Britain in the 20Th Century: a New Consensus? 1990-2001 Transcript
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BDOHP Biographical Details and Index Lord Wright of Richmond
BDOHP Biographical details and index Lord Wright of Richmond (28.06.31-06.03.20) - career outline with, on right, relevant page numbers in the memoir to the career stage. Served Royal Artillery, 1950–51 p 3 Joined Diplomatic Service, 1955 pp 2-3 Middle East Centre for Arabic Studies, 1956–57 pp 3-6 Third Secretary, British Embassy, Beirut, 1958–60 - Private Secretary to Ambassador and later First Secretary, pp 12-15 British Embassy, Washington, 1960–65 Private Secretary to Permanent Under-Secretary, FO, 1965–67 pp 10-11 First Secretary and Head of Chancery, Cairo, 1967–70 - Deputy Political Resident, Bahrain, 1971–72 - Head of Middle East Department, FCO, 1972–74 - Private Secretary (Overseas Affairs) to Prime Minister, 1974–77 pp 7-10, 25, 34-35 Ambassador to Luxembourg, 1977–79 pp 30-31 Ambassador to Syria, 1979–81 pp 30-33 Deputy Under-Secretary of State, FCO, 1982–84 - Ambassador to Saudi Arabia, 1984–86 pp 33-34, 36 Permanent Under-Secretary of State and Head pp 11-12, of Diplomatic Service, 1986–91. 16-18, 21, 30 Member, Security Commission, 1993–2002. - General comments on Middle East and United States, pp 6-8; political versus professional diplomatic appointments, pp 15-20; retirement age in diplomatic service, pp 21-23; recruitment, pp 23-25; Foreign Office image, pp 38-40; John Major, pp 40-42; leaking of restricted papers, pp 43-45. Lord Wright of Richmond This is Malcolm McBain interviewing Lord Wright of Richmond at his home in East Sheen on Monday, 16 October 2000. MMcB: “Lord Wright, you were born in 1931, educated at Marlborough and Merton College, Oxford, you did a couple of years’ national service in the Royal Artillery, and then joined the Diplomatic Service, presumably after going to Oxford, in 1965. -
Caspar Weinberger and the Reagan Defense Buildup
The University of Southern Mississippi The Aquila Digital Community Dissertations Fall 12-2013 Direct Responsibility: Caspar Weinberger and the Reagan Defense Buildup Robert Howard Wieland University of Southern Mississippi Follow this and additional works at: https://aquila.usm.edu/dissertations Part of the American Studies Commons, Military History Commons, Political History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Wieland, Robert Howard, "Direct Responsibility: Caspar Weinberger and the Reagan Defense Buildup" (2013). Dissertations. 218. https://aquila.usm.edu/dissertations/218 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by The Aquila Digital Community. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of The Aquila Digital Community. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The University of Southern Mississippi DIRECT RESPONSIBILITY: CASPAR WEINBERGER AND THE REAGAN DEFENSE BUILDUP by Robert Howard Wieland Abstract of a Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate School Of The University of Southern Mississippi In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2013 ABSTRACT DIRECT RESPONSIBILITY: CASPAR WEINBERGER AND THE REAGAN DEFENSE BUILDUP by Robert Howard Wieland December 2013 This dissertation explores the life of Caspar Weinberger and explains why President Reagan chose him for Secretary of Defense. Weinberger, not a defense technocrat, managed a massive defense buildup of 1.5 trillion dollars over a four year period. A biographical approach to Weinberger illuminates Reagan’s selection, for in many ways Weinberger harkens back to an earlier type of defense manager more akin to Elihu Root than Robert McNamara; more a man of letters than technocrat. -
Thatcher's Legacy from 1979 Into the 21St Century: Work Sheet
Thatcher’s Legacy from 1979 into the 21st Century: Work Sheet 1. Introduction This worksheet supports discussion of the film ‘Society Politics and Change: Exploring the Legacy of Thatcherism’. Reading is not essential, but it may aid understanding of the issues raised. Who was Margaret Thatcher? Margaret Thatcher came into power in 1979 as the first female Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. By the 1980s an ‘ism’ became attached to her name - ‘Thatcherism’. This represented a new branch of Conservative ideology which encompassed the role of competition and a free market, limited government involvement in industry, low taxes and individual responsibility. This framework of economic and social arrangements continued after Thatcher left office in 1991 and was pursued by following Prime Ministers, such as John Major (Conservative) and also Tony Blair (New Labour). Who made this film? A group of academics and a film-maker made this film together. It is based on a long-term study of Thatcherism – and the detailed findings of this research are available to read in online. The academics are Professor Stephen Farrall and Dr. Emily Gray. 2. The economy The graph below depicts unemployment from 1970 to 2010. It had been rising throughout the 1970s as companies began modernising their working practices, but it rose dramatically after the Conservatives took power in 1979, rising to over three million out of work in 1983. Unemployment hit Northern Ireland, along with the industrial areas of northern and central England as well as parts of Scotland. It impacted the working classes first, before a further rise in unemployment in the 1990s, which affected the middle classes and the housing market. -
6FFLK015: Advanced Constitutional Law | King's College London
09/27/21 6FFLK015: Advanced Constitutional Law | King's College London 6FFLK015: Advanced Constitutional Law View Online 1 Bradley AW, Ewing KD, Knight C. Constitutional and administrative law. Seventeenth edition. Harlow, England: : Pearson 2018. https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/kcl/detail.action?docID=5418645 2 De Smith SA, Brazier R. Constitutional and administrative law. 8th ed. London: : Penguin 1998. 3 Turpin CC, Tomkins A. British government and the constitution: text and materials. 7th ed. Cambridge: : Cambridge University Press 2011. http://kcl.eblib.com/patron/FullRecord.aspx?p=775039 4 Le Sueur AP, Sunkin M, Murkens JE. Public law: text, cases, and materials. Third edition. Oxford, United Kingdom: : Oxford University Press 2016. 5 McEldowney JF. Public law. 3rd ed. London: : Sweet & Maxwell 2002. 6 Phillips OH, Jackson P, Leopold P. O. Hood Phillips & Jackson’s constitutional and 1/58 09/27/21 6FFLK015: Advanced Constitutional Law | King's College London administrative law. 8th ed. London: : Sweet & Maxwell 2001. 7 Loveland I. Constitutional law, administrative law, and human rights: a critical introduction. Eighth edition. Oxford, United Kingdom: : Oxford University Press 2018. 8 Barnett H. Constitutional & administrative law. Twelfth edition. London: : Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group 2017. https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/kcl/detail.action?docID=4917664 9 Jowell JL, Oliver D. The changing constitution. Eighth edition. Oxford, United Kingdom: : Oxford University Press 2015. 10 Munro CR. Studies in constitutional law. 2nd ed. London: : Butterworths 1999. 11 Tomkins A. Public law. Oxford: : Oxford University Press 2003. 12 Marshall G. Constitutional conventions: the rules and forms of political accountability. Oxford: : Clarendon 1984. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198762027.001.0001 13 Griffith JAG, Ryle M, Wheeler-Booth MAJ, et al. -
Queen Elizabeth II
16 May 2017 Queen Elizabeth II PROFESSOR VERNON BOGDANOR FBA CBE Today’s lecture is on the Queen. I gave a lecture on the Queen last year to commemorate her 90th birthday, and of course, I want to avoid repeating anything I said in that lecture, which is naturally available on the Gresham College website, so what I want to discuss today is the constitutional role of the Queen and, more generally, the role of constitutional monarchy in the 21st Century, but I shall also discuss the constitutional role of the Prince of Wales, which is I think widely misunderstood. But above all, I shall discuss the changes, which I think are very considerable in the monarchy since 1952 when the Queen came to the throne. But let me begin with a confession: this has been the most difficult lecture of the series to prepare, and the reason is that, inevitably, we know far less about the Queen than about her predecessors. There are official biographies of all the past monarchs whom I have discussed in this series, except for Queen Victoria, and that was because Edward VII, for some reason, would not allow an official biography. We also have historical works about past monarchs, based on material in the Royal Archives and in the National Archives. What we have learnt about past monarchs does, in many cases, alter the view that people had of them at the time, especially perhaps in the case of Queen Victoria. Bagehot, writing in the 1860s, thought her a perfect constitutional monarch, but later research has shown that she was very far from that. -
Conservative Party Strategy, 1997-2001: Nation and National Identity
Conservative Party Strategy, 1997-2001: Nation and National Identity A dissertation submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy , Claire Elizabeth Harris Department of Politics, University of Sheffield September 2005 Acknowledgements There are so many people I'd like to thank for helping me through the roller-coaster experience of academic research and thesis submission. Firstly, without funding from the ESRC, this research would not have taken place. I'd like to say thank you to them for placing their faith in my research proposal. I owe a huge debt of gratitude to Andrew Taylor. Without his good humour, sound advice and constant support and encouragement I would not have reached the point of completion. Having a supervisor who is always ready and willing to offer advice or just chat about the progression of the thesis is such a source of support. Thank you too, to Andrew Gamble, whose comments on the final draft proved invaluable. I'd also like to thank Pat Seyd, whose supervision in the first half of the research process ensured I continued to the second half, his advice, experience and support guided me through the challenges of research. I'd like to say thank you to all three of the above who made the change of supervisors as smooth as it could have been. I cannot easily put into words the huge effect Sarah Cooke had on my experience of academic research. From the beginnings of ESRC application to the final frantic submission process, Sarah was always there for me to pester for help and advice. -
Mrs. Thatcher's Return to Victorian Values
proceedings of the British Academy, 78, 9-29 Mrs. Thatcher’s Return to Victorian Values RAPHAEL SAMUEL University of Oxford I ‘VICTORIAN’was still being used as a routine term of opprobrium when, in the run-up to the 1983 election, Mrs. Thatcher annexed ‘Victorian values’ to her Party’s platform and turned them into a talisman for lost stabilities. It is still commonly used today as a byword for the repressive just as (a strange neologism of the 1940s) ‘Dickensian’ is used as a short-hand expression to describe conditions of squalor and want. In Mrs. Thatcher’s lexicon, ‘Victorian’ seems to have been an interchangeable term for the traditional and the old-fashioned, though when the occasion demanded she was not averse to using it in a perjorative sense. Marxism, she liked to say, was a Victorian, (or mid-Victorian) ideo1ogy;l and she criticised ninetenth-century paternalism as propounded by Disraeli as anachronistic.2 Read 12 December 1990. 0 The British Academy 1992. Thanks are due to Jonathan Clark and Christopher Smout for a critical reading of the first draft of this piece; to Fran Bennett of Child Poverty Action for advice on the ‘Scroungermania’ scare of 1975-6; and to the historians taking part in the ‘History Workshop’ symposium on ‘Victorian Values’ in 1983: Gareth Stedman Jones; Michael Ignatieff; Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall. Margaret Thatcher, Address to the Bow Group, 6 May 1978, reprinted in Bow Group, The Right Angle, London, 1979. ‘The Healthy State’, address to a Social Services Conference at Liverpool, 3 December 1976, in Margaret Thatcher, Let Our Children Grow Tall, London, 1977, p. -
Evidence from Professor Vernon Bogdanor 7 December 2015
Evidence from Professor Vernon Bogdanor 7 December 2015 BK: We’ll kick off, if we can. Thank you very much for coming to present to us this afternoon. I’d like to start with quite an open question. You wrote this very excellent report before the election, which set out the crisis in the constitution. If you were taking stock now, post the election, what would you say? Would you feel more or less optimistic? VB: I have taken stock and there is now a second edition of my pamphlet, `The Crisis of the Constitution’, published in February 2016. I am more optimistic to the extent that there is now a broad general policy of devolution and decentralisation in England which I welcome. But there are some fundamental problems that have not been fully confronted. I still hold very strongly to the view that to confront them, we need, if not a constitution, at least a charter, laying out what policy areas are suitable for devolution and decentralisation, and which need to remain at the centre. That is crucial not just for devolution in England, but also for devolution in the non-English parts of the United Kingdom. We do need a clear criterion of what is suitable for devolution and decentralisation and what is not. BK: One of the phrases you use in this document is that ‘asymmetry is the price we pay for the Union’ which is a very striking phrase. VB: There has been a lot of loose talk about a federal system for Britain. Federalism could take two alternative forms, first a Parliament in England, or second regional authorities in England with roughly similar powers to those of the Scottish Parliament or Welsh Assembly. -
Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy
Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy How do democracies form and what makes them die? Daniel Ziblatt revisits this timely and classic question in a wide-ranging historical narrative that traces the evolution of modern political democracy in Europe from its modest beginnings in 1830s Britain to Adolf Hitler’s 1933 seizure of power in Weimar Germany. Based on rich historical and quantitative evidence, the book offers a major reinterpretation of European history and the question of how stable political democracy is achieved. The barriers to inclusive political rule, Ziblatt finds, were not inevitably overcome by unstoppable tides of socioeconomic change, a simple triumph of a growing middle class, or even by working class collective action. Instead, political democracy’s fate surprisingly hinged on how conservative political parties – the historical defenders of power, wealth, and privilege – recast themselves and coped with the rise of their own radical right. With striking modern parallels, the book has vital implications for today’s new and old democracies under siege. Daniel Ziblatt is Professor of Government at Harvard University where he is also a resident fellow of the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies. He is also currently Fernand Braudel Senior Fellow at the European University Institute. His first book, Structuring the State: The Formation of Italy and Germany and the Puzzle of Federalism (2006) received several prizes from the American Political Science Association. He has written extensively on the emergence of democracy in European political history, publishing in journals such as American Political Science Review, Journal of Economic History, and World Politics. -
Climate Change Scepticism: a Transnational Ecocritical Analysis
Garrard, Greg. "Climate Scepticism in the UK." Climate Change Scepticism: A Transnational Ecocritical Analysis. By Greg GarrardAxel GoodbodyGeorge HandleyStephanie Posthumus. London,: Bloomsbury Academic, 2019. 41–90. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 26 Sep. 2021. <http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350057050.ch-002>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 26 September 2021, 23:43 UTC. Copyright © Greg Garrard, George Handley, Axel Goodbody and Stephanie Posthumus 2019. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. 2 Climate Scepticism in the UK Greg Garrard Before embarking on a detailed analysis of sceptical British texts, I will provide some historical and scholarly context. There have been many studies of anti- environmentalism in the United States (Helvarg; Brick; Ehrlich and Ehrlich; Switzer) and one on the global ‘backlash’ (Rowell), but none focuses exclusively on the UK. The sole treatment of anti-environmentalism within ecocriticism comes from the United States (Buell), just like the various exposés of climate scepticism discussed in the Introduction. As this chapter will show, British climate scepticism is possessed of a prehistory and some distinctive local features that reward closer inspection. Nevertheless, the Anglo-American axis of organized anti-environmentalism is obvious: British climate sceptics such as Christopher Monckton, James Delingpole and Nigel Lawson are darlings of the American conservative think tanks (CTTs) that promulgate sceptical perspectives, while Martin Durkin’s The Great Global Warming Swindle (2007), a British documentary shown on Channel 4, includes interviews with Richard Lindzen, Patrick Michaels and Fred Singer, all prominent American sceptics. -
The Impact of the American Invasion of Grenada on Anglo- American Relations and the Deployment of Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces in Britain
Clemson University TigerPrints All Theses Theses 5-2014 The mpI act of the American Invasion of Grenada on Anglo-American Relations and the Deployment of Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces in Britain Timothy Anglea Clemson University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://tigerprints.clemson.edu/all_theses Part of the European History Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Anglea, Timothy, "The mpI act of the American Invasion of Grenada on Anglo-American Relations and the Deployment of Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces in Britain" (2014). All Theses. 1979. https://tigerprints.clemson.edu/all_theses/1979 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses at TigerPrints. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Theses by an authorized administrator of TigerPrints. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE IMPACT OF THE AMERICAN INVASION OF GRENADA ON ANGLO- AMERICAN RELATIONS AND THE DEPLOYMENT OF INTERMEDIATE-RANGE NUCLEAR FORCES IN BRITAIN A Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of Clemson University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts History by Timothy Robert Anglea May 2014 Accepted by: Dr. Michael Silvestri, Committee Chair Dr. Stephanie Barczewski Dr. Edwin Moise ABSTRACT This thesis studies the impact the American invasion of Grenada in 1983 had on Anglo-American relations and the deployment of cruise missiles in Britain. Anglo- American nuclear relations were dependent on a strong level of trust between the two governments. The deception employed by President Reagan’s government in concealing American intentions concerning Grenada from the British government broke that trust. -
The Conservative Party & Perceptions of the Middle
THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY & PERCEPTIONS OF THE MIDDLE CLASSES TITLE: THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY AND PERCEPTIONS OF THE BRITISH MIDDLE CLASSES, 1951 - 1974 By LEANNA FONG, B.A., M.A. A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy McMaster University © Copyright by Leanna Fong, August 2016 Ph.D. Thesis – Leanna Fong McMaster University - Department of History Descriptive Note McMaster University DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (2016) Hamilton, Ontario (History) TITLE: The Conservative Party and Perceptions of the British Middle Classes, 1951 - 1974 AUTHOR: Leanna Fong, B.A., M.A (York University) SUPERVISOR: Professor Stephen Heathorn PAGES: vi, 307 ii Ph.D. Thesis – Leanna Fong McMaster University - Department of History Abstract “The Conservative Party and Perceptions of the British Middle Classes, 1951 – 1974,” explores conceptions of middle-class voters at various levels of the party organization after the Second World War. Since Benjamin Disraeli, Conservatives have endeavoured to represent national rather than sectional interests and appeal widely to a growing electorate. Yet, the middle classes and their interests have also enjoyed a special position in the Conservative political imagination often because the group insists they receive special consideration. It proved especially difficult to juggle these priorities after 1951 when Conservatives encountered two colliding challenges: the middle classes growing at a rapid rate, failing to form a unified outlook or identity, and the limited appeal of consumer rhetoric and interests owing to the uneven experience of affluence and prosperity. Conservative ideas and policies failed to acknowledge and resonate with the changing nature of their core supporters and antiquated local party organization reinforced feelings of alienation from and mistrust of new members of the middle classes as well as affluent workers.