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Xerox University Microfilms 300 North Zoab Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 46106 7619623 KOtyAN# ROBERT ANDREW THE QRITX8H CONSERVATIVE,PARTY LEADERSHIP AND SOCIAL REFORM (1806-1905), THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY* PH,Ot, 1976 © 1978 ROBERT ANDREW KOHAN ALL RIGHTS RESERVED THE BRITISH CONSERVATIVE PARTY LEADERSHIP AND SOCIAL REFORM (1886-1905) DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Dootor of Philosophy in the Graduate Sohool of the Ohio State University By Robert A. Kohan, B.A*r M.A The Ohio State University 1978 Reading Committee: Approved by Dr. Philip Poirier Dr. Clayton Roberts Adviser Dr. John Rothney Department of History PLEASE NOTE: Many pages throughout this dissertation contain light and indistinct print. FI as received In the best possible way. UNIVERSITY MICROFILMS INTERNATIONAL PREFACE I would like to express my thanks to Hr. Geoffrey D.M. Block, M.B.E. of the Conservative Research Centre for the use of the Conservative Party arohives; Dr. Paul Smith of King's College, London, Dr. J.T. Hard of Stratholyde University, Glasgow, and Dr. E.J. Feuohtwanger of the University of Southampton for their encouragement and helpful suggestions. In addition, I would like to thank the staffs of the British Museum, the University of Birmingham Library, Durham County Counoil Archives, Kent County Counoil Arohives, the Churchill College Library at Cambridge, Gloucestershire County Counoil Arohives, Hereford and Horoester County Counoil Arohives, Northum berland County Counoil Arohives, and the Bodleian Library at Ox ford. I would also like to thank Nr. H.T. Haroourt-Hilliams, librarian at Hatfield House, Hertfordshire, for his generous as sistance. To my adviser, Professor Philip Poirier, a special acknowledgement, for his comments and helpful suggestions. I would also like to thank Dr. George B. Cotkin for his support and en~ oouragement in this projeot. ii VITA August 1, 1949 • • • Born, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 1 9 7 1 ........ • • • B.A., Eastern College St. Davids, Pennsylvania 1974 • ......... M.A., The Ohio State University Columbus, Ohio 1973-1977 ....... Teaching Assistant, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio FIELDS OF STUDY Major Field; Modern Britain. Professor Philip Poirier Tudor and Stuart Britain. Professor Clayton Roberts French History 1815-1914* Professor John Rothney Russian History 1917 - • Professor Myron Hedlin iii TABLE OP CONTENTS Page PREFACE ............................................. 11 VITA ............................................... iii INTRODUCTION............... 1 Chapter I. COALITION POLITICS AND THE DEFENSE OF NATIONAL UNIT! (1686-1892).................................... 15 II. THE SALISBURY ADMINISTRATION AND EMPIRICAL LEGIS LATION (1886-1892)............................ 46 III- THE CONSERVATIVES IN OPPOSITION* THE SEARCH POR AN ELECTORAL APPEAL (1892-1895) ............... 93 IV. THE THIRD SALISBURY GOVERNMENT: THE LIMITATIONS OP TORY REFORMISM (1895-1899)................... 143 V. IMPERIALISM AND THE ADVENT OP BALFOUR.......... 173 VI. CONSERVATISM IN RETREAT (1902-1906) ............ 189 VII. TARIFF REFORM AND PARTY DISUNITY (1903-1906) . 230 BIBLIOGRAPHY...................................... 255 lv INTRODUCTION With the emergence of the working class as a significant eieotoral force in late nineteenth and early twentieth century Britain, the ruling Conservative oarty, inspite of its aristo cratic and middle-class leadership, became heavily dependent, espec ially in industrial areas, on working class support* In 1867, by taking the famous "leap in the dark" and passing the Second Reform Act, it unwittingly paved the way for the develop ment of olass-oriented democratic politics. After bitter con tention within its own ranks, the party also had aoauiesed in the Liberal-sponsored Third Reform Aot of 1884* These mea sures virtually completed the long demooratio transformation of the British parliamentary eieotoral system that had begun in 1832. 1 By 1895, in the middle of the thirteen year tenure of the Salisbury Administration, the effeots of franchise leg islation had brought the direct influence of the masseB to bear on the parliamentary elite of the Conservative party, forcing it into powerful rivalry with the leadership of the Liberal par ty for the votes of the new eleotors. MoBt working-olasB voters favored Radical Liberellsm, but the Conservatives relied on a sizeable minority of them to win general eleotions. ^The 1867 Reform Aot increased the electorate from I,300,000,to 2,500,000, including the more affluent strata of the urban working classes* The 1884 Reform Aot raised the num ber of voters to approximately 5»000,000 by the extension of householdsuffrage to thecounties* In the accompanying re distribution measure, the single-member constituencies replaced the two member system, bringing more uniformity to the elec toral system and a weakening of looal interests. However, many anomalies and exclusions, based on property, sex, and residenoy 1 2 Temperamentally and philosophically the Conservative lea dership eschewed party programs and the acceptance of mandates from a popular electorate* But for the sake of politioal sur vival, it had to devise a way to accommodate its traditional elitist political principles with new democratic politioal issues, many of whioh were concerned with the social improve ment of the working classes* The party, as a whole, failed to respond to this challenge. By 1905* the political situation had changed to the Conservatives' disadvantage. With the working olasses more artioulate, social reform had been brought to the forefront of debate* The party was threatened by a Lib eral-Labor political offensive; and defeotions of workers from Conservatism signified intense dissatisfaotion with the pol icies of the Balfour Government* An investigation into Con servative social reform attitudes helps explain the deoline in the Conservative party's appeal to the working-olaBS voter. Differences have emerged among historians about popular politioal opinions towards social reform in Great Britain from 1886 to 1914* Hobert Blake, in The Conservative Party from Peel to Churohill* states that the most important issue that determined the working-class eleotorate's support of a particular party discriminations prevented the full realization of a genuine dera- ooraoy of "one man-one vote". These limitations aided the Con servatives in eieotoral contests, disoouraging the leadership from advocating further politioal reform* See D.E. Butler, The Electoral SyBtem in Great Britain; J.P. Mackintosh, The British Cabinet* 201-202; N. Blewett, "The Franchise in the United Kingdom", Past and Present* vol. 32 (December, 19^5)» 27-56? and J.P.D. Dun- babin, "Parliamentary Eleotions in Great Britain, 1868-1900", Eng lish Historical Review (January, 1966), 82-89,! 3 from lC£5 to 1905 was social reform. However, at times of national crisis, involving foreign or imperial matters, dom estic concerns were of secondary importance. The Conservatives, he contends, were able to gain popular support at these times by appealing to nationalist emotions. When domestic issues pre dominated, the paucity of Conservative achievements in the field of social reform caused the electorate to oupport the Liberals. The Liberals, however, zealous while in opposition, proved in of- 2 fioe often as incapable as the Conservatives. Elie Halevy claims that the new electorate demanded costly measures of sooial reform and that, considering the limitations and expectations of the time, both parties responded favorably. Between 1870 and 1895, the ex penditure of government