Republic failed to take hold and China continued to be exploited by foreign powers, lacking any strong central government. The Chinese Civil War was an attempt by two ideologically opposed forces – the nationalists and the communists – to see who would ultimately be able to restore order and regain central control over China. The struggle between these two forces, which officially started in 1927, was interrupted by the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war in 1937, but started again in 1946 once the war with Japan was over. The results of this war were to have a major effect not just on China itself, but also on the international stage. Mao Zedong, the communist Timeline of events – 1911–27 victor of the Chinese Civil War. 1911 Double Tenth Revolution and establishment of the Chinese Republic 1912 Dr Sun Yixian becomes Provisional President of the Republic. Guomindang (GMD) formed and wins majority in parliament. Sun resigns and Yuan Shikai declared provisional president 1915 Japan’s Twenty-One Demands. Yuan attempts to become Emperor 1916 Yuan dies/warlord era begins 1917 Sun attempts to set up republic in Guangzhou. -
Assessing the Training and Operational Proficiency of China's
C O R P O R A T I O N Assessing the Training and Operational Proficiency of China’s Aerospace Forces Selections from the Inaugural Conference of the China Aerospace Studies Institute (CASI) Edmund J. Burke, Astrid Stuth Cevallos, Mark R. Cozad, Timothy R. Heath For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/CF340 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-0-8330-9549-7 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2016 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface On June 22, 2015, the China Aerospace Studies Institute (CASI), in conjunction with Headquarters, Air Force, held a day-long conference in Arlington, Virginia, titled “Assessing Chinese Aerospace Training and Operational Competence.” The purpose of the conference was to share the results of nine months of research and analysis by RAND researchers and to expose their work to critical review by experts and operators knowledgeable about U.S. -
Total Competition China’S Challenge in the South China Sea
JANUARY 2020 Total Competition China’s Challenge in the South China Sea Patrick M. Cronin and Ryan Neuhard About the Authors Acknowledgments Patrick M. Cronin is the Asia-Pacific This report was made possible by the generous funding of Security Chair at the Hudson Institute. the Smith Richardson Foundation. The authors are grateful Dr. Cronin was formerly Senior Director to the many officials and experts—both in the United States of the Asia-Pacific Security Program at and elsewhere—who shared their perspectives during the the Center for a New American Security course of the project. This report would not have been (CNAS). Previously, he was Senior Director possible without assistance from a variety of current and of the Institute for National Strategic former CNAS colleagues, including Karina Barbesino, Melody Studies at the National Defense University, where he Cook, Joshua Fitt, Allison Francis, Daniel Kliman, Kristine simultaneously oversaw the Center for the Study of Chinese Lee, Maura McCarthy, Ely Ratner, and Loren DeJonge Military Affairs. Dr. Cronin has a rich and diverse background Shulman. Lastly, the authors would like to thank Jacqueline in both Asia-Pacific security and U.S. defense, foreign, Newmeyer Deal for her review of the report. and development policy. Prior to leading INSS, he served as Director of Studies at the London-based International The views presented in this report are the authors’ alone and Institute for Strategic Studies, and before that, he was do not represent those of CNAS or any other organization. Senior Vice President and Director of Research at the Center The authors are solely responsible for any errors in fact, for Strategic and International Studies. -
Globalised Knowledge Flows and Chinese
Paradoxical Integration: Globalised Knowledge Flows and Chinese Concepts in Social Theory Xiaoying Qi A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Centre for Cultural Research University of Western Sydney 2011 Acknowledgements I would like to acknowledge the support I have received from a number of people during the research and writing of this PhD thesis. I am grateful to my principal supervisor, Associate Professor Greg Noble, for his support for my application for funds to attend and present a paper at the International Sociological Association XVII World Congress of Sociology in 2010 and for his close reading and detailed comments on the draft and revised chapters, which led to many improvements. My associate supervisor, Professor Peter Hutchings, is thanked for his comments on draft chapters. My gratitude also goes to the three anonymous reviewers of a paper, „Face: A Chinese Concept in a Global Sociology‟, which was published in the Journal of Sociology in 2011. This paper prefigures the arguments of chapter 5. I am also grateful to the University of Western Sydney for granting me a scholarship and for providing me with an opportunity to undertake the research reported and discussed in this thesis. I must also acknowledge the support I received from the staff of the UWS library system, and its inter-library loan provision. The most enduring support I received during the period of research and writing of this thesis was provided by my family. I thank my parents and sister for their belief in my ability and their continuing encouragement. Last but by no means least I thank my husband, Jack Barbalet, for his unfailing love, inspiration, encouragement, guidance, advice and support. -
BIS Working Papers No 925 What 31 Provinces Reveal About Growth in China by Eeva Kerola and Benoît Mojon
BIS Working Papers No 925 What 31 provinces reveal about growth in China by Eeva Kerola and Benoît Mojon Monetary and Economic Department January 2021 JEL classification: C38, E01, E3, P2. Keywords: China, GDP, provincial data, business cycles, principal component. BIS Working Papers are written by members of the Monetary and Economic Department of the Bank for International Settlements, and from time to time by other economists, and are published by the Bank. The papers are on subjects of topical interest and are technical in character. The views expressed in them are those of their authors and not necessarily the views of the BIS. This publication is available on the BIS website (www.bis.org). © Bank for International Settlements 2021. All rights reserved. Brief excerpts may be reproduced or translated provided the source is stated. ISSN 1020-0959 (print) ISSN 1682-7678 (online) What 31 provinces reveal about growth in China Eeva Kerola* Benoît Mojon** Abstract It is important to understand the growth process under way in China. However, analyses of Chinese growth became increasingly more difficult after the real GDP doubling target was announced in 2012 and the official real GDP statistics lost their fluctuations. With a dataset covering 31 Chinese provinces from two decades, we have substantially more variation to work with. We find robust evidence that the richness of the provincial data provides information relevant to understand and project Chinese aggregates. Using this provincial data, we build an alternative indicator for Chinese growth that is able to reveal fluctuations not present in the official statistical series. Additionally, we concentrate on the determinants of Chinese growth and show how the drivers have gone through a substantial change over time both across economic variables and provinces. -
Xi Jinping's War on Corruption
University of Mississippi eGrove Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors Theses Honors College) 2015 The Chinese Inquisition: Xi Jinping's War on Corruption Harriet E. Fisher University of Mississippi. Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College Follow this and additional works at: https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Fisher, Harriet E., "The Chinese Inquisition: Xi Jinping's War on Corruption" (2015). Honors Theses. 375. https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis/375 This Undergraduate Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College) at eGrove. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of eGrove. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Chinese Inquisition: Xi Jinping’s War on Corruption By Harriet E. Fisher A thesis presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for completion Of the Bachelor of Arts degree in International Studies at the Croft Institute for International Studies and the Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College The University of Mississippi University, Mississippi May 2015 Approved by: ______________________________ Advisor: Dr. Gang Guo ______________________________ Reader: Dr. Kees Gispen ______________________________ Reader: Dr. Peter K. Frost i © 2015 Harriet E. Fisher ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii For Mom and Pop, who taught me to learn, and Helen, who taught me to teach. iii Acknowledgements I am indebted to a great many people for the completion of this thesis. First, I would like to thank my advisor, Dr. Gang Guo, for all his guidance during the thesis- writing process. His expertise in China and its endemic political corruption were invaluable, and without him, I would not have had a topic, much less been able to complete a thesis. -
Xi Jinping's Address to the Central Conference On
Xi Jinping’s Address to the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs: Assessing and Advancing Major- Power Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics Michael D. Swaine* Xi Jinping’s speech before the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs—held November 28–29, 2014, in Beijing—marks the most comprehensive expression yet of the current Chinese leadership’s more activist and security-oriented approach to PRC diplomacy. Through this speech and others, Xi has taken many long-standing Chinese assessments of the international and regional order, as well as the increased influence on and exposure of China to that order, and redefined and expanded the function of Chinese diplomacy. Xi, along with many authoritative and non-authoritative Chinese observers, presents diplomacy as an instrument for the effective application of Chinese power in support of an ambitious, long-term, and more strategic foreign policy agenda. Ultimately, this suggests that Beijing will increasingly attempt to alter some of the foreign policy processes and power relationships that have defined the political, military, and economic environment in the Asia- Pacific region. How the United States chooses to respond to this challenge will determine the Asian strategic landscape for decades to come. On November 28 and 29, 2014, the Central Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leadership convened its fourth Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs (中央外事工作会)—the first since August 2006.1 The meeting, presided over by Premier Li Keqiang, included the entire Politburo Standing Committee, an unprecedented number of central and local Chinese civilian and military officials, nearly every Chinese ambassador and consul-general with ambassadorial rank posted overseas, and commissioners of the Foreign Ministry to the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and the Macao Special Administrative Region. -
Commission on the National Guard and Reserves 2521 S
COMMISSION ON THE NATIONAL GUARD AND RESERVES 2521 S. CLARK STREET, SUITE 650 ARLINGTON, VIRGINIA 22202 ARNOLD L. PUNARO The Honorable Carl Levin The Honorable John McCain CHAIRMAN Chairman, Committee Ranking Member, Committee on Armed Services on Armed Services WILLIAM L. BALL, III United States Senate United States Senate Washington, DC 20510 Washington, DC 20510 LES BROWNLEE RHETT B. DAwsON The Honorable Ike Skelton The Honorable Duncan Hunter Chairman, Committee Ranking Member, Committee LARRY K. ECKLES on Armed Services on Armed Services United States House of United States House of PATRICIA L. LEWIS Representatives Representatives Washington, DC 20515 Washington, DC 20515 DAN MCKINNON WADE ROWLEY January 31, 2008 JAMES E. SHERRARD III Dear Chairmen and Ranking Members: DONALD L. STOCKTON The Commission on the National Guard and Reserves is pleased to submit to E. GORDON STUMP you its final report as required by Public Law 108-375, the Ronald Reagan National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2005 (as amended by J. STANTON THOMpsON Public Law 109-163). As you know, Congress chartered this Commission to assess the reserve component of the U.S. military and to recommend changes to ensure that the National Guard and other reserve components are organized, trained, equipped, compensated, and supported to best meet the needs of U.S. national security. The Commission’s first interim report, containing initial findings and the description of a strategic plan to complete our work, was delivered on June 5, 2006. The second interim report, delivered on March 1, 2007, was required by Public Law 109-364, the John Warner National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2007, enacted on October 17, 2006. -
South Sea Fleet: the Emerging 'Lynchpin' of China's Naval
www.maritimeindia.org South Sea Fleet: The Emerging ‘Lynchpin’ of China’s Naval Power Projection in the Indo-Pacific Author: Gurpreet S Khurana* Date: 10 February 2016 In December 2015, China commissioned Hefei (174) – the third Type 052D guided- missile destroyer into its navy. 1 The warship represents the most advanced surface combatant ever operated by the PLA Navy, and comparable to the best in the world. It is armed with potent long-range missiles like the HHQ-9 (anti-air), the YJ-18 (anti-ship), and the CJ-10 (land-attack).2 This seems incredible considering that until barely a decade ago, China’s navy did not even possess a credible fleet air defence missile system, let alone a land-attack capability. Map – PLA Navy Fleets: Areas of Responsibility 1 Notably, all three Type 052D destroyers are based in PLA Navy’s South Sea Fleet (SSF).3 This is among the latest indicators of the growing salience and strength of this fleet. The SSF is fast becoming the ‘sword arm’ of the PLA Navy that is rapidly amassing distant power-projection capabilities, with major geopolitical and security ramifications, not only for the China’s immediate maritime neighbours in the South China Sea (SCS), but also for the littorals of the Indian Ocean region (IOR). This essay attempts to discern the trends since the rise of China’s naval power in recent decades, and the implications for the Indo-Pacific4 region. Circa 1995-2005: Focus on ESF Until the 1980s, the PLA Navy was merely a ‘brown-water’ coastal force. -
Cross-Strait Relations Under Stress: Chinese Pressure and Implications for Taiwan
ASIA REPORT ISSUE NO. 47 DECEMBER 2019 Cross-Strait Relations under Stress: Chinese Pressure and Implications for Taiwan As China increases pressure on governments and corporations around the world to support its political objectives, Taiwan has emerged as a focal point in the region that exemplifies how to withstand or mitigate Chinese challenges. Nevertheless, Chinese military and political belligerence has numerous implications for Taiwanese security and domestic politics ranging from the tightening of Taiwan’s international space to the use of Chinese sharp power to influence the electorate. The Sigur Center for Asian Studies recently hosted a conference featuring two expert panels to discuss the impacts of Chinese pressure campaigns on Taiwan and other involved nations as well as how cross-strait relations might proceed because of these actions. Keeping Taiwanese Democracy Secure The conference began with opening remarks from Christine M. Y. Hsueh, Deputy Representative at the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office. Deputy Representative Hsueh highlighted Taiwan’s role as a beacon of democracy, which contributes to pressure and attacks from China, such as election interference. With the recent failure of the “one country, two systems” policy in Hong Kong and Chinese President Xi Jinping’s threat to use force in reunification with Taiwan, the Taiwanese government is working to ensure that the status quo is not unilaterally altered by Chinese aggression. Although Taiwan faces many challenges in maintaining security and stability, outspoken support from Vice President Mike Pence and other figures in the current US administration have been encouraging signs for Taiwan moving forward. China’s Rising Militarism and Assertiveness The first panel offered perspectives on defense and security, and ASIA REPORT began with June Dreyer, Professor of Political Science at the University of Miami, giving an overview of recent developments in ISSUE NO. -
2019 China Military Power Report
OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China ANNUAL REPORT TO CONGRESS Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2019 Office of the Secretary of Defense Preparation of this report cost the Department of Defense a total of approximately $181,000 in Fiscal Years 2018-2019. This includes $12,000 in expenses and $169,000 in DoD labor. Generated on 2019May02 RefID: E-1F4B924 OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2019 A Report to Congress Pursuant to the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2000, as Amended Section 1260, “Annual Report on Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China,” of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2019, Public Law 115-232, which amends the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2000, Section 1202, Public Law 106-65, provides that the Secretary of Defense shall submit a report “in both classified and unclassified form, on military and security developments involving the People’s Republic of China. The report shall address the current and probable future course of military-technological development of the People’s Liberation Army and the tenets and probable development of Chinese security strategy and military strategy, and of the military organizations and operational concepts supporting such development over the next 20 years.