DOCSLIB.ORG

Marking a Limit of Neoliberalism: Democratic Theory, Advertising, and the Classroom

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Marking a Limit of Neoliberalism: Democratic Theory, Advertising, and the Classroom MARKING A LIMIT OF NEOLIBERALISM: DEMOCRATIC THEORY, ADVERTISING, AND THE CLASSROOM A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The School of Continuing Studies and of The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Liberal Studies By John E. Buschman, M.A. Georgetown University Washington, D.C. November 30, 2011 Copyright 2011 by John E. Buschman All Rights Reserved ii MARKING A LIMIT OF NEOLIBERALISM: DEMOCRATIC THEORY, ADVERTISING, AND THE CLASSROOM John Buschman, M.A. Chair: Gerald M. Mara, Ph.D. ABSTRACT This study is a theoretical exercise in the practical use of democratic theory applied to a paradigmatic case of advertising in the public school classroom. It is practical in the sense that it addresses and frames a contemporary public policy and practice via the question, should we care about this, and if so why? Democracies have historically concerned themselves with the purpose and structure of education since their flourishing and continuation depends upon the attributes of democratic citizens. The contemporary neoliberal environment has fostered and spread the market model to shape public institutions, their functioning and purpose, and it is neoliberalism and its intersection with the democratic function of schools and classrooms that is the focus of this study. Advertising has penetrated American society deeply, up to and including advertising in the classroom during required school time. There are empirical and theoretical critiques and concerns about advertising and the young generally, and in the schools specifically, but these have not substantively affected the practice. This study will establish the historical connection between American democratic thinking and education (Chapter 1), the presence of advertising in the schools (Chapter 2), and the iii empirical and theoretical critiques of advertising vis-à-vis the young (Chapter 3). The study will then turn to three resources within democratic theory in order to more deeply interrogate the practice (Chapter 4): Tocqueville (section 4.1), communitarianism (section 4.2), and deliberative democracy (section 4.3). The study concludes with an analysis (Chapter 5) of why this practice is of continuing concern, and may even be extended and protected under neoliberal logics. iv Acknowledgements Conventions such as thesis acknowledgement pages can be exercises in tedium for the reader, so I will try and spare at least some of that by moving quickly from the general to the specific. Boswell said that “A man will turn over half a library to make one book.” We now no longer limit that to “a man,” and we have such substantial resources available to us routinely in good libraries (let alone in research libraries) that we don’t turn half of them over. Nevertheless, what we research and think is shaped by the context in which a library situates the resources we discover, and it is as important what we decide not to include as what we do. Deciding to include something (or not) means it has to be there in the first place. The future of libraries, seemingly ever at issue, was never far from my mind—right along with their enveloping context of education. My goal is that we not distort either beyond recognition in their roles in a democracy. I am grateful to the Liberal Studies committee that accepted my application, and for the support I received along the way here at Georgetown. This thesis had its genesis in the work of many teachers over the years. I would especially like to acknowledge Richard Brosio, Phyllis O’Callaghan, and my committee members Vincent Miller, Francis Ambrosio, and Gerald Mara. I learned a tremendous amount from them, and I could not have asked for better or more incisive guidance than I received from Gerry. He accepted and worked with my premise, and made every page better. v Finally, phrases like “could not have done this without the love and support…” do not suffice in this case. Simply put, the opportunity, the ability, and the reason to write this would not exist without Dorothy, to whom this thesis is dedicated, of course. vi CONTENTS Copyright ii Abstract iii Acknowledgements v Introduction 1 Chapter 1 : Education as a Core Concern of Political Theory 22 Chapter 2 : Advertising in American Public Schools: Framing the Paradigmatic Case of Channel One 58 Chapter 3 : Critiques of Advertising: From the Theoretical to the Empirical 84 Chapter 4 : Three Resources of Analysis and Critique from Democratic Theory: Tocqueville, Communitarianism, and Deliberative Democracy 132 4.1: Tocqueville and the Centrifugal/Centripetal Forces Within America 134 4.2: A Practical Communitarianism 175 4.3: Deliberative Democratic Theory’s Deeper Critique of Neoliberalism and Advertising in the Public School Classroom 214 Chapter 5 : Conclusion: Reasons to Look Ahead 250 References 273 vii Introduction [Political philosophy] cannot, from the very nature of its interests, avoid evaluation; it is thoroughly committed not only to the analysis of, but to conclusions about the validity of, ideas of the good and the bad, the permitted and the forbidden, the harmonious and the discordant problems which any discussion of liberty or justice or authority or political morality is sooner or later bound to encounter. How do we know what is not an adequate programme for human beings in given historical circumstances? --Isaiah Berlin, Does political theory still exist? Advertising in the schools is very prevalent: over 80 percent of American public school students at all levels are subjected to some overt form of advertising directed at them during the school day (Moore 2007). What form does the practice take? Broadly, there are three types: direct advertising (an ad appearing on school walls, book covers, posters, athletic scoreboards, etc.), sponsored educational materials (Exxon’s lesson plan and video on the re-flourishing of Prince William Sound, or Scholastic Inc. sending teaching units on Puerto Rico sponsored by that government to stimulate tourism), and contests, samples and incentive programs (the familiar cereal box-top programs) (Center for Commercial-Free Public Education; France 1996). The practice is expanding: school districts in Minnesota now allow the surfaces of lockers to be used as ad space, and along with Colorado, Arizona, Florida, Tennessee, and Texas, the outside of school buses (Draper 2010; Blankinship 2010). The reason it is happening is universally acknowledged: the schools need the money in a flat or shrinking budget environment (Draper 2010; Blankinship 2010; Macedo 2010; Moore 2007). Moreover, the practice is 1 defended by both businesses and the schools on the basis of the good that funding does, that the information updates and enriches curricular materials and equipment (like updated software), the information (now) promotes healthy behaviors, the materials are heavily filtered by the teachers, and that with these examples in front of the students the schools are probably the best place to teach media and advertising literacy (Macedo 2010; Moore 2007; Austin et al. 2006; Kane and Wynns 1999; France 1996). The arguments against the practice are straightforward: it is marketing, not philanthropy and “advertising in schools exploits a captive audience of schoolchildren; exposure to marketers’ messages should not be compulsory” (Golin in Macedo 2010). Furthermore, the schools are not even getting a good return for the privilege (Blakinship 2010; Moore 2007). Should this state of affairs bother us, and if so why? The question is not as easy to answer as it might seem on its face. The popular argument questions the harm: after all, aren’t American children and adolescents immersed in an environment saturated with advertising already? “It doesn’t offend me, but it’s sort of stupid. They’re ugly” as a high school student put it when questioned about ads on her school’s walls and buses (Weschler 1997, 69; Hoffman 1991). Advertising is simply their environment; its occurrence in the schools represents a mere drop in the bucket. Eliminating it would have little meaningful effect. Conversely, the popular arguments that make the claim that the practice represents a positive good in the form of better services/resources for students at lower costs broadly follow the ascendant neoliberal argument that “markets co-ordinate society more efficiently and effectively than states … can ever hope to because they are dynamic and responsive” (Clarke et al. 2 2007, 3). A recent survey of American mothers found support for an array of advertising practices when it provided materials or support for the school, and opposition only in clear cases where the practice was “intrusive and inescapable” (Dolliver 2009). Those who have critiqued advertising and consumption 1 have in turn been critiqued as elitist: “the baubles of consumerism buy off discontent,” and in “dismissing them as baubles” empty of any aesthetic or political or cultural content, critics assume a “higher” moral or intellectual stance (Schudson 1999, 351-352; 1001; Kahan 2006). The broad phenomena have been defended as the sign of a healthy society or as liberating individualism. Consumer goods can be “authentic sources of both utility and meaning” (Schudson 1999, 352; Twitchell 2000; Wilson 2000; Fiske 2000; Lasch 1993, 1388). The opposite position seems to be arguing “as if it were not a good thing for ordinary men and women to possess useful and beautiful objects (as the rich and powerful have always done)” (Walzer in Schudson 1999, 353). Media, consumption,
Load more

Recommended publications
  • List of Available Videos
    Artist Concert 3 Doors Down Live at the Download Festival 3 Doors Down Live At The Tabernacle 2014 30 Odd Foot Of Grunts Live at Soundstage 30 Seconds To Mars Live At Download Festival 2013 5 Seconds of Summer How Did We End Up Here? 6ft Hick Notes from the Underground A House Live on Stage A Thousand Horses Real Live Performances ABBA Arrival: The Ultimate Critical Review ABBA The Gold Singles Above And Beyond Acoustic AC/DC AC/DC - No Bull AC/DC In Performance AC/DC Live At River Plate\t AC/DC Live at the Circus Krone Acid Angels 101 A Concert - Band in Seattle Acid Angels And Big Sur 101 Episode - Band in Seattle Adam Jensen Live at Kiss FM Boston Adam Lambert Glam Nation Live Aerosmith Rock for the Rising Sun Aerosmith Videobiography After The Fire Live at the Greenbelt Against Me! Live at the Key Club: West Hollywood Aiden From Hell with Love Air Eating Sleeping Waiting and Playing Air Supply Air Supply Live in Toronto Air Supply Live in Hong Kong Akhenaton Live Aux Docks Des Sud Al Green Everything's Going To Be Alright Alabama and Friends Live at the Ryman Alain Souchon J'veux Du Live Part 2 Alanis Morissette Guitar Center Sessions Alanis Morissette Live at Montreux 2012 Alanis Morissette Live at Soundstage Albert Collins Live at Montreux Alberta Cross Live At The ATO Cabin Alejandro Fernández Confidencias Reales Alejandro Sanz El Alma al Aire en Concierto Ali Campbell Live at the Shepherds Bush Empire Alice Cooper AVO Session Alice Cooper Brutally Live Alice Cooper Good To See You Again Alice Cooper Live at Montreux Alice Cooper
    [Show full text]
  • The Restless Liberalism of Alexis De Tocqueville
    FILOZOFIA ___________________________________________________________________________Roč. 72, 2017, č. 9 THE RESTLESS LIBERALISM OF ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE JAKUB TLOLKA, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, UK TLOLKA, J.: The Restless Liberalism of Alexis de Tocqueville FILOZOFIA, 72, No. 9, 2017, pp. 736-747 This essay attempts to contextualise the purported novelty of Alexis de Tocqueville’s particular brand of liberalism. It regards the author not as an heir or precursor to any given political tradition, but rather as a compelled syncretist whose primary philosophical concern was the moral significance of the democratic age. It suggests that Tocqueville devised his ‘new political science’ with a keen view to the existential implications of modernity. In order to support that suggestion, the essay explores the genealogy of Tocqueville’s moral and political thought and draws a relation between his analysis of democracy and his personal experience of modernity. Keywords: A. de Tocqueville – Modernity – Liberalism – Inquiétude – Religion Introduction. Relatively few authors in the history of political thought have produced an intellectual legacy of such overarching resonance as Alexis de Tocqueville. Even fewer, perhaps, have so persistently eluded ordinary analytical and exegetical frameworks, presenting to each astute observer a face so nuanced as to preclude serious interpretive consensus. As writes Lakoff (Lakoff 1998), ‘disagreement over textual interpretation in the study of political thought is not uncommon’. However, ‘it usually arises around those who left writings of a patently divergent character’ (p. 437). When we thus consider the ‘extraordinarily coherent and consistent nature’ of Alexis de Tocqueville’s political philosophy, it appears somewhat odd that the academic consensus surrounding that author relates almost exclusively to the grandeur of his intellectual achievement (Lukacs 1959, 6).
    [Show full text]
  • American Civil Associations and the Growth of American Government: an Appraisal of Alexis De Tocqueville’S Democracy in America (1835-1840) Applied to Franklin D
    City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 2-2017 American Civil Associations and the Growth of American Government: An Appraisal of Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America (1835-1840) Applied to Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal and the Post-World War II Welfare State John P. Varacalli The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/1828 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] AMERICAN CIVIL ASSOCIATIONS AND THE GROWTH OF AMERICAN GOVERNMENT: AN APPRAISAL OF ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE’S DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA (1835- 1840) APPLIED TO FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT’S NEW DEAL AND THE POST-WORLD WAR II WELFARE STATE by JOHN P. VARACALLI A master’s thesis submitted to the Graduate Program in Liberal Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, The City University of New York 2017 © 2017 JOHN P. VARACALLI All Rights Reserved ii American Civil Associations and the Growth of American Government: An Appraisal of Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America (1835-1840) Applied to Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal and the Post World War II Welfare State by John P. Varacalli The manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Liberal Studies in satisfaction of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Arts ______________________ __________________________________________ Date David Gordon Thesis Advisor ______________________ __________________________________________ Date Elizabeth Macaulay-Lewis Acting Executive Officer THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT American Civil Associations and the Growth of American Government: An Appraisal of Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America (1835-1840) Applied to Franklin D.
    [Show full text]
  • Alexis De Tocqueville Chronicler of the American Democratic Experiment
    Economic Insights FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF DALLAS VOLUME 5, NUMBER 1 Alexis de Tocqueville Chronicler of the American Democratic Experiment The Early Years bring Tocqueville fame and honors. In Born in Paris in 1805, Alexis- 1833, about a year after Tocqueville We are pleased to add this piece on Charles-Henri Clérel de Tocqueville returned to France, the report on Alexis de Tocqueville to our series of profiles entered the world in the early and most American prisons, The U.S. Penitentiary powerful days of Napoleon’s empire. System and Its Application in France, that began with Frédéric Bastiat and Friedrich His parents were of the nobility and was published. von Hayek. Both Bastiat and Hayek were had taken the historical family name of Things in France changed for Beau- strong and influential proponents of indi- Tocqueville, which dated from the mont and Tocqueville upon their return early 17th century and was a region after 10 months in America. Both men vidual liberty and free enterprise. While they of France known previously as the left the judiciary. Beaumont was offi- approached those topics from a theoretical Leverrier fief. cially let go, and Tocqueville resigned perspective, Tocqueville’s views on early Tocqueville’s father supported the in sympathetic protest. Tocqueville then French monarchy and played no seri- had ample time to work on his master- American and French democracy were based ous role in public affairs until after piece, Democracy in America. Volume 1 on his keen personal observations and his- Napoleon’s final defeat at Waterloo, was published in 1835.
    [Show full text]
  • The Roots of Modern Conservative Thought from Burke to Kirk Edwin J
    No. 19 The Roots of Modern Conservative Thought from Burke to Kirk Edwin J. Feulner, Ph.D. merica is the most successful and enduring exper- who nurtured the roots with their law and social Aiment in democracy in human history. It has sur- awareness. vived foreign invasion and terrorist attacks, world The roots intertwined with “the Christian under- wars and a civil war, a great depression and not so standing of human duties and human hopes, of man small recessions, presidential assassinations and scan- redeemed,” and were then joined by medieval custom, dals, an adversary culture and even the mass media. It learning, and valor.2 is the most powerful, prosperous, and envied nation The roots were enriched, finally, by two great exper- in the world. iments in law and liberty that occurred in London, What is the source of America’s remarkable suc- home of the British Parliament, and in Philadelphia, cess? Its abundant natural resources? Its hardworking, birthplace of the Declaration of Independence and the entrepreneurial, can-do people? Its fortuitous loca- U.S. Constitution. Kirk’s analysis thus might be called tion midway between Europe and Asia? Its resilient a tale of five cities—Jerusalem, Athens, Rome, London, national will? and Philadelphia. Why do we Americans enjoy freedom, opportunity, Much more could be said about the philosophi- and prosperity as no other people in history have? cal contributions of the Jews, the Greeks, and the In The Roots of American Order, the historian Rus- Romans to the American experience, but I will limit sell Kirk provides a persuasive answer: America is not myself to discuss the roots of modern conservative only the land of the free and the home of the brave, but thought that undergird our nation and which for a place of ordered liberty.
    [Show full text]
  • The Uses of Alexis De Tocqueville's Writings in US Judicial Opinions
    Louisiana State University Law Center LSU Law Digital Commons Book Sections Faculty Scholarship 2008 A Man for All Reasons: The sesU of Alexis de Tocqueville's Writings in U.S. Judicial Opinions Christine Corcos Louisiana State University Law Center, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/book_sections Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Corcos, Christine, "A Man for All Reasons: The sU es of Alexis de Tocqueville's Writings in U.S. Judicial Opinions" (2008). Book Sections. 46. http://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/book_sections/46 This Book Section is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at LSU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Book Sections by an authorized administrator of LSU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A Man for All Reasons: The Uses of Alexis de Tocqueville’s Writing in U S. Judicial Opinions ∗ Christine A. Corcos Before Saul Litvinoff appeared on U. S. shores, another aristocratic comparativist, Alexis de Tocqueville, came to cast a critical yet affectionate eye on this republic. Since I am fond of both of these thinkers, I offer this overview of the judicial uses of the writings of the earlier scholar in appreciation of the later one. I. Introduction The United States has never been given to particular adoration of foreign observers of its mores, who quite often turn out to be critics rather than admirers. Nevertheless, one of its favorite visitors 1 since his one and only appearance on the scene in 1831-1832 2 is the 25-year-old magistrate Alexis de Tocqueville (1805-1859), sent by his government to study penal reform in the new republic.
    [Show full text]
  • Some Remarks on John Stuart Mill's Account of Tocqueville's
    SOME REMARKS ON JOHN STUART MILL’S ACCOUNT OF TOCQUEVILLE’S CONCERN WITH THE MASSES IN DEMOCRATIC SOCIETIES ÁTILA AMARAL BRILHANTE E FRANCISCO JOSÉ SALES ROCHA1 (UFC / Brasil) RESUMO Este artigo mostra que John Stuart Mill e Alexis de Tocqueville defenderam a existência de uma cultu- ra cívica capaz de contribuir para o florescimento da liberdade, da diversidade e impedir as massas de adquirirem um poder impossível de ser controlado. O argumento principal é que, no início da década de 1840, John Stuart Mill incorporou ao seu pensamento político a ideia de Alexis de Tocqueville de que, para que a democracia tenha um adequado funcionamento, o poder das massas deve ser contraba- lançado. Inicialmente, John Stuart Mill tentou encontrar um poder na sociedade para contrabalançar o poder das massas, mas depois ele passou a defender um novo formato para as instituições com o obje- tivo de garantir a presença das minorias educadas no parlamento e, por meio disto, estabelecer o con- fronto de ideias que ele julgava tão necessário para prevenir a tirania das massas. No intento de evitar os excessos da democracia, John Stuart Mill deu maior importância à construção das instituições polí- ticas, enquanto Alexis de Tocqueville enfatizou mais o papel da participação na política local. Apesar disto, a dívida do primeiro para com o pensamento político do segundo é imensa. Palavras-chave: O poder das massas. Controlabilidade. Democracia. J. S. Mill. A. de Tocqueville. ABSTRACT This article shows that both J. S. Mill and Tocqueville favoured a civic culture that supported liberty, diversity and prevented the uncontrolled power of the masses.
    [Show full text]
  • Prospects for Democracy: Individualism/Collectivism As Sources of Association/Community
    CHAPTER THREE PROSPECTS FOR DEMOCRACY: INDIVIDUALISM/COLLECTIVISM AS SOURCES OF ASSOCIATION/COMMUNITY It is a pity that the Federalist Papers, George Washington’s last Address to the Nation, and Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America (Tocqueville 2000) are considered models of political analysis, while starting somewhere in the last half of the 19th century Americans got used to politicians and their advisors spoon-feeding us with pablum instead of analysis. Woodrow Wilson had some responsibility for the failures of democracy in the generation aft er World War I, the rstfi of our many Wars to End All Wars. By telling how easy it is to have a Democracy, he got the Germans to surrender easily enough, without us having to cross the Rhine, then for years aft erward they would elab- orate on “stab in the back” doctrines once they decided they had been tricked and maybe they shouldn’t have surrendered so easily, partly because they discovered that democracy doesn’t really come that easy. It was to a large extent the good sense of European leadership aft er World War II that got at least Western and now Eastern Europe to cooperate, fi nally. We were gracious with our Marshall Plan to rebuild the European economy, and created markets for ourselves at the same time, but our political advice was they thought excessively simple, as it has been throughout the last century. It is the kind which President George W. Bush exemplifi ed with his “Th ey hate us for our freedom” explanation of why so much of the rest of the world is not like us; if only it were so simple life would be a lot easier.
    [Show full text]
  • The Abolition of Emerson: the Secularization of America’S Poet-Priest and the New Social Tyranny It Signals
    THE ABOLITION OF EMERSON: THE SECULARIZATION OF AMERICA’S POET-PRIEST AND THE NEW SOCIAL TYRANNY IT SIGNALS A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government By Justin James Pinkerman, M.A. Washington, DC February 1, 2019 Copyright 2019 by Justin James Pinkerman All Rights Reserved ii THE ABOLITION OF EMERSON: THE SECULARIZATION OF AMERICA’S POET-PRIEST AND THE NEW SOCIAL TYRANNY IT SIGNALS Justin James Pinkerman, M.A. Thesis Advisor: Dr. Richard Boyd, Ph.D. ABSTRACT Motivated by the present climate of polarization in US public life, this project examines factional discord as a threat to the health of a democratic-republic. Specifically, it addresses the problem of social tyranny, whereby prevailing cultural-political groups seek to establish their opinions/sentiments as sacrosanct and to immunize them from criticism by inflicting non-legal penalties on dissenters. Having theorized the complexion of factionalism in American democracy, I then recommend the political thought of Ralph Waldo Emerson as containing intellectual and moral insights beneficial to the counteraction of social tyranny. In doing so, I directly challenge two leading interpretations of Emerson, by Richard Rorty and George Kateb, both of which filter his thought through Friedrich Nietzsche and Walt Whitman and assimilate him to a secular-progressive outlook. I argue that Rorty and Kateb’s political theories undercut Emerson’s theory of self-reliance by rejecting his ethic of humility and betraying his classically liberal disposition, thereby squandering a valuable resource to equip individuals both to refrain from and resist social tyranny.
    [Show full text]
  • The Constitution and the Other Constitution
    William & Mary Bill of Rights Journal Volume 10 (2001-2002) Issue 2 Article 3 February 2002 The Constitution and The Other Constitution Michael Kent Curtis Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the First Amendment Commons Repository Citation Michael Kent Curtis, The Constitution and The Other Constitution, 10 Wm. & Mary Bill Rts. J. 359 (2002), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj/vol10/iss2/3 Copyright c 2002 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj THE CONSTITUTION AND THE OTHER CONSTITUTION Michael Kent Curtis* In this article,Professor Michael Kent Curtisexamines how laws thatshape the distributionof wealth intersect with and affectpopularsovereigntyandfree speech and press. He presents this discussion in the context of the effect of the Other Constitutionon The Constitution. ProfessorCurtis begins by taking a close-up look at the current campaignfinance system and the concentrationof media ownership in a few corporate bodies and argues that both affect the way in which various politicalissues arepresented to the public, ifat all. ProfessorCurtis continues by talking about the origins of our constitutional ideals ofpopular sovereignty and free speech andpressand how the centralizationof economic power has limited the full expression of these most basic of democratic values throughout American history. Next, he analyzes the Supreme Court's decision in Buckley v. Valeo, the controlling precedent with respect to the constitutionality of limitations on campaign contributions. Finally, ProfessorCurtis concludes that the effect of the Other Constitution on The Constitution requires a Television Tea Party and a government role in the financingofpolitical campaigns.
    [Show full text]
  • Lesson Plan Template
    Museum of Contemporary Photography Curriculum Development Project Funded by the Terra Foundation Lesson Plan Template Name: Mr. Ozni Torres School: Ogden International High School LESSON TITLE Imaging Democracy through Action GRADE LEVELS 11/12th Grade Civics; Political Science NUMBER OF INSTRUCTIONAL MINUTES 200 minutes; 4 50-minute class periods OVERARCHING THEME Identify a topic or recurring idea that drives the focus of the lesson. The nature of democracy; Citizenship as an active duty. CONTENT FOCUS This unit can serve as a summative project for students studying the nature of American democracy and/or history. Students will engage in close reading exercises of both works of visual art and written material. The goal is to get students to think about how images and words convey ideas, and specifically, how selected images and texts support the thesis that a vibrant democracy requires the active participation of its citizens. Students are then tasked with creating a photograph that captures democracy through the actions of citizens working to better their community. This unit will support Common Core Reading and Writing Standards as listed below, providing opportunities to engage meaningfully with complex texts in varied formats and to work toward an alternative form of assessment that is accessible to students at different levels of achievement. Museum of Contemporary Photography Curriculum Development Project Funded by the Terra Foundation ART ANALYSIS List the names of artist(s) and titles of their artwork that students will do close reading exercises on. Artist Work of Art John Trumbull 12’ X 18’ 1818 Rotunda; U.S. Capitol D eclaration of Independence Paul Shambroom 2’9” X 5’6” 1999 Museum of Contemporary Photography Markl e, IN (pop.
    [Show full text]
  • Passions, Doux Commerce, Interest Properly Understood: from Adam Smith to Alexis De Tocqueville and Beyond Andreas Hess [email protected]
    FORUM Passions, doux commerce, interest properly understood: From Adam Smith to Alexis de Tocqueville and beyond Andreas Hess [email protected] Back to the future: Smith’s Theory of Moral Sentiments Sometimes the changing perceptions of classic books and their authors tell a larger, often more complex, story. So it is with Adam Smith’s Theory of Moral Sentiments (TMS). TMS was Smith’s first and last book. Having gone through five editions—the last one being prepared almost from the deathbed—, its various editions sandwiched his other classic book, The Wealth of Nations (WN) for which Smith became a household name. Today Smith is first and foremost identified as one of the founding fathers of political economy, a fact that is perhaps no better expressed than by the Bank of England’s twenty pound note, showing the man and paying reference to WN. Such was the perception of Smith—until the onslaught of the current economic crisis. As the current interest and wave of recent reception and scholarship makes clear, Adam Smith is making an unexpected comeback. What is new is that over the last ten years, and pretty much overlapping with the current economic crisis, the talk is now less about Smith the political economist and author of WN, or about political economy or the benefits of open markets and commercial activities, than about Adam Smith the moral philosopher and his ground breaking TMS. It seems that scholars have begun to discover and excavate the ‘real’ Adam Smith, the moral philosopher who wrote about sociability, virtuous behaviour and sympathy and who reasoned that these features must not necessarily be seen in contradiction to, but rather helped to embed market relations, commercial activities and pursuit of self-interest for the purpose of the common wealth.
    [Show full text]