DOCSLIB.ORG

Electoral System Formation in Scottish Parliament 1989-1995: Cooperation Between Party and Civil Society (1)

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Electoral System Formation in Scottish Parliament 1989-1995: Cooperation Between Party and Civil Society (1) Title Electoral System Formation in Scottish Parliament 1989-1995: Cooperation between party and civil society (1) Author(s) Shoji, Seita Citation 北大法学論集, 71(4), 127-184 Issue Date 2020-11-27 Doc URL http://hdl.handle.net/2115/79809 Type bulletin (article) File Information lawreview_71_4_06_Shoji.pdf () Instructions for use Hokkaido University Collection of Scholarly and Academic Papers : HUSCAP 研究ノート Electoral System Formation in Scottish Parliament 1989-1995: Cooperation between party and civil society（1） Seita Shoji Part 1 1 Chapter 1-Introduction The question of electoral system formation in the Scottish Parliament Literature Review on the electoral system formation of the Scottish Parliament Territorial parties and their principles Case and methods Theories on electoral system change Modern Scottish politics research and ‘new politics’ 2 Chapter 2-UK and Scotland: The meaning of territory and demand for autonomy Devolution to Scotland and the request of autonomy On actors―Labour and the SCC The Additional Member System (AMS) 3 Chapter 3 -Consensus building for the establishment of the Scottish Parliament and Labour (1989-1990) Establishment of the SCC and its operation Addressing Home Rule and acceptance of proportional representation （Ⅰ） 北法71（4・127）759 Electoral System Formation in Scottish Parliament 1989-1995: Cooperation between party and civil society（1） Part 2 Chapter 4- Constitutional Commission and implementation of AMS (1991-1995) The advancement of the Scottish Constitutional Commission The acceptance and final construction of the completed report Chapter 5 Discussion: Logics of political parties in territory and cooperation Cooperation between Labour and the SCC: logic of autonomy Labour’s inherent logic: logic of union Chapter 6 Conclusion （Ⅱ） A brief comment should also be mentioned with regards to this article (Electoral System Formation in Scottish Parliament 1989-1995 Cooperation between party and civil society (1)) as part one of further articles which will be in subsequent volumes. 1 Introduction This article explores the course of the electoral system formation in Scottish Parliament focusing on the Scottish Labour Party (Labour Party) and the role of a cross-party civic organisation, the Scottish Constitutional Convention (SCC). After the detailed description of the system formation, this article will also demonstrate a party’s principle behaviour within territory based on the two different logics with a focus on the collaboration between a party and civil society. In considering relative cases, it will answer the research question of why Labour formed a disadvantageous system for themselves in terms of the number of seats. The Scottish electoral system known as the ‘Additional Member System’ was the combination of ‘First Past the Post’(FPTP) and ‘proportional representation’ systems. It worked in some ways for the dominant Labour party at that time, as through (FPTP) they could have gained more seats, however, it also caused disadvantages in seat maximisation due to the need for proportional representation. It seemed 北法71（4・128）760 研究ノート irrational for the Labour party to form the system intuitively, but the party in fact did concede to make a fairer electoral system for Scotland based on Scottish interest. This was through the cooperation of civil society, the Scottish Constitutional Convention and both the Labour and Liberal Democrat Party. One reason Labour accepted the plan, could be interpreted as two different territorial logics: logic of autonomy and logic of union. The research question breaks down a posed question into three steps. The first question is why proportional representation introduction was realised as necessary in the period between 1989 to 1990. In this period, SCC and Labour cooperated actively to form the system. In this collaboration, this article will focus on the role of the SLA, which is a group promoting Home Rule1. Second, why the seat allocation system which was formed should be addressed particularly in the period from 1993 to 1994. As stated before, AMS in the Scottish Parliament adopted the d’Hondt method, a modified version of a system used for balancing the seats between the single constituency (FPTP) and proportional representation parts. The divisor is added to the number of seats each party gained in a single constituency within a multi-member constituency making it difficult to gain seats through proportional representation. If a party gains many seats, the seats would be added to the divisor in the proportional representation part so overall making it harder to increase the number of seats in multi-member constituencies. Formation of this seat allocation system should be argued by considering the role of the Scottish Constitutional Commission, which is an independent commission of the SCC. The third question asks why the current number of seats was decided and this will be clarified by an analysis of political course in 1995 with a focus on the internal negotiation within Labour. As stated above, a goal was set for the demonstration of the party’s principle on behaviour in territory and an answer to this research question 1 Although Home Rule is the term suggests independence, it is used to refer to the self-government of a nation within a wider state(Cairney and McGarvey 2013:3). 北法71（4・129）761 Electoral System Formation in Scottish Parliament 1989-1995: Cooperation between party and civil society（1） will be shown in the following construction of this article. In the first chapter and second chapter, the analytical framework and some background information of this article will be presented. By interrogating the existing literature, it clarifies an analytical concept and a theoretical framework. From the third chapter, the specific political course of electoral system formation will be examined, especially that of the period from 1989 to the end of 1990. It will be traced from the establishment of SCC to the acceptance of proportional representation by Labour in 1990 and as a result the first SCC report detailing the establishment of the Scottish Parliament. In the next chapter, after a brief consideration on the period over two years from 1991 to 1992 it will address the consensus on the electoral system in 1992, the course of cooperation between Labour and SCC, and how an argument of electoral system had developed since 1992. The latter part of chapter four will consider the political course from 1993 to 1995 from the formation of the seat allocation system in AMS, the debate with regards to the number of seats within Labour, to the completion of the system. In the fifth chapter, with the consideration of the case described from chapter two until four, the system formation of how the ‘logic of autonomy’ and the ‘logic of union’ contributed to build the system will be demonstrated. Then, it will examine the characteristics of the two logics by demonstrating the operation of each case. Whilst also considering the potential limitation and conditions of operating the two logics as an implication. Chapter six will conclude, through presenting both the contribution of, and limitations presented within this article. The question of electoral system formation in the Scottish Parliament Viewing the background of the electoral system in the Scottish Parliament is critical to the understanding of the research question of this article and arguing why it matters. As a prerequisite of this article’s theme, the situation of Labour, which was the dominant party in Scotland, will be described here, confirming that FPTP was an effective system at that time. Lastly, this sub- section illustrates why the research question continues to remain a puzzle. 北法71（4・130）762 研究ノート The seat allocation of proportional representation of AMS disadvantages the party that could gain a majority in a single constituency area, which will be discussed in further detail in the following chapter. Historically Labour remained strong in Scotland and as the ruling party held 78 percent of seats in the parliamentary election in 1997. In the period of system formation from the late 1980s to 1990s, Labour continuously gained strong support. 【Table 1】Votes and seats gained by Labour in UK parliamentary election in Scotland 1974 1979 1983 1987 1992 1997 Votes（%） 36.3 41.5 35.1 42.4 39.0 45.6 Seats 41 44 41 50 49 56 Percentages of seats 57% 61% 57% 69% 68% 78% Created referring to Lynch (2013) As the chart shows, Labour had gained an overall majority in Scotland in the 1970s and from 1987 onwards; maintaining around 50 seats in the election, benefiting the party at that time (see Table 1). Thus, it questions why Labour formed the system that eventually disadvantaged them at the expense of seat maximisation. Being an instrumental actor in the formation of the system, Labour could have developed the system to benefit their party more. In 1999, in the first Scottish election, Labour was able to get 73% of seats, which was 53 seats against 73 seats in total in the constituency part; however, it acquired only three seats in proportional representation so they could not gain an overall majority against a total of 129 seats due to the type of electoral system. In reflecting on the result of the election, it leads to the question of the reason why Labour formed a system that eventually was not beneficial to them, even though they could have retained strong support for seat percentage. Furthermore, it should be questioned why FPTP had changed in that period. In the 1990s, electoral reform was being trialed worldwide, for instance in Japan, Italy, New Zealand and Israel. It may not be surprising therefore that Scotland was also pushing for reform in the 1990s. Though considering the internal context of the UK, the situation is dissimilar to these 北法71（4・131）763 Electoral System Formation in Scottish Parliament 1989-1995: Cooperation between party and civil society（1） aforementioned countries.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Download Issue
    Scottish Left Review Issue 79 November/December 2013 £2.00 Comment Scottish Left Review Issue 79 November/December 2013 t is difficult to maintain constitutional Ineutrality at this tail-end of 2013. Of course we will continue to do our best to keep the SLR open as a space for Contents anyone on the Scottish left, a place where they can feel at home and contribute Comment .......................................................2 to a debate that stretches beyond the boundaries of party or constitutional Democracy in writing ....................................4 position. That is our duty as a magazine Jean Urquhart created expressly for that purpose. Solid foundations for change .........................6 But the duty lies not only on us to Michael Keating keep that space open but on all sides to fill that space. Because it can surely not Our share of the future ..................................8 be possible for us to face the desolation Robin McAlpine which lies across Scottish society in the dog-days of this unlucky year without Graveyard or get-together ..........................10 some sort of answer to what lies all Isobel Lindsay around us. Welfare Nation State ...................................12 What answer to Grangemouth? John McInally Facile talk of ‘the need to work together’ is an insult to the collective intelligence. Labour and the trade unions .......................14 All it states is that if we keep the fork Gregor Gall, Richard Leonard, Bob Crow and let others keep the knife, it will be impossible for us to eat on our own. That Real energy answers ...................................18 may not be a bad thing, but someone Andy Cumbers needs to explain why.
    [Show full text]
  • November 2002
    Nations and Regions: The Dynamics of Devolution Quarterly Monitoring Programme Scotland Quarterly Report November 2002 The monitoring programme is jointly funded by the ESRC and the Leverhulme Trust Contents 1. Scottish Executive Barry Winetrobe 4 2. The Scottish Parliament Mark Shephard 7 3. The Media Philip Schlesinger 11 4. Public Attitudes and identity John Curtice 14 5. Scotland/UK Relations Alex Wright 18 6. Scotland/International Relations Alex Wright 22 7. Relations with Local Government Neil McGarvey 27 9. Legal Disputes Barry Winetrobe 31 10. Political parties James Mitchell 32 11. Public policies Barry Winetrobe 34 2 Key points: James Mitchell — First Minister Jack McConnell became embroiled in an embarrassing internal constituency row over local party funds; — Culture Minister Mike Watson broke collective cabinet responsibility by speaking out—but not voting—against Executive health policy fearing that he might lose votes in the forthcoming Scottish elections; — Herald newspaper went up for sale with the prospect that it will be bought by owners of Scotsman rivals. 3 1. Scottish Executive Barry Winetrobe 1.1 Collective responsibility The application of the doctrine of collective responsibility has been under the spotlight in the Glasgow hospitals issue. The Culture Minister, Mike Watson, has been a leading public opponent of the reorganisation plan, but voted with the Executive in a debate on the issue on 12 September. His MPA, Janis Hughes, put herself in an even more unusual position, by abstaining on the Executive amendment to the critical SNP motion, but then voting for the as-amended motion. The First Minister refused to sack either, on the basis that they had both adhered to collective responsibility by their votes.
    [Show full text]
  • Consultation Summary (459KB Pdf)
    PROPOSED FAIR RENTS (SCOTLAND) BILL – PAULINE MCNEILL MSP SUMMARY OF CONSULTATION RESPONSES This document summarises and analyses the responses to a consultation exercise carried out on the above proposal. The background to the proposal is set out in section 1, while section 2 gives an overview of the results. A detailed analysis of the responses to the consultation questions is given in section 3. These three sections have been prepared by the Scottish Parliament’s Non-Government Bills Unit (NGBU). Section 4 has been prepared by Pauline McNeill MSP and includes her commentary on the results of the consultation. Where respondents have requested that certain information be treated as “not for publication”, or that the response remain anonymous, these requests have been respected in this summary. In some places, the summary includes quantitative data about responses, including numbers and proportions of respondents who have indicated support for, or opposition to, the proposal (or particular aspects of it). In interpreting this data, it should be borne in mind that respondents are self-selecting, and it should not be assumed that their individual or collective views are representative of wider stakeholder or public opinion. The principal aim of the document is to identify the main points made by respondents, giving weight in particular to those supported by arguments and evidence and those from respondents with relevant experience and expertise. A consultation is not an opinion poll, and the best arguments may not be those that obtain majority support. Copies of the individual, public responses are available on the following website: http://www.paulinemcneillmsp.scot/prsr/.
    [Show full text]
  • © Patricia M`Cafferty, May 2004. Abstract
    PATRICIA MCCAFFERTY WORKING THE 'THIRD WAY': NEW LABOUR, EMPLOYMENT RELATIONS, AND SCOTTISH DEVOLUTION THESIS PRESENTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY, DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY, UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW MAY 2004 © PATRICIA M`CAFFERTY, MAY 2004. ABSTRACT Labour's election victory in 1997 was heralded as a new era, the dawn of a Third Way, a novel attempt to chart a unique political course overcoming the perceivedlimitations of both New Right and Old Labour. In this thesis I explore the era of New Labour generally and, in particular, the impact of the Third Way on working lives. Key to my analysis is New Labour's attempt to synthesise oppositional interests,in particular those of capital and labour. This involves a crucial rhetoric of flexibility, competitivenessand partnership. My research explores the rhetoric of New Labour in relation to the reality of this new force in power. It does this by: " drawing out key features in the development of New Labour, especially its relation to Old Labour; " examining central elementsof New Labour ideology; " arguing that Scotland should be seen as central to the transition from Old to New :Labour; " utilising a case study of industrial relations developments in a major electronics factory in the West of Scotland and, to a lesser extent, key developmentsin public sector employment. My main finding is that where New Labour's ideology promisespositive benefits, the form of its implementation has negative impacts for workers. Since I take New Labour as a process, my thesis concludes with a more speculative exploration of possible future developments,both in relations to New Labour's role in them, and their possible impact on the New Labour project.
    [Show full text]
  • Scottish Parliamentary Corporate Body
    Social Security Committee Thursday 22 February 2018 Session 5 © Parliamentary copyright. Scottish Parliamentary Corporate Body Information on the Scottish Parliament’s copyright policy can be found on the website - www.parliament.scot or by contacting Public Information on 0131 348 5000 Thursday 22 February 2018 CONTENTS Col. SOCIAL SECURITY (SCOTLAND) BILL: STAGE 2 ................................................................................................... 1 SOCIAL SECURITY COMMITTEE 5th Meeting 2018, Session 5 CONVENER *Clare Adamson (Motherwell and Wishaw) (SNP) DEPUTY CONVENER *Pauline McNeill (Glasgow) (Lab) COMMITTEE MEMBERS *George Adam (Paisley) (SNP) *Jeremy Balfour (Lothian) (Con) *Mark Griffin (Central Scotland) (Lab) *Alison Johnstone (Lothian) (Green) *Ben Macpherson (Edinburgh Northern and Leith) (SNP) *Ruth Maguire (Cunninghame South) (SNP) *Adam Tomkins (Glasgow) (Con) *attended THE FOLLOWING ALSO PARTICIPATED: Jeane Freeman (Minister for Social Security) CLERK TO THE COMMITTEE Simon Watkins LOCATION The Mary Fairfax Somerville Room (CR2) 1 22 FEBRUARY 2018 2 The Convener: The first group is on means Scottish Parliament testing. Amendment 184, in the name of Mark Griffin, is grouped with amendments 185 to 187, Social Security Committee 25A, 188, 27A, 190 and 30A. Mark Griffin (Central Scotland) (Lab): Thursday 22 February 2018 Amendments 188, 190, 27A and 30A would ensure that disability and employment injuries [The Convener opened the meeting at 09:01] benefits could not be means tested by the current Government or by future Governments. That Social Security (Scotland) Bill: would replicate the current policy for those Stage 2 benefits, which are not means tested. For disability assistance, it would enshrine in law the protection that was offered in the Scottish National Party and The Convener (Clare Adamson): Good Labour manifestos for the most recent Holyrood morning and welcome to the fifth meeting in 2018 election.
    [Show full text]
  • Bute House the Offi Cial Residence of the First Minister of Scotland
    Bute House The offi cial residence of the First Minister of Scotland Bute House 20pp brochure 02.indd 1 17/07/2017 08:53 Welcome to Bute House ince I became First Minister, I have welcomed thousands of people to Bute House. As the official residence of the First Minister of Scotland, it is here that I host official guests from this country and overseas on behalf of the nation. Bute House is also the meeting place of the Scottish Cabinet and the venue for official functions including meetings, receptions, lunches and dinners. Within these walls, I get to bring together people from all walks of life through meetings with business leaders, public service employees and the voluntary sector, and receptions to celebrate all aspects of Scottish society and success. Every Christmas, I even get to welcome youngsters from around the country for an annual children’s party. All year round Bute House performs a dual role of both residence and place of work for the First Minister. All four of my predecessors lived here too, and their portraits line the wall of the staircase leading to the Cabinet Room. Before the Scottish Parliament was reconvened in 1999, Bute House was home to eight different Secretaries of State for Scotland from 1970 onwards. Many of the key conversations and decisions in recent Scottish political history have taken place within these walls. Even without its modern role, however, Bute House would be of significant historic interest. It was built in the late 18th century, and is at the heart of one of the great masterpieces of Georgian architecture – the north side of Robert Adam’s Charlotte Square.
    [Show full text]
  • Scottish Election Briefing 2011 Contents
    Scottish Election Briefing 2011 Contents 3 Introduction 9 Scottish National Party 13 Scottish Labour 18 Scottish Conservatives 22 Scottish Liberal Democrats 26 Scottish Green Party 27 UK Independence Party 28 Christian Peoples Alliance 29 Scottish Christian Party 30 Legislation summary: Scottish Parliament 2007-2011 35 References 38 Notes Copyright The Christian Institute 2011 Printed in April 2011 Published by The Christian Institute Wilberforce House, 4 Park Road, Gosforth Business Park Newcastle upon Tyne, NE12 8DG All rights reserved No part of this publication may be reproduced, or stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, mechanical, electronic, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of The Christian Institute. The Christian Institute is a Company Limited by Guarantee, registered in England as a charity whose main object is “the furtherance and promotion of the Christian Religion in the United Kingdom and elsewhere”. Company No. 263 4440; Charity No. 100 4774. A charity registered in Scotland. Charity No. SC039220. 2 Introduction Elections for the Scottish Parliament will take – the SNP, Labour, the Conservatives and the place on 5 May. As Christian citizens we should Liberal Democrats. There are other parties think carefully about how to vote. standing in the Scottish Parliament elections; The Christian Institute is a registered charity we have also included some of the known and cannot endorse any political party or policies of the Scottish Green Party and UKIP, candidate in elections. We cannot tell you who parties which have representation at national to vote for. That is a matter for you.
    [Show full text]
  • Media Culture for a Modern Nation? Theatre, Cinema and Radio in Early Twentieth-Century Scotland
    Media Culture for a Modern Nation? Theatre, Cinema and Radio in Early Twentieth-Century Scotland a study © Adrienne Clare Scullion Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD to the Department of Theatre, Film and Television Studies, Faculty of Arts, University of Glasgow. March 1992 ProQuest Number: 13818929 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 13818929 Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Frontispiece The Clachan, Scottish Exhibition of National History, Art and Industry, 1911. (T R Annan and Sons Ltd., Glasgow) GLASGOW UNIVERSITY library Abstract This study investigates the cultural scene in Scotland in the period from the 1880s to 1939. The project focuses on the effects in Scotland of the development of the new media of film and wireless. It addresses question as to what changes, over the first decades of the twentieth century, these two revolutionary forms of public technology effect on the established entertainment system in Scotland and on the Scottish experience of culture. The study presents a broad view of the cultural scene in Scotland over the period: discusses contemporary politics; considers established and new theatrical activity; examines the development of a film culture; and investigates the expansion of broadcast wireless and its influence on indigenous theatre.
    [Show full text]
  • The Date of Es
    CROSS-PARTY GROUP ANNUAL RETURN NAME OF CROSS-PARTY GROUP Cross-Party Group on Disability DATE GROUP ESTABLISHED (the date of establishment is the date in this parliamentary session that the Group held its initial meeting, where the office bearers were elected and not the date that the Group was accorded recognition. All Groups should hold their AGMs on, or before, the anniversary of this date.) 20 September 2016 DATE OF MOST RECENT AGM 19 September 2017 DATE OF PRECEDING AGM [this date is required to aid clerks in verifying that the most recent AGM has taken place within 11-13 months of the previous AGM] 20 September 2016 DATE ANNUAL RETURN SUBMITTED 4 October 2017 GROUP MEETINGS AND ACTIVITIES Please provide details of each meeting of the Group including the date of the meeting, a brief description of the main subjects discussed and the MSP and non- MSP attendance figures. Details of any other activities, such as visits undertaken by the Group or papers/report published by the Group should also be provided. Meeting held on 20 September 2016 MSP attendees: 4 (Jeremy Balfour MSP, Anas Sarwar MSP, George Adam MSP, Alexander Stewart MSP) Non-MSP attendees: 15 Topics discussed: Re-establishing the CPG on Disability including new office bearers and priority issues for future meetings, members’ updates. Meeting held on 31 January 2017 MSP attendees: 2 (Jeremy Balfour MSP (Convenor), Alexander Stewart MSP) (also Minister for Social Security, Jeane Freeman MSP attended in her role as Minister) Non-MSP attendees: 36 Topics discussed: Discussion with Jeane Freeman, Minister for Social Security, who attended the meeting, including responsibility for disability issues, to discuss the ‘Fairer Scotland for Disabled People’ plan and social security issues; possible joint statement; members’ updates.
    [Show full text]
  • Spice Briefing
    MSPs BY CONSTITUENCY AND REGION Scottish SESSION 1 Parliament This Fact Sheet provides a list of all Members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs) who served during the first parliamentary session, Fact sheet 12 May 1999-31 March 2003, arranged alphabetically by the constituency or region that they represented. Each person in Scotland is represented by 8 MSPs – 1 constituency MSPs: Historical MSP and 7 regional MSPs. A region is a larger area which covers a Series number of constituencies. 30 March 2007 This Fact Sheet is divided into 2 parts. The first section, ‘MSPs by constituency’, lists the Scottish Parliament constituencies in alphabetical order with the MSP’s name, the party the MSP was elected to represent and the corresponding region. The second section, ‘MSPs by region’, lists the 8 political regions of Scotland in alphabetical order. It includes the name and party of the MSPs elected to represent each region. Abbreviations used: Con Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party Green Scottish Green Party Lab Scottish Labour LD Scottish Liberal Democrats SNP Scottish National Party SSP Scottish Socialist Party 1 MSPs BY CONSTITUENCY: SESSION 1 Constituency MSP Region Aberdeen Central Lewis Macdonald (Lab) North East Scotland Aberdeen North Elaine Thomson (Lab) North East Scotland Aberdeen South Nicol Stephen (LD) North East Scotland Airdrie and Shotts Karen Whitefield (Lab) Central Scotland Angus Andrew Welsh (SNP) North East Scotland Argyll and Bute George Lyon (LD) Highlands & Islands Ayr John Scott (Con)1 South of Scotland Ayr Ian
    [Show full text]
  • Andrew Mcfadyen's Story of Combining a Ph
    The Scotland-UN Committee Devolution and the Labour Myth James Wilkie As recently as twenty years ago few people dreamed that Scotland would ever reach the stage of being given the chance to vote for independence. It was a dream that for centuries had seemed beyond realisation, and many who had spent their entire lives working for it never lived to see the chance of realising it. So what triggered the change in its prospects? There is only one answer to this question – devolution. Without that there would have been no take-off platform for the independence rocket, no effective step in the direction of autonomy, and no basis for a nationalist government with the political authority to plan the road ahead. To put it with brutal candour, to this day we would still be waiting for the SNP to gain a majority of the Scottish seats at Westminster. So how did this vital intermediate step of devolution come to be realised, in the teeth of the determination of the entire London establishment right across the political spectrum to kill it at any and all cost? Here is one little-known aspect of the answer. Establishment hostility reached its sordid peak with the orgy of corruption that was the 1979 referendum. It is not the subject of this article and there is no need to repeat facts that we all know. Thatcher’s arrogant coup d’état in the face of a perfectly adequate majority vote similar to that of the 1975 EEC referendum left Scotland stunned, bewildered and disorientated.
    [Show full text]
  • Ministers, Law Officers and Ministerial Parliamentary Aides by Cabinet
    MINISTERS, LAW OFFICERS AND Scottish MINISTERIAL PARLIAMENTARY AIDES BY Parliament CABINET: SESSION 1 Fact sheet This Fact sheet provides a list of all of the Scottish Ministers, Law Officers and Ministerial Parliamentary Aides during Session 1, from 12 May 1999 until the appointment of new Ministers in the second MSPs: Historical parliamentary session. Series Ministers and Law Officers continue to serve in post during 30 March 2007 dissolution. The first Session 2 cabinet was appointed on 21st May 2003. A Minister is a member of the government. The Scottish Executive is the government in Scotland for devolved matters and is responsible for formulating and implementing policy in these areas. The Scottish Executive is formed from the party or parties holding a majority of seats in the Parliament. During Session 1 the Scottish Executive consisted of a coalition of Labour and Liberal Democrat MSPs. The senior Ministers in the Scottish government are known as ‘members of the Scottish Executive’ or ‘the Scottish Ministers’ and together they form the Scottish ‘Cabinet’. They are assisted by junior Scottish Ministers. With the exception of the Scottish Law Officers, all Ministers must be MSPs. This fact sheet also provides a list of the Law Officers. The Scottish Law Officers listed advise the Scottish Executive on legal matters and represent its interests in court. The final section lists Ministerial Parliamentary Aides (MPAs). MPAs are MSPs appointed by the First Minister on the recommendation of Ministers whom they assist in discharging their duties. MPAs are unpaid and are not part of the Executive. Their role and the arrangements for their appointment are set out in paragraphs 4.6-4.13 of the Scottish Ministerial Code.
    [Show full text]