The Concern of This Paper Is with the Transformations Which Occur When
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Bringing Together Somali Civil Society in the Quest for Peace” Civil Society Meeting Entebbe, 11-13 March 2008
“Bringing together Somali civil society in the quest for peace” Civil society meeting Entebbe, 11-13 March 2008 Introduction From 11-13 March 2008, over 150 leaders of Somali civil society gathered at the Imperial Beach Resort Hotel in Entebbe, Uganda. The group included: Somali NGOs, business leaders, professional associations, women’s groups, religious leaders, academics, the media, and traditional leaders. Almost half of the group are members of the Somali expatriate community, who travelled from as far afield as Australia, Canada and Scandinavia. It has been an unprecedented gathering of such a wide-ranging and influential group of civil society. The prospect of recovery and peace-building in Somalia rests in large part on civil society, which can be a catalyst for social, political and economic change. The purpose of this meeting was two-fold: first, to foster a more collective voice among the diverse sectors and groups of Somali civil society, both those living within Somalia and those living outside; and second, to begin to build consensus among this group on how the Somali civil society can most effectively and constructively contribute to peace-building in Somalia. Discussion was intense and animated over the three days of meetings, both in plenary session, and in the various working groups on, for instance, the role of women, the business community, and of the diaspora in peace-building. The meeting was also attended by selected representatives of the international community who had the opportunity to interact with the wide range of Somali participants. Despite the intensive nature of the meeting, with side sessions continuing late into the evenings, the atmosphere throughout was cordial and constructive, generating a spirit of hope and empowerment in the midst of the challenges faced by the Somali people. -
Final Report of the Somali Interactive Radio Instruction Program
final rePort of the Somali interactive radio instruction Program Place pull quote here damwf lkars hifas lacsdef acs dfleas dfl sayd f askdef pasdfy hifas lacsdef acs dfleas dfl sayd f askdef pasdfy Final RePoRt of the Somali interactive radio inStruction Program i Contents Chapter 1. executive summary ................................................................................................. 1 Chapter 2. introduction .......................................................................................................... 4 Chapter 3.achievements of the somali interactive Radio instruction Program ..........................8 3.1 Tangible results: siRiP helped somali children learn more. .....................................8 3.1.1 enrollment numbers .............................................................................................................. 8 3.1.2 learning gains: 2007 student assessment ........................................................................ 9 3.1.3 learning gains: 2010-2011 student assessment................................................................10 3.2 Expanding opportunity: siRiP provided access to learning and educational resources where there were none. .............................................. 12 3.2.1 enrollment of out-of-school, idP, and marginalized learners ...................................... 13 3.2.2 enrollment in SiriP-supported Quranic schools ............................................................ 13 3.2.3 addressing gender equity ................................................................................................. -
Editorial: the Mad Mullah Revisited
Home | Contact us | Links | Archives | Search Issue 570-- 29th Dec 2012 - 4th Jan, 2013 Editorial: The Mad Mullah Revisited Abdirahman Farah ‘Barwaqo’s latest book “Sooyaal: Ina Cabdalla Xasan Ma Sheekh Bu Ahaa Mise…?” is on Muhammad Abdille Hassan and starts with an intriguing title. It asks the question whether Muhammad Abdille Hassan was a religious sheikh or something else. That something else is not spelled out in the title and is left to the reader to guess. The implication is that by reading the book one will find the answer. One however, does not have to get too far into reading the book to know the answer which is that Muhammad Abdille was far from being a sheikh, and was in fact a ruthless killer who consistently violated Islamic principles as well as basic human morality. Mr. Barwaaqo builds the case against Muhammad Abdille Hassan in a very methodical fashion beginning with showing how the people of Berbera initially welcomed him and helped him settle there but when he started making provocative claims and they found out that his religious knowledge was deficient they rejected him and that was why he left Berbera. Mr. Barwaqo also compares Muhammad Abdille Hassan with other Somali religious leaders and finds him wanting by showing that while Sheikh Madar and his fellow members of the Qadiriya Sufi order at Jameecoweyn laid the basis of the city of Hargeysa and established the first Somali city that was governed according to Islamic law, and while other religious leaders such as Yusuf al- Kawnayn, Sheikh Ibrahim Abdalle Mayal, Sheikh Muhammad Abdi Makahil, Sheikh Abdirahman Sheikh Nur, and Sheikh Uweys Bin Muhammad al-Barawi contributed to Somali knowledge by devising orthographies, Muhammad Abdille Hassan was busy bringing death and destruction to Somalis. -
The Mad Mullah of Somaliland
DAMAGE BOOK His EXCELLENCY SIR GEOFFREY FRANCIS ARCHER, K.C.M.G. THE MAD MULLAH OF SOMALILAND THETMAD MULLAH OF SOMALILAND BY DOUGLAS JARDINE, O.B.E. (SECRETARY TO THE ADMINISTRATION, SOMALILAND, I916-21) WITH A FOREWORD BY THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE VISCOUNT MILNER, K.G., G.C.B. WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS HERBERT JENKINS LIMITED 3 YORK STREET • ST. JAMES'S LONDON S.W.i & & MCMXXIII — Printed in England by Wyman & Sons Ltd., London, Reading and Fakenham INSCRIBED WITH AFFECTION AND RESPECT TO HIS, EXCELLENCY SIR GEOFFREY FRANCIS ARCHER, K.C.M.G., HIS MAJESTY'S REPRESENTATIVE IN SOMALILAND FROM I914 TO I922 TO WHOM THE DOWNFALL OF DERVISHISM AND THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF BRITISH PRESTIGE IN SOMALILAND IS PRIMARILY DUE. FOREWORD BY THE RT. HON. THE VISCOUNT MILNER, K.G., G.C.B., G.C.M.G. HE fashion of " forewords" is perhaps being somewhat overdone. I am afraid myself of becoming an offender in this respect. T But in the present case I have a special justification. For during my tenure of the Colonial Office I had great anxieties about Somaliland, and it was in my time, in the autumn of 1919, that the last expedition against the " Mad Mullah" was undertaken. I well remember the reluctance of the Government to sanction that expedition, for the thought of a fresh war, on however small a scale, was abhorrent to all of us. And in view of our growing financial difficulties, the cost of the expedition, which, to judge from previous experi ence, might last for months and involve the expen diture of several millions, presented a formidable difficulty. -
Documentation II COW 1.0.Doc]
September 2004 References updated and minor corrections, October 2005 Monitoring Trends in Global Combat: A New Dataset of Battle Deaths Documentation of Coding Decisions II: Correlates of War Data Bethany Lacina 1 Centre for the Study of Civil War (CSCW) International Peace Research Institute, Oslo (PRIO) 1 Bethany Lacina ( [email protected] ) is the John A. and Cynthia Fry Gunn Graduate Fellow of political science at Stanford University. She completed this project as a research assistant at the Centre for the Study of Civil War, PRIO. 1 Acknowledgements and a Note on Citations and Copyrights The work reported here has been carried out in collaboration with a number of colleagues at the Centre for the Study of Civil War, the Uppsala Conflict Data Project, and the Centre for Human Security, Liu Centre for Global Issues, University of British Columbia. Glenn Martin and Ragnhild Nordås deserve special thanks for their careful editing of these materials. This work has been funded mainly by the Research Council of Norway, with additional contributions from the Centre for Human Security. Users of the battle deaths dataset should cite the article in which the data are presented: Bethany Lacina & Nils Petter Gleditsch, 2005. ‘Monitoring Trends in Global Combat: A New Dataset of Battle Deaths’, European Journal of Population 21(2–3): 145–166. Users of this dataset should contact Bethany Lacina ([email protected]) with comments or corrections. For permission to make extensive use of their materials would like to thank the Centre for Human Security, Liu Centre for Global Issues, University of British Columbia; Project Ploughshares; Juan Fernando Giraldo; Enric Martínez-Herrera, Jorge Restrepo; Michael Spagat; the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute; the Uppsala University Conflict Data Project; and Juan F. -
An Appraisal of the 'Dervish State' in Northern Somalia (1899-1920)
An appraisal of the ‘Dervish state’ in northern Somalia (1899-1920) By Markus V. Hoehne University of Leipzig May 13, 2014 ___________________________________________________________________________ The Somali Dervish ‘state’ was related to the Dervish uprising, that shook the British Protectorate and other parts of northern and also partly southern Somalia between 1899 and 1920. A ‘state’ implies a minimum of centralised and institutionalised power (i.e., a government), a territory and a population. The Somali Dervish state indeed featured a clear centralised governance structure, with Sayid Mohamed Abdille Hassan on top. The Sayid (which is an honorary title; the British called him ‘Mad Mullah’) was surrounded by a group of trusted commanders and advisors who were members of the Dervish council (in Somali called khusuusi). Together, the Sayid and the council controlled the military units. Islamic judges had the task of upholding law and order among the Dervishes and their kin. But clearly, Mohamed Abdille Hassan had the power to take the final decision in all matters he deemed important. The Somali Dervish state never had a clearly demarcated territory. The Dervishes operated between different temporary local centres (e.g., Aynabo, Buuhoodle, Eyl, Taleeh) in northern Somalia and, for a shorter period, had also stations in central Somalia such as Beledweyn. When confronted with superior colonial forces, their usual strategy was to retreat to the sparsely inhabited and arid hinterland. Also the population of the Somali Dervish state fluctuated. It consisted largely of the close patrilineal relatives and wives of the followers of Sayid Mohamed Abdille Hassan. Only temporarily did the Dervishes establish more permanent centres of power and ruled over larger areas. -
Magool: the Inimitable Nightingale of Somali Music
Magool: The Inimitable Nightingale of Somali Music Bashir Goth Man u saaray May arooryaad iyo Ma mooday Magool kaliileed I. True to these seminal lines of Yusuf Xaji Adan Qabile, Magool has blos- somed ever since, destined to enthrall the Somali-speaking peoples of the Horn of Africa and beyond with her captivating voice over the next forty-plus years…never to be silenced as long as a person who speaks Somali lives on the face of the earth. On March 25, 2004, when Magool’s remains were being laid to rest amid one of the largest funeral congregations that Mogadishu has ever seen, I was in Dubai conducting interviews about her with a small group of Somali artists. The group was led by Ali Sugulle, a renowned playwright and a man who along with Sahardid Mohamed Elmi (Jabiye) was instrumental in making Magool an icon by giving her lead roles in a series of plays in the 1960s. The cohort included Ahmed Yaasin, a former Waaberi singer; Ahmed Mohamed Guutaale, a former Waaberi actor; and Jaama Ahmad Ibrahim (Baqayo), a former Djiboutian actor. In an effort to compile this article about the life and musical legacy of Magool, I subsequently spoke to Sahardid Mohamed Elmi (Jabiye), a celebrated playwright and lyricist; Mohamed Adan Da’ar, a famous singer and lyricist; Hassan Haji Abdullahi (Hassan Ganey), a play- wright and poet; Shamis Abokor (Guduudo Arwo), the first woman whose songs were publicly played on Radio Hargeisa; Hibo Mohamed (Hibo-Nuura), a celebrated former Waaberi singer who co-acted in many plays with Magool; Saeed Mohamed Harawo and Abdulkarim 1 Bildhaan Vol. -
Somalia Media and Telecoms Landscape Guide January 2012
Somalia Media and Telecoms Landscape Guide January 2012 1 Index Page Introduction................................................................................................... 3 Media overview............................................................................................ 11 Radio overview………..................................................................................20 Radio stations..............................................................................................22 TV overview..................................................................................................54 TV stations....................................................................................................56 Print media overview....................................................................................63 Main newspapers..........................................................................................64 Online media ................................................................................................70 Traditional channels of communication.....................................................76 Media resources...........................................................................................78 Telecoms overview.................................................................................. ....85 Telecoms companies...................................................................................89 2 1. Introduction Somalia has been without effective central government since 1991. Since -
The War Renewed and the Battle of Dul Madoba
Chapter Ten The War Renewed and the Battle of Dul Madoba Woe to the conqueror! Our limbs shall lie as cold as theirs Of whom his sword bereft us, Ere we forget the deep arrears Of vengeance they have left us!1 Thomas Moore n 8 April 1910 The Times published a letter to the Editor from its own unnamed Military Correspondent. This correspondent was Lieutenant Colonel Charles à Court Repington, CMG. Repington’s brilliant military career had been ended by a Oscandal. A married man, he had apparently had not a few extra marital liaisons, in the pursuit of which he was hardly exceptional for one of his class, the Prince of Wales setting an example to the ‘Fast Set’. However, one such was formed with the wife of a brother officer; on discovery, he had signed a formal agreement never to communicate with her again – and he had broken the agreement – although there were other circumstances, including the ill-treatment of the lady in question, which clouded the issue and in his eyes exculpated him. Be that as it may, the army lost a very talented officer, his clubs lost a paying member, and The Times gained a very able military correspondent. The letter was headed ‘The Scuttle from Somaliland’, which Repington referred to as ‘one of the most deplorable acts ever committed by a British Government’. ‘…It is clearly shown’, he wrote, ‘that the Mullah bluffed the King’s Government out of a country mis-named a protectorate, caused Ministers to remove their troops in headlong flight to the coast, and caused them to desert tribes, very numerous in the aggregate, who are now suffering in their properties and their persons for their misplaced confidence in the “gracious favour and protection of Her Majesty the Queen – Empress” which they were promised by treaty.’ He continued: There is some evidence in their words, but not in their acts, that the King’s Ministers cared anything for the fate of these unfortunate people. -
No Redress: Somalia's Forgotten Minorities
report No redress: Somalia’s forgotten minorities by Martin Hill A Bantu girl inside her family home, Mudug, Puntland. Petterik Wiggers/Panos. Acknowledgements MRG is grateful for the cooperation and interest of numerous This report is part of an MRG project to secure protection international and Somali organizations and individuals who and promote fundamental freedoms of vulnerable minorities were consulted or interviewed for this report, and especially in Somalia, funded by the European Union under the Somali minority organizations and minority interviewees. European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights, and by Irish Aid. The objective of the project is to strengthen the Commissioning Editor and Project Coordinator: Marusca monitoring and advocacy capacity of Somali civil society Perazzi. Report Editor: Helen Kinsella. Production organizations and human rights activists representing coordinator: Kristen Harrison. Typesetting: Kavita Graphics. vulnerable minorities, and promote their public participation at local, national and international levels. The contents of this The author report are the sole responsibility of MRG, and can under no Martin Hill is an independent consultant. He holds a PhD in circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the Social Anthropology from the London School of Economics. European Union or Irish Aid. He was Researcher on the Horn of Africa for Amnesty International from 1976 to 2008, and Visiting Fellow of the MRG’s local implementation partner is the Somali Minority Institute of Commonwealth Studies, University of London, Rights and Aid Forum (SOMRAF), a Somali not-for-profit for several years. human rights, aid and development organization based in Nairobi with presence in Somalia, Somaliland, Djibouti and Minority Rights Group International Ethiopia. -
In Most Primitive Societies We Find That the Social Unit Is a Small One, The
THE INTER-ACTION OF VARIOUS SYSTEMS OF LAW AND CUSTOM IN BRITISH SOMALILAND AND THEIR RELATION WITH SOCIAL LIFE.· By CAPTAIN A. C. A. WRIGHT. In most primitive societies we find that the social unit is a small one, the extended family, i.e., father, mother, children, and cousins up to the third or fourth degree. The extended family is held together by bonds of economic necessity. A group this size is the optimum unit for maintaining itself under difficult natural conditions particularly with a limited water• supply and sparse grazing. Outside this there is no security. In such societies the system of law is dual; one for regulating actions within the group, which is on an individual basis of reciprocity of gifts and services; the second, for persons outside the extended family, is a pattern of behaviour dependent on the idea that each family acts as one, and has a group identity. Between these family groups behaviour is regulated on the same idea of reciprocity, good for good, evil for evil; but, while within the family there is always the sanction of expul• sion (which is equivalent to death) if a member will not accept the opinion of his family elders as to what is right; outside the family, there is no such sanction. In a wide empty country, where wandering groups are not forced into close contact with one another, this is not serious. Amities and enmities persist for generations, and form a readily understandable pattern, with a system of marriage exchange on one side and mutslers economic grounds to remain permanently at enmity, an 0 a mechanismon the others.of settlement.As groups develop,develops, it whichis oftenis inconveni'ean atte' onto "'This paper is the result of six months' field work from December. -
The Case of the BBC Somali Service
Debating Somali Identity in a British Tribunal: The Case of the BBC Somali Service Abdi Ismail Samatar I. Introduction The Somali Peace Conference sponsored by the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD), held in Kenya in 2003–05, was dominated by warlords and partisan mediators.1 It endorsed a political strategy whose objective has been to recreate Somalia as a clan-based federation. Advocates of this approach claim that such a dispensation will approximate the society’s pre-colonial tradition and therefore has the best chance of restoring peace. An argument put forward in sup- port of this agenda is that Somalia’s former governments, particularly the military junta, misused public power by favoring and rewarding certain genealogical groups.2 Proponents contend that formally and openly using genealogical divisions as a basis for distributing public appointments and resources will prevent future clanist favoritism. This approach to political reconstruction mimics Ethiopia’s seemingly novel political project, which divided the country into nine “ethnic prov- inces” in 1991.3 In the case of Ethiopia, the presumed rationale for this political strategy was to overcome past domination of the state by one ethnic group, rather than to revert to an old tradition. The imposition of Amharic culture and language on Oromos, Somalis, Afars, the people of the southern region, and other groups throughout the state—and the denial of their human rights—rationalized re-engineering the new order. The challenge for Ethiopia post-1991 has been how to undo past subjugation without reifying cultural differences politically.4 Dividing each country into administrative units based on ethnic belonging, the 36 Abdi Ismail Samatar proponents argue, will promote democracy and produce a civic order in which no one ethnic group or clan dominates others.