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Studia Politica 1 2016
www.ssoar.info Republic of Moldova: the year 2015 in politics Goșu, Armand Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Goșu, A. (2016). Republic of Moldova: the year 2015 in politics. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 16(1), 21-51. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-51666-3 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Republic of Moldova The Year 2015 in Politics ARMAND GO ȘU Nothing will be the same from now on. 2015 is not only a lost, failed year, it is a loop in which Moldova is stuck without hope. It is the year of the “theft of the century”, the defrauding of three banks, the Savings Bank, Unibank, and the Social Bank, a theft totaling one billion dollars, under the benevolent gaze of the National Bank, the Ministry of Finance, the General Prosecutor's Office, the National Anti-Corruption Council, and the Security and Intelligence Service (SIS). 2015 was the year when controversial oligarch Vlad Plakhotniuk became Moldova's international brand, identified by more and more chancelleries as a source of evil 1. But 2015 is also the year of budding hope that civil society is awakening, that the political scene is evolving not only for the worse, but for the better too, that in the public square untarnished personalities would appear, new and charismatic figures around which one could build an alternative to the present political parties. -
Seize the Press, Seize the Day: the Influence of Politically Affiliated Media in Moldova’S 2016 Elections
This policy brief series is part of the Media Enabling Democracy, Inclusion and Accountability in Moldova (MEDIA-M) project February 2018 | No 2 Seize the press, seize the day: The influence of politically affiliated media in Moldova’s 2016 elections Mihai Mogildea Introduction In Moldova, media ownership by oligarchs and political figures has reached the highest level in the last dec- ade. According to a report by the Association of Independent Press (API)1, four of the five TV channels with national coverage are controlled by the leader of the ruling Democratic Party (PDM), Vladimir Plahotniuc. Other media companies are managed by opposition politicians, mayors, former members of the parliament, and influential businessmen, who tend to adopt a restrictive policy on media content and promote specific political parties. The concentration of media resources in the hands of a few public officials has significant influence on the electorate, whose voting preferences can be manipulated through disinformation and fake news. This was visible during the second round of the 2016 presidential elections in Moldova, with powerful media owners undermining the campaign of the center-right, pro-European candidate, Maia Sandu, and helping Igor Dodon, a left-wing candidate and a strong supporter of Russia. This policy brief argues that political control over media Maia Sandu and Igor Dodon, and whether the audiovisual au- institutions in Moldova has an impact on election results. thorities sanctioned possible violations. Finally, this analysis Media concentration allows specific candidates to widely will conclude with a set of recommendations for depoliticiz- promote their messages, leading to unfair electoral ad- ing, both de jure and de facto, the private and public media vantage. -
I INTRODUCTION Moldavia, the Smallest Republic in the Soviet Union, Has Been a Territorial Football Between Romania and Russia
INTRODUCTION Moldavia, the smallest republic in the Soviet Union, has been a territorial football between Romania and Russia for well over 100 years. Like the Baltic republics, it fell within the Soviet sphere of influence under the l939 Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, and there is reason to believe that some Moldavians may now wish to follow the lead of the Baltic republics in pressing for secession from the USSR. The 64 percent of the republic's population that is ethnic Moldavian has its cultural heart in Romania and, at the very least, seeks freer contacts with Romanians across their common frontier. In the past 18 months Moldavian political and social life has been transformed. Fledgling independent groups have developed into major new political movements, such as the Moldavian Popular Front with a membership of between 700,000 and one million. Other independent groups include the Alexe Mateevici Club which led the successful drive to establish Moldavian as the official language of the republic, the Moldavian Democratic Movement aimed at establishing a state that adheres to the rule of law, the Moldavian Green Movement which works to increase public awareness of ecological issues, and others. Groups of citizens in late l988 began braving the wrath of the local authorities by organizing small public protests. By March l989 the rallies had grown to include as many as 80,000 demonstrators who were calling, among other things, for the i removal of Moldavia's Party leaders. Both the protestors and the Moldavian government often turned to violence. The most egregious such instances of reciprocal violence occurred in l989 on February 12 and 26, March 12 and November 7. -
Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by the Republic of Moldova
AS/Mon(2012)03 rev 14 March 2012 amondoc03r_2012 or. Engl. Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States of the Council of Europe (Monitoring Committee) Honouring of obligations and commitments by the Republic of Moldova Information note by the co-rapporteurs on their fact-finding visit to Chisinau (28 November – 1 December 2011) 1 Co-rapporteurs: Ms Lise CHRISTOFFERSEN, Norway, Socialist group, and Mr Piotr WACH, Poland, Group of the European People’s Party 1 This information note has been made public by decision of the Monitoring Committee dated 13 March 2012. F – 67075 Strasbourg Cedex | e-mail: [email protected] | Tel: + 33 3 88 41 2000 | Fax: +33 3 88 41 2733 AS/Mon(2012)03rev I. Introduction 1. After a first visit to Chisinau and Comrat in March 2011 (see doc. AS/Mon (2011) 13 rev), we paid a second fact-finding visit to the Republic of Moldova from 28 November to 1 December 2011. The programme of the visit is appended. We intended to address the implementation of Resolution 1572 (2007) on The honouring of obligations and commitments by Moldova, Resolutions 1666 (2009) and 1692 (2009) on The functioning of democratic institutions , the state of play of the election of the President of the Republic, and other current issues, such as the reform of the judiciary, the action taken to combat corruption and organised crime, the legislation and measures to combat discrimination and the latest developments in Transnistria. 2. The support of the Moldovan delegation to the PACE, the Moldovan parliament, and Mr Ulvi Akhundlu, Head of the Council of Europe Office in Chisinau, was again precious for facilitating our meetings, including with the acting President and Speaker, Mr Marian Lupu, the Prime Minister, Mr Filat, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr Leanca, the Vice-Speaker of the parliament, Mr Plahotniuc, high-level representatives of the judiciary and enforcement bodies, representatives of the media and NGOs. -
Public Opinion Survey Residents of Moldova
Public Opinion Survey Residents of Moldova March 2016 Detailed Methodology • The survey was coordinated and analyzed by Dr. Rasa Ališauskienė from public opinion and market research company Baltic Surveys/The Gallup Organization on behalf of the International Republican Institute. The field work was carried out by Magenta Consulting. • Data was collected throughout Moldova (except in Transnistria) between March 11-25, 2016 through face-to-face interviews at respondents’ homes. • The main sample consisted of 1,500 permanent residents of Moldova older than the age of 18 and eligible to vote with an oversample in the capital Chisinau. It is representative of the general population by age, gender, education, region and size of the settlement. • Multistage probability sampling method was used with the random route and next birthday respondent’s selection procedures. • Stage one: all districts of Moldova are grouped into 11 groups. All regions of Moldova were surveyed. • Stage two: selection of the settlements: cities and villages. o Settlements were selected at random. o The number of selected settlements in each region was proportional to the share of population living in a particular type of the settlement in each region. • Stage three: primary sampling units were described. • The margin of error does not exceed plus or minus 2.8 percent. • Response rate was 50 percent. • Charts and graphs may not add up to 100 percent due to rounding. • The survey was funded by the National Endowment for Democracy. 2 Overwhelming Dissatisfaction with Status -
Public Opinion Survey Residents of Moldova
Public Opinion Survey Residents of Moldova September 2016 Detailed Methodology • The survey was coordinated by Dr. Rasa Ališauskienė from the public opinion and market research company, Baltic Surveys/The Gallup Organization on behalf of the International Republican Institute. The field work was carried out by Magenta Consulting. • Data was collected throughout Moldova (with the exception of Transnistria) between September 1–23, 2016 through face- to-face interviews at respondents’ homes. • The main sample consisted of 1,516 permanent residents of Moldova older than the age of 18 and eligible to vote. The survey also contained an oversample in the capital of Chisinau. It is representative of the general population by age, gender, education, region and size of the settlement. • Multistage probability sampling method was used with the random route and next birthday respondent’s selection procedures. • Stage One: All districts of Moldova are grouped into 11 groups. All regions of Moldova were surveyed. • Stage Two: Selection of the settlements – cities and villages. o Settlements were selected at random. o The number of selected settlements in each region was proportional to the share of population living in a particular type of the settlement in each region. • Stage Three: Primary sampling units were described. • The margin of error does not exceed plus or minus 2.8 percent. • The response rate was 61 percent. • Charts and graphs may not add up to 100 percent due to rounding. • The survey was funded by the National Endowment for Democracy. -
Politica Externă a Republicii Moldova De La Independenţă La Președinţia Lui Vladimir Voronin
Politica externă a Republicii Moldova De la independenţă la președinţia lui Vladimir Voronin Volumul I Ileana Racheru P R M D V V V I Bucureşti, 2020 Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naţionale a României RACHERU, ILEANA Politica externă a Republicii Moldova : de la independenţă la preşedenţia lui Vladimir Voronin / Ileana Racheru. - Bucureşti : Monitorul Oicial R.A., 2020- vol. ISBN 978-606-035-050-7 Vol. 1. - 2020. - Conţine bibliograie. - ISBN 978-606-035-047-7 94 Cuprins INTRODUCERE...................................................................................................................................... 9 Context...................................................................................................................................................... 12 Deruta psihologică și cunoașterea limitată a realităților de politică internațională 12 Politica internă .......................................................................................................................................... 13 Literatura de specialitate și inovația cercetării .......................................................................... 14 Procesul de elaborare a cercetării ..................................................................................................... 15 CAPITOLUL I Concepte, teorii, scheme de analiză. Un model de analiză a politicii externe a Republicii Moldova ........................................................................................................................ 17 Structura metodologică -
Republic of Moldova CONSTITUTIONAL COURT
Republic of Moldova CONSTITUTIONAL COURT JUDGMENT ON THE INTERPRETATION of Article 13, par. (1) of the Constitution in correlation with the Preamble of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence of the Republic of Moldova (Applications No. 8b/2013 and 41b/2013) The judgment may be subject to editorial revision CHIŞINĂU 5 December 2013 JUDGMENT ON THE INTERPRETATION OF ARTICLE 13 PAR. (1) OF THE CONSTITUTION IN CORRELATION WITH THE PREAMBLE OF THE CONSTITUTION AND THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE OF THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA 2 In the name of the Republic of Moldova, Constitutional Court composed of: Mr. Alexandru TĂNASE, President, Mr. Aurel BĂIEŞU, Mr. Igor DOLEA, Mr. Tudor PANŢÎRU, Mr. Victor POPA, Mr. Petru RĂILEAN, judges, with the participation of Mrs. Elena Lupan, registrar given the applications lodged on 26 March and 17 September 2013, registered on the same dates, having examined the applications referred to in a plenary public sitting, given the file documents and proceedings, Delivers the following Judgment: PROCEEDINGS 1. The case originated in the application lodged with the Constitutional Court on 26 March 2013, under Art. 25, par. (1), p.g) of the Law on the Constitutional Court and Art. 38, par. (1), p.g) of the Code of Constitutional Jurisdiction, by, member of Parliament Mrs. Ana Guţu, on the interpretation of Art.13 of the Constitution, which provides: “(1) The State language in the Republic of Moldova is the Moldovan language based on the Latin alphabet. [...]” 2. The author of the application has requested the Constitutional Court to interpret Article 13 of the Constitution, and to explain: – whether he phrase “Moldovan language based on the Latin alphabet” can be semantically equated with the phrase “Romanian language”. -
Public Opinion Survey: Residents of Moldova
Public Opinion Survey: Residents of Moldova May-June 2018 Detailed Methodology • The survey was coordinated by Dr. Rasa Alisauskiene from Baltic Surveys/The Gallup Organization on behalf of the Center for Insights in Survey Research. The field work was carried out by Magenta Consulting. • Data was collected throughout Moldova (with the exception of Transnistria) between May 21 and June 18, 2018 through face-to-face interviews in respondents’ homes. • The sample consisted of 1,517 permanent residents of Moldova aged 18 and older and eligible to vote and is representative of the general population by age, gender, region and settlement size. • Sampling frame: Moldova Statistical Databank. Weighting: Data weighted for 11 regional groups, urban/rural, age and gender. • A multistage probability sampling method was used, with the random route and next birthday respondent selection procedures. Stage one: All districts of Moldova were grouped into 11 groups; all regions (with the exception of Transnistria) were surveyed. Stage two: Selection of the settlements (cities and villages). o Settlements were selected at random. o The number of settlements selected in each region was proportional to the share of population living in the particular type of settlement in each region. Stage three: Primary sampling units were described. • The margin of error does not exceed plus or minus 2.5 percent. • The response rate was 63 percent. • Charts and graphs may not add up to 100 percent due to rounding. • The survey was funded by the United States Agency for -
Moldova, a Major European Success for the Eastern Partnership?
POLICY PAPER European Issue n°186 th 22 november 2010 Moldova, a Major European Success from Florent Parmentier for the Eastern Partnership? PhD, is lecturer in EU enlargement politics at Sciences Po. He contributes to the websites www.euro-power.eu and SUMMARY Moldova is about to hold general elections again after those of April and July 2009. www.moldavie.fr. He has recently The political system entered into political crisis as it was unable to elect a president over the published When Empire Meets past year. However, Moldovan authorities have not missed the opportunity to launch a large set Nationalism. Power Politics in the US and of political and economic reforms. Moldova is now experiencing dynamics which a priori appear Russia, Farnham, Ashgate, 2009 (with positive but which have to be confirmed in the long run. Despite its rather turbulent political Didier Chaudet and Benoît Pélopidas) and landscape, the Moldovan regime now seems to be relatively pluralist and progress has been Moldavie. Les atouts de la francophonie, made notably with regard to the freedom of information. Moreover, relations with the European Paris, Non Lieu, 2010 (Moldova. Union have strengthened to the point that Moldova has seemingly become a test country for The Advantages of Belonging to the the Eastern Partnership. The negotiation of an Association Agreement is now on-going. Finally, French Speaking Community) the Transnistrian conflict, which has remained for many years in stalemate, meets a rising in- terest on the part of Europeans. A changing international landscape, such as an in-the-making rapprochement INTRODUCTION Moldova, a tiny country sandwi- according to three main objectives: stability, pros- ched between Romanian and Ukraine, was neglected perity and security. -
Freedom House, Its Academic Advisers, and the Author(S) of This Report
Moldova By Victor Gotișan Capital: Chisinau Population: 3.5 Million GNI/capita, PPP: $5,670 Source: World Bank World Development Indicators. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 National Democratic 5.75 6.00 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.75 5.75 5.75 Governance Electoral Process 4.00 4.25 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 Civil Society 3.75 3.50 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 Independent Media 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 Local Democratic 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.50 5.50 Governance Judicial Framework 4.50 4.75 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.75 4.75 4.75 5.00 5.00 and Independence Corruption 6.00 6.00 6.00 6.00 5.75 5.75 5.75 6.00 6.00 6.00 Democracy Score 5.07 5.14 4.96 4.89 4.82 4.86 4.86 4.89 4.93 4.93 NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. If consensus cannot be reached, Freedom House is responsible for the final ratings. The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest. -
STATE CAPTURE in the REPUBLIC of MOLDOVA a Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate Schoo
THE PUBLIC HAS NO OUTRAGE LEFT: STATE CAPTURE IN THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Conflict Resolution By Ryan Knight, B.A. Washington, DC April 23, 2019 THE PUBLIC HAS NO OUTRAGE LEFT: STATE CAPTURE IN THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA Ryan Knight, B.A. Thesis Advisors: Molly Inman, Ph.D. and Alan Tidwell, Ph.D. ABSTRACT Since the theft of $1 billion from its economy in 2014, the Republic of Moldova’s nominally pro-European ruling coalition has failed to implement reforms needed to deal with endemic corruption. Instead, power has become increasingly centralized in the hands of controversial oligarch Vladimir Plahotniuc. This thesis tracks Plahotniuc’s consolidation of power and analyzes Moldova’s recent political history to define the unique characteristics of corruption in a small state. ii This thesis is dedicated to Moldovans working for justice. Thank you to all those generous souls who helped along the way. A special thanks to my thesis advisers, Dr. Molly Inman, and Dr. Alan Tidwell, for their patience and support through the writing process. Thank you as well to Igor Ciurea, Stephanie Roland, and Lyndon Allin for their long hours explaining Moldovan politics, to my graduate colleagues and friends, Brian Kerr and Anna Khandros, for their help and support during the writing and research of this thesis. And to my parents, Steve and Dianne, and my sister, Sarah, for their support over the years.