Major Commentators on the Laozi

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Major Commentators on the Laozi Appendix Major Commentators on the Laozi 1 Pre- Qin to Sui Han Fei 韩非 (d. 233 BCE) i The Jie Lao 解老 [Explaining the Laozi] Chapter of the Hanfeizi Among extant explications of Laozi’s thought, Jie Lao is the earliest text we have. This exegesis of quotes from the Laozi is included as a chapter of the Hanfeizi 韩非子 [Writings of Master Han Fei]. Jie Lao interprets and explains passages from the following chapters of the received text of the Laozi: 1, 14, 38, 46, 50, 53, 54, 58, 59, 60, 67, although not in that order. From Han Fei’s selection and arrangement of passages, as well as the content of his explica- tion, we find an interesting characteristic: among the two volumes that comprise the Laozi— the Daojing 道经 [Classic of the Way] and the Dejing 德经 [Classic of Efficacy], which taken together form the alternative title of Daodejing 道德经 [Classic of the Way and Virtue]—Han Fei lays stronger emphasis on chapters from the Dejing (that is, Chapters 38–81 of the received Laozi). Moreover, Han Fei also stresses Laozi’s philoso- phy of life and political philosophy. Within the text of Jie Lao, we find little emphasis on Laozi’s metaphysical thinking. Rather, Han Fei focuses on utility and efficacy, and therefore Jie Lao engages and develops this aspect of Laozi’s thought. There is an instance in which Jie Lao clearly distorts and appropriates the Laozi’s original meaning, and another in which it misinterprets the Laozi. These are as follows: 1. Han Fei writes, “Repeatedly changing the law while governing a large country makes the lives of the people harsh. This means that a ruler who follows the Dao values emptiness and tranquility while approaching changes to the law with solemn wariness.” Han Fei’s claim that Laozi advocates “approaching changes to the law with solemn wariness” (重变法) is a clear distortion of Laozi’s thought. As Wang Li 王力 (d. 1986) states in Laozi yanjiu 老子研究 [Research on the Laozi], “[Han] Fei discusses ‘approaching changes to the law with solemn wariness,’ and this is serious violation of the purport of Lao Dan 老聃 (one appellation for the historical figure of Laozi, dis- cussed in the Introduction). As this thought was about eliminating the human law [so as to follow the self- so], how could it be possible to advocate changes to it with solemn wariness?” 2. Han Fei explains the phrase “of ten there are three (十有三)” as meaning “thir- teen” in the line “The follower of life, of ten there are three, the follower of death, of ten there are three” from Chapter 50 of the Laozi. This, he believes, refers to the four © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2020 | doi:10.1163/9789004421646_084 Guying Chen - 9789004421646 Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 06:54:51PM via free access 408 Appendix limbs and nine cavities, and he thus derives his misreading by adding the four limbs and nine cavities together, which happens to amount to exactly “thirteen.” However, “ten having three” refers not to “thirteen” but rather to the idea of “three out of ten,” or thirty percent. Wang Bi’s 王弼 (d. 249) commentary here accurately reflects this. He writes, “ ‘Ten having three’ is alike to saying ‘three parts out of ten.’ ” In another instance, Han Fei states, “The Way is comparable to water. If a drowning person drinks excessively of it, he will die; If a thirsty person drinks the right amount of it, he will live…. Thus, obtaining it one may bring death, and yet obtaining it may bring life; obtaining it may bring failure, and yet obtaining it may bring success.” The Laozi, however, claims that only through the Dao are the myriad things generated and develop— that is, it only gives life and helps things achieve success. It does not associ- ate “death” and “failure” with acquisition or alignment with the Dao. This passage from Han Fei can thus only be seen as portraying his own conceptions, which are unrelated to Laozi’s thought. Despite these two instances of misleading interpretation, Jie Lao gives us many accurate and insightful explications. Here I will focus specifically on Han Fei’s com- ments regarding the Dao and de 德 [virtue, virtuosity, efficacy, potency, power]. Regarding the Dao, Han Fei holds that “the Dao is that by which the myriad things are as they are, and that in the myriad principles (万理) are hoarded/dwell (稽)…. The myriad things each have their own different principles, while the Dao hoards up the principles of the myriad things.” This asserts the Dao to be the common prin- ciple of all things, which is also their universal pattern or regularity. The conception of the Dao Han Fei gives here refers principally to its regularity. Han Fei also writes that “the Dao is that by which the myriad things are completed (成).” Here, Han Fei’s discussion of the Dao refers principally to its generation and fos- tering the development of the myriad things. This is also the metaphysical conception of the Dao as true existence. Regarding de 德 [virtue, virtuosity, efficacy, potency, power]: Han Fei tells us, “De 德 [virtue, virtuosity, efficacy, potency, power] is the efficacy of the Dao.” That is to say, de 德 [virtue, virtuosity, efficacy, potency, power] is the functioning of the Dao. This explanation is quite straightforward and clear. Moreover, Han Fei’s explication of the character se 啬 [frugal, parsimonious] in Chapter 59 is particularly on the mark. He defines this term as “a stint (爱) of spirit,” further telling us, “The sage’s use of spirit is tranquil; and through being tranquil is not wasteful, and through being not wasteful is se 啬 [frugality, parsimonious].” Laozi’s conceptions of se 啬 [frugality, parsimonious] and jian 俭 [frugal, economi- cal, restrained] are interrelated. Both refer to treasuring spirit and thus not wasting spiritual energy. On this point, Han Fei’s explication far surpasses those of later com- mentators who often misunderstood se 啬 [frugality, parsimonious] and jian 俭 [frugal, economical, restrained] to refer exclusively to frugality in terms of money and wealth. Guying Chen - 9789004421646 Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 06:54:51PM via free access Major Commentators on the Laozi 409 ii The Yu Lao 喻老 [Illustration of the Laozi] Chapter of the Hanfeizi Overall, the text of Jie Lao is quite valuable as an explication of the Laozi, whereas the Yu Lao hugely misconstrues its meaning. This has led some scholars to suspect that these two chapters of the Hanfeizi were not authored by the same hand. (As Wang Li tells us, “The Jie Lao is abundant in prudent and well-thought words, while the Yu Lao is crude and superficial, thereby missing the profound meaning of the original text. They therefore were likely penned by two different authors.”) Yu Lao employs historical figures and stories to illustrate its misleading interpreta- tions of the Laozi throughout. As Wang Li has written, “Han Fei was fond of teachings regarding punishment (刑), names (名), laws (法), and tactics (术), and therefore endorsed authoritarian ruling (or rulership). His authorship of Yu Lao gives a strained interpretation of the Laozi following this line of thought.” The crudest misrepresenta- tions of Laozi’s thought found in Yu Lao are the following: 1. For restraint to occur in oneself is considered heaviness; to not stray from one’s posi- tion is considered tranquility. Heaviness makes one capable of commanding those who are light; tranquility makes one capable of commanding the impetuous…. Those without power of position (势) are called light; those who stray from their positions are called impetuous. This gives rise to obscurity and thereby death. It is thus said [in the Laozi]: ‘Through lightness one loses one’s ministers; through impetuousness one loses one’s ruler- ship.’ This can be said to describe Zhao Yong 赵雍 (d. 295 BCE). This interpretation clearly explicates the Laozi in a manner that supports Han Fei’s own teachings, which emphasize that a ruler should be careful not to stray from his position, nor give up the power derived through it. 2. Heavy power of position is the depth of rulership. The ruler is the one with heavy power of position among the ministers. Once this is lost, it cannot be regained…. Reward and punishment are the sharp instruments of the state. When they belong to the ruler, there is institutionalization of his rulership; when they belong to the ministers, there is the prevailing over the ruler by the ministers. When the ruler presents rewards, the min- isters reduce this to the enactment of virtue; when the ruler presents punishments, the ministers augment this so as to see it as authority. This passage shows reward and punishment by the ruler to be the effective instru- ments of governance. Subordinates are not to be given access to them, as this would imperil the power and position of the ruler. 3. The King of Yue 越 (Gou Jian 勾践, d. 465 BCE) served as slave in the state of Wu 吴, where he directed its attack on the state of Qi 齐 in order to weaken Wu. Wu forces defeated the Qi troops at Ailing 艾陵, and expanded to the Jiang 江 river and Ji 济 river while growing strong in Huangchi 黄池. The King of Yue was therefore able to defeat Wu forces at Wuhu 五湖. It is thus said [in the Laozi]: ‘If [one] wants to xi 歙 [inhale, accumulate] zhi 之 [it, that], must gu 固 [solid, abide by, necessarily] extend it; if [one] wants to weaken it, [one] must strengthen it.’ Duke Xian 献 of Jin 晋 desired to attack the 虞 知伯 state of Yu , and gave them jade and horses.
Recommended publications
  • Chapter 5 Sinicization and Indigenization: the Emergence of the Yunnanese
    Between Winds and Clouds Bin Yang Chapter 5 Sinicization and Indigenization: The Emergence of the Yunnanese Introduction As the state began sending soldiers and their families, predominantly Han Chinese, to Yunnan, 1 the Ming military presence there became part of a project of colonization. Soldiers were joined by land-hungry farmers, exiled officials, and profit-driven merchants so that, by the end of the Ming period, the Han Chinese had become the largest ethnic population in Yunnan. Dramatically changing local demography, and consequently economic and cultural patterns, this massive and diverse influx laid the foundations for the social makeup of contemporary Yunnan. The interaction of the large numbers of Han immigrants with the indigenous peoples created a 2 new hybrid society, some members of which began to identify themselves as Yunnanese (yunnanren) for the first time. Previously, there had been no such concept of unity, since the indigenous peoples differentiated themselves by ethnicity or clan and tribal affiliations. This chapter will explore the process that led to this new identity and its reciprocal impact on the concept of Chineseness. Using primary sources, I will first introduce the indigenous peoples and their social customs 3 during the Yuan and early Ming period before the massive influx of Chinese immigrants. Second, I will review the migration waves during the Ming Dynasty and examine interactions between Han Chinese and the indigenous population. The giant and far-reaching impact of Han migrations on local society, or the process of sinicization, that has drawn a lot of scholarly attention, will be further examined here; the influence of the indigenous culture on Chinese migrants—a process that has won little attention—will also be scrutinized.
    [Show full text]
  • The Unity of Yin and Yang: a Philosophical Assessment
    The Unity of Yin and Yang: A Philosophical Assessment Thaddeus T'ui-chieh Hang National Chengchi University, Taipei "One yin ^ and one yang d, constitute what is called Tao 51"; "When yin and yang are united in their virtue, the soft and the hard attain their physical shape." These famous statements are drawn from the "Appended Remarks" (Hsi-tz'u Slit?) of the / Ching %M.. Since they were uttered more than two thousand years ago, they became the metaphysical foun- dation for the two great philosophical schools of China, namely, Taoism and Confucianism. For both these schools, yin and yang, two contrasting but mutually compensating components constitute unity in harmony. We shall endeavor to give an historical account of this concept, describe it phenomenologically, and venture a philosophical assessment from cos- mological, anthropological, as well as theological points of view. I. An Historical Account The origin of yin-yang ideas must be sought in very ancient times. In the Book of Poetry (Shih-ching I^M?i<) the words "yin" and "yang" signified the north and south sides of a mountain.1 In the Book of Historical Documents (Shu-ching US?) the two words never appeared together ex- cept in the apocryphal "Chou-kuan" /SJ1T. Even in the Analects of Con- fucius there is no mention of yin-yang. However, the eight trigrams were probably in use at the beginning of the Chou )*] dynasty (late 12th cen- tury B.C.). Since the eight trigrams consist of combinations of broken and 'James Legge, The Chinese Classics: Vol. IV, Book of Poetry (Taipei, 1972), Ode 19, p.
    [Show full text]
  • Towards Chinese Calligraphy Zhuzhong Qian
    Macalester International Volume 18 Chinese Worlds: Multiple Temporalities Article 12 and Transformations Spring 2007 Towards Chinese Calligraphy Zhuzhong Qian Desheng Fang Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/macintl Recommended Citation Qian, Zhuzhong and Fang, Desheng (2007) "Towards Chinese Calligraphy," Macalester International: Vol. 18, Article 12. Available at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/macintl/vol18/iss1/12 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Institute for Global Citizenship at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Macalester International by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Towards Chinese Calligraphy Qian Zhuzhong and Fang Desheng I. History of Chinese Calligraphy: A Brief Overview Chinese calligraphy, like script itself, began with hieroglyphs and, over time, has developed various styles and schools, constituting an important part of the national cultural heritage. Chinese scripts are generally divided into five categories: Seal script, Clerical (or Official) script, Regular script, Running script, and Cursive script. What follows is a brief introduction of the evolution of Chinese calligraphy. A. From Prehistory to Xia Dynasty (ca. 16 century B.C.) The art of calligraphy began with the creation of Chinese characters. Without modern technology in ancient times, “Sound couldn’t travel to another place and couldn’t remain, so writings came into being to act as the track of meaning and sound.”1 However, instead of characters, the first calligraphy works were picture-like symbols. These symbols first appeared on ceramic vessels and only showed ambiguous con- cepts without clear meanings.
    [Show full text]
  • Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-47926-4 — Rumor in the Early Chinese Empires Zongli Lu Index More Information
    Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-47926-4 — Rumor in the Early Chinese Empires Zongli Lu Index More Information Index abnormal/abnormalities The Blue Sky is dead; the Yellow Sky will decorations and writings, 201 stand, 84–85, 170, 289, 293, 309 disasters, 20–21, 31 Bo, Lady (Empress Dowager), 247–248 heading west, 35 Book of Changes, 50, 68, 103–105 physical characteristics, 181 Book of Documents,8–9, 11, 58, 118, 295 as portentous, 46–52 Book of Great Peace, with Green Headings,84 speech characteristics, 106, 286 Book of Odes, 17, 25–26, 58, 111 of state’s governance, 106 supernatural entities, 293–294 Cai Shu, 9, 11–16, 18, 43 weather, 217 Cai Yong, 85, 166 acceptance (of the people/by the people), Calendar of the Heavenly Official Scripture of 17–23, 283, 291 Great Peace with the Embodiment of the Accounts Clerks, 156, 302 Origin,79–84, 177–178 Ai, Emperor. see Liu Xin Cao Cao, 167–168, 214 Ai Zhang, 183–184, 188 Cao San, 112, 121–122 air currents, 173–176, 215, 217, 249–250, 252, central government supervision mechanism, 260–267, 290, 315 145–150 Allport, Gordon W., vii–viii, 306 Chao Fulin, 171 alternative historical truths, xii Chen Dan, 167–168 An, Emperor. see Liu Hu Chen Fan, 31, 226 apocryphal-prophetic texts. see chen Chen Hsueh-Ping, 8 prophecies Chen Jun, 158 archaic history, 279–281 Chen Ping, 89, 127 aristocratic gossip, 2 chen prophecies authorities’ response to portentous talk, 87, auto-suggestive, 45, 170 318–319 belief in, 206–218 coded chen prophecies, 190–195 Bai Juyi, 14 curses and, 185–186 Ban Biao, 205 defined,
    [Show full text]
  • Local Authority in the Han Dynasty: Focus on the Sanlao
    Local Authority in the Han Dynasty: Focus on the Sanlao Jiandong CHEN 㱩ڎ暒 School of International Studies Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences University of Technology Sydney Australia A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Technology Sydney Sydney, Australia 2018 Certificate of Original Authorship I certify that the work in this thesis has not previously been submitted for a degree nor has it been submitted as part of requirements for a degree except as fully acknowledged within the text. I also certify that the thesis has been written by me. Any help that I have received in my research work and the preparation of the thesis itself has been acknowledged. In addition, I certify that all information sources and literature used are indicated in the thesis. This thesis is the result of a research candidature conducted with another University as part of a collaborative Doctoral degree. Production Note: Signature of Student: Signature removed prior to publication. Date: 30/10/2018 ii Acknowledgements The completion of the thesis would not have been possible without the help and support of many people. Firstly, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisor, Associate Professor Jingqing Yang for his continuous support during my PhD study. Many thanks for providing me with the opportunity to study at the University of Technology Sydney. His patience, motivation and immense knowledge guided me throughout the time of my research. I cannot imagine having a better supervisor and mentor for my PhD study. Besides my supervisor, I would like to thank the rest of my thesis committee: Associate Professor Chongyi Feng and Associate Professor Shirley Chan, for their insightful comments and encouragement; and also for their challenging questions which incited me to widen my research and view things from various perspectives.
    [Show full text]
  • Early Confucian Concept of Yi
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Institutional Knowledge at Singapore Management University Singapore Management University Institutional Knowledge at Singapore Management University Research Collection School of Social Sciences School of Social Sciences 2-2014 Early Confucian concept of Yi (议) and deliberative democracy Sor-hoon TAN Singapore Management University, [email protected] DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/0090591713515682 Follow this and additional works at: https://ink.library.smu.edu.sg/soss_research Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Citation TAN, Sor-hoon.(2014). Early Confucian concept of Yi (议) and deliberative democracy. Political Theory, 42(1), 82-105. Available at: https://ink.library.smu.edu.sg/soss_research/2548 This Journal Article is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Social Sciences at Institutional Knowledge at Singapore Management University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Research Collection School of Social Sciences by an authorized administrator of Institutional Knowledge at Singapore Management University. For more information, please email [email protected]. PTX42110.1177/0090591713515682TanPolitical Theory 515682research-article2013 Ta n Published in Political Theory, Vol. Article42, Issue 1, February 2014, page 82-105 Political Theory 2014, Vol. 42(1) 82 –105 Early Confucian Concept © 2013 SAGE Publications Reprints and permissions: of Yi (议)and Deliberative sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0090591713515682 Democracy ptx.sagepub.com Sor-hoon Tan1 Abstract Contributors to the debates about the compatibility of Confucianism and democracy and its implications for China’s democratization often adopt definitions of democracy that theories of deliberative democracy are critical of.
    [Show full text]
  • Yin-Yang, the Five Phases (Wu-Xing), and the Yijing 陰陽 / 五行 / 易經
    Yin-yang, the Five Phases (wu-xing), and the Yijing 陰陽 / 五行 / 易經 In the Yijing, yang is represented by a solid line ( ) and yin by a broken line ( ); these are called the "Two Modes" (liang yi 兩義). The figure above depicts the yin-yang cycle mapped as a day. This can be divided into four stages, each corresponding to one of the "Four Images" (si xiang 四象) of the Yijing: 1. young yang (in this case midnight to 6 a.m.): unchanging yang 2. mature yang (6 a.m. to noon): changing yang 3. young yin (noon to 6 p.m.): unchanging yin 4. mature yin (6 p.m. to midnight): changing yin These four stages of changes in turn correspond to four of the Five Phases (wu xing), with the fifth one (earth) corresponding to the perfect balance of yin and yang: | yang | yin | | fire | water | Mature| |earth | | | wood | metal | Young | | | Combining the above two patterns yields the "generating cycle" (below left) of the Five Phases: Combining yin and yang in three-line diagrams yields the "Eight Trigrams" (ba gua 八卦) of the Yijing: Qian Dui Li Zhen Sun Kan Gen Kun (Heaven) (Lake) (Fire) (Thunder) (Wind) (Water) (Mountain) (Earth) 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 The Eight Trigrams can also be mapped against the yin-yang cycle, represented below as the famous Taiji (Supreme Polarity) Diagram (taijitu 太極圖): This also reflects a binary numbering system. If the solid (yang) line is assigned the value of 0 and the broken (yin) line is 1, the Eight Trigram can be arranged to represent the numbers 0 through 7.
    [Show full text]
  • List 3. Headings That Need to Be Changed from the Machine- Converted Form
    LIST 3. HEADINGS THAT NEED TO BE CHANGED FROM THE MACHINE- CONVERTED FORM The data dictionary for the machine conversion of subject headings was prepared in summer 2000 based on the systematic romanization of Wade-Giles terms in existing subject headings identified as eligible for conversion before detailed examination of the headings could take place. When investigation of each heading was subsequently undertaken, it was discovered that some headings needed to be revised to forms that differed from the forms that had been given in the data dictionary. This occurred most frequently when older headings no longer conformed to current policy, or in the case of geographic headings, when conflicts were discovered using current geographic reference sources, for example, the listing of more than one river or mountain by the same name in China. Approximately 14% of the subject headings in the pinyin conversion project were revised differently than their machine- converted forms. To aid in bibliographic file maintenance, the following list of those headings is provided. In subject authority records for the revised headings, Used For references (4XX) coded Anne@ in the $w control subfield for earlier form of heading have been supplied for the data dictionary forms as well as the original forms of the headings. For example, when you see: Chien yao ware/ converted to Jian yao ware/ needs to be manually changed to Jian ware It means: The subject heading Chien yao ware was converted to Jian yao ware by the conversion program; however, that heading now
    [Show full text]
  • Mohist Theoretic System: the Rivalry Theory of Confucianism and Interconnections with the Universal Values and Global Sustainability
    Cultural and Religious Studies, March 2020, Vol. 8, No. 3, 178-186 doi: 10.17265/2328-2177/2020.03.006 D DAVID PUBLISHING Mohist Theoretic System: The Rivalry Theory of Confucianism and Interconnections With the Universal Values and Global Sustainability SONG Jinzhou East China Normal University, Shanghai, China Mohism was established in the Warring State period for two centuries and half. It is the third biggest schools following Confucianism and Daoism. Mozi (468 B.C.-376 B.C.) was the first major intellectual rivalry to Confucianism and he was taken as the second biggest philosophy in his times. However, Mohism is seldom studied during more than 2,000 years from Han dynasty to the middle Qing dynasty due to his opposition claims to the dominant Confucian ideology. In this article, the author tries to illustrate the three potential functions of Mohism: First, the critical/revision function of dominant Confucianism ethics which has DNA functions of Chinese culture even in current China; second, the interconnections with the universal values of the world; third, the biological constructive function for global sustainability. Mohist had the fame of one of two well-known philosophers of his times, Confucian and Mohist. His ideas had a decisive influence upon the early Chinese thinkers while his visions of meritocracy and the public good helps shape the political philosophies and policy decisions till Qin and Han (202 B.C.-220 C.E.) dynasties. Sun Yet-sen (1902) adopted Mohist concepts “to take the world as one community” (tian xia wei gong) as the rationale of his democratic theory and he highly appraised Mohist concepts of equity and “impartial love” (jian ai).
    [Show full text]
  • The Old Master
    INTRODUCTION Four main characteristics distinguish this book from other translations of Laozi. First, the base of my translation is the oldest existing edition of Laozi. It was excavated in 1973 from a tomb located in Mawangdui, the city of Changsha, Hunan Province of China, and is usually referred to as Text A of the Mawangdui Laozi because it is the older of the two texts of Laozi unearthed from it.1 Two facts prove that the text was written before 202 bce, when the first emperor of the Han dynasty began to rule over the entire China: it does not follow the naming taboo of the Han dynasty;2 its handwriting style is close to the seal script that was prevalent in the Qin dynasty (221–206 bce). Second, I have incorporated the recent archaeological discovery of Laozi-related documents, disentombed in 1993 in Jishan District’s tomb complex in the village of Guodian, near the city of Jingmen, Hubei Province of China. These documents include three bundles of bamboo slips written in the Chu script and contain passages related to the extant Laozi.3 Third, I have made extensive use of old commentaries on Laozi to provide the most comprehensive interpretations possible of each passage. Finally, I have examined myriad Chinese classic texts that are closely associated with the formation of Laozi, such as Zhuangzi, Lüshi Chunqiu (Spring and Autumn Annals of Mr. Lü), Han Feizi, and Huainanzi, to understand the intellectual and historical context of Laozi’s ideas. In addition to these characteristics, this book introduces several new interpretations of Laozi.
    [Show full text]
  • Revisiting the Scene of the Party: a Study of the Lanting Collection
    Revisiting the Scene of the Party: A Study of the Lanting Collection WENDY SWARTZ RUTGERS UNIVERSITY The Lanting (sometimes rendered as "Orchid Pavilion") gathering in 353 is one of the most famous literati parties in Chinese history. ' This gathering inspired the celebrated preface written by the great calligrapher Wang Xizhi ï^è. (303-361), another preface by the poet Sun Chuo i^s^ (314-371), and forty-one poems composed by some of the most intellectu- ally active men of the day.^ The poems are not often studied since they have long been over- shadowed by Wang's preface as a work of calligraphic art and have been treated as examples oí xuanyan ("discourse on the mysterious [Dao]") poetry,^ whose fate in literary history suffered after influential Six Dynasties writers decried its damage to the classical tradition. '^ Historian Tan Daoluan tliË;^ (fl. 459) traced the trend to its full-blown development in Sun Chuo and Xu Xun l^gt] (fl. ca. 358), who were said to have continued the work of inserting Daoist terms into poetry that was started by Guo Pu MM (276-324); they moreover "added the [Buddhist] language of the three worlds [past, present, and future], and the normative style of the Shi W and Sao M came to an end."^ Critic Zhong Rong M^ (ca. 469-518) then faulted their works for lacking appeal. His critique was nothing short of scathing: he argued Earlier versions of this article were presented at the annual meeting of the Association for Asian Studies in Phil- adelphia in March 2012 and at a lecture delivered at Tel Aviv University in May, 2011, and I am grateful to have had the chance to present my work at both venues.
    [Show full text]
  • The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 Dynamics of Disintegration: The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier Wai Kit Wicky Tse University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian History Commons, Asian Studies Commons, and the Military History Commons Recommended Citation Tse, Wai Kit Wicky, "Dynamics of Disintegration: The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 589. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/589 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/589 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Dynamics of Disintegration: The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier Abstract As a frontier region of the Qin-Han (221BCE-220CE) empire, the northwest was a new territory to the Chinese realm. Until the Later Han (25-220CE) times, some portions of the northwestern region had only been part of imperial soil for one hundred years. Its coalescence into the Chinese empire was a product of long-term expansion and conquest, which arguably defined the egionr 's military nature. Furthermore, in the harsh natural environment of the region, only tough people could survive, and unsurprisingly, the region fostered vigorous warriors. Mixed culture and multi-ethnicity featured prominently in this highly militarized frontier society, which contrasted sharply with the imperial center that promoted unified cultural values and stood in the way of a greater degree of transregional integration. As this project shows, it was the northwesterners who went through a process of political peripheralization during the Later Han times played a harbinger role of the disintegration of the empire and eventually led to the breakdown of the early imperial system in Chinese history.
    [Show full text]