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Home , Alec Ryrie, Edward Whitchurch, Matthew Parker, Metrical psalter, Myles Coverdale, Thomas Bilney

Yale Journal of & Religion

Volume 6 Number 1 Article 3

“That Hart May Sing in Corde:” Defense of Music in the Psalm Paraphrases of

Sonja G. Wermager Columbia University

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Recommended Citation Wermager, Sonja G. () "“That Hart May Sing in Corde:” Defense of Church Music in the Psalm Paraphrases of Matthew Parker," Yale Journal of Music & Religion: Vol. 6: No. 1, Article 3. DOI: https://doi.org/10.17132/2377-231X.1161

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by EliScholar – A Digital Platform for Scholarly Publishing at Yale. It has been accepted for inclusion in Yale Journal of Music & Religion by an authorized editor of EliScholar – A Digital Platform for Scholarly Publishing at Yale. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “That Hart May Sing in Corde:” Defense of Church Music in the Psalm Paraphrases of Matthew Parker

Cover Page Footnote My thanks to the Inner Temple Library, Union Theological Seminary Special Collections, Eric Lund, the reviewers of this article, and most of all to Dr. Jonathan Willis for his guidance on this project.

This article is available in Yale Journal of Music & Religion: https://elischolar.library.yale.edu/yjmr/vol6/iss1/3 “That Hart May Sing in Corde” Defense of Church Music in the Psalm Paraphrases of Matthew Parker Sonja Wermager

In a 1564 letter to the English statesman theological impetus underpinning Parker’s William Cecil, musical policy as archbishop. From where Matthew Parker proudly reported on his did his commitment to music originate? recent reception of a delegation of French Why did Parker fight for the place of music ambassadors, describing to Cecil how in the liturgy at a time when many English the visitors “seemed to be glad, that in Protestants called for the simplification, or ministration of our Common Prayer and even prohibition, of music in church services? Sacraments we use such reverent mediocrity, A close examination of one of Parker’s poetic and that we did not expel musik out of works suggests that his actions as archbishop our quires, telling them that our musik concerning musical matters extended from drowned not the principal regard of our a deeply held conviction regarding music’s prayers.”1 The celebration of mediocrity capacity, when duly moderated, to move the might seem surprising to the modern-day soul toward devotion to God. In this article reader, but Parker wrote at a time when I contend that a rich vision of this musical “mediocrity” meant not averageness, but commitment can be found in his poetic rather moderation.2 There is perhaps no psalm paraphrases, published in 1567 better word than moderation to describe as The whole translated into English the quest of Parker’s tenure as archbishop . The art of paraphrasing was of Canterbury, when he sought to steer the simultaneously scholarly and personal. As course of the nascent Church of Rivkah Zim has pointed out, paraphrasing at a particularly volatile time. As one of involved balancing the personal voice of the the chief architects of the Elizabethan paraphraser with that of the original author. Settlement, Parker used the power of his In Zim’s words, “every imitation is a new position, sometimes forcefully, to ensure work: a re-creation or a transposition, but moderation, balance, and harmony in all never a reproduction, because every imitator aspects of ecclesiastical practice, including is an individual.” 3 By operating in a genre music in the liturgy. Indeed, Parker’s letter that allowed for a great deal of poetic license, to Cecil demonstrates his pride in crafting Parker carefully negotiated between strict a policy that retained music as a prominent translation and personal interpretation in part of Anglican liturgy, yet still guarded order to advance a theological justification against elements of excess feared by many for the inclusion of music in liturgy Protestants of the time. during an era when vocal polyphony and As one of the leading figures in instrumental music in sacred settings Elizabethan England, Parker has received fomented the suspicion of many Protestant substantial scholarly attention. Yet analyses reformers. Indeed, Parker himself was of his involvement in musical questions wary of immoderate music making. Yet tend to focus on his policy rather than rather than dismiss music for its potential theology. This study seeks to explore the spiritual dangers, in this volume he offered

38 Yale Journal of Music & Religion Vol. 6, No. 1 (2020) a guide for how to use music responsibly in values during the reign of . The . Themes of moderation, modesty, genre became popular in part because and self-regulation weave throughout the sixteenth-century reformers and worshippers versifications, offering a guide for using saw the Psalms as a microcosm of the , music in a devotional manner in addition to a common view encapsulated in Thomas justifying sung praise. Analysis of Parker’s East’s assertion, found in the introduction paraphrases in comparison with the poetic to his 1594 collection of metrical psalmody, versifications and of his that “The Psalmes of Dauid are a Paraphrasis contemporaries highlights Parker’s defense of the Scriptures: they teach vs thankfulnesse, of church music as a central mode of prayer, and all the duties of a for the average English Protestant. whatsoeuer.”4 similarly praised Furthermore, comparison of the printed the Book of Psalms, declaring that it 1567 text with Parker’s manuscript held at represented “the Anatomy of all parts of the the Inner Temple Library in reveals soul.”5 Critically for Protestants, the Psalms that in editing the volume for publication, seemingly justified sung performance of the Parker often chose explicitly musical text, due to their association with King David terms for the printed version. In so doing, and his harp. Thus, the implied biblical the archbishop provided foundational justification of singing psalms, as opposed justification for establishing a central role to simply reciting them, ameliorated fears of for music in Anglican liturgy, harnessing all musical excess. Singing the simultaneously the tools of his humanist training and the personal and universal words of the Book authority of his position to offer a model of Psalms had great spiritual significance for personal and communal devotion that for Protestants in early modern England, celebrated music’s ability to spiritually bridging the spheres of personal devotion enrich while simultaneously warning and communal worship and becoming a against its misuse. marker of Protestant identity.6 Yet music was nevertheless a fraught Psalms issue during the Reformation. Especially in By the time Parker published his version Calvinist thought, music had the potential of the Psalter, metrical psalmody had to lift the soul to God but also to tempt into already become an integral part of English distraction and sin. Drawing on centuries of Protestant practice and identity. The psalms anxiety about the appropriate role of music had been a pivotal part of Christian worship in church worship, the sixteenth-century for centuries, but during the struggled within and among Reformation they gained central significance themselves to find music that would inspire in worship and inspired a burgeoning musical genuine devotion rather than lure into worldly genre, complete with a of melodically sensuousness. Unison metrical psalmody, simple, monophonic tunes to be sung in sanctioned by Calvin and promoted in unison by congregations. Adopted from England by the returning Marian exiles in the French practice and honed by the Marian , emerged as a popular solution because exiles during their years in continental of the genre’s scriptural text and musical Europe, English metrical psalmody evolved simplicity. Polyphonic and instrumental into a musical expression of Protestant styles, in contrast, came under attack not only

Yale Journal of Music & Religion Vol. 6, No. 1 (2020) 39 because of their association with Catholicism During the Reformation, theologians and the fear of music’s capacity to lull continued to struggle with Augustine’s listeners into sensuousness, but also because grappling with music’s simultaneous dense musical textures meant obfuscation of potential for sensuality and religiosity. the sacred Word—a point of critical concern Their conclusions formed an extensive for Protestant reformers. spectrum of opinions under the umbrella of The anxiety about the pleasures and .10 embraced a perils of music that proliferated during the wide range of music making as a God-given Reformation can perhaps be best understood gift, leading him to declare, “Next to the through the spiritual struggles of Word of God, music deserves the highest (354–430 c.e.). One of praise.”11 The fact that he coopted secular the most influential of the ,7 tunes, retained Latin text in some instances, Augustine admitted in his Confessions that and supported both polyphonic and he sometimes wished “to banish all the instrumental music in sacred music settings melodies and sweet chants commonly used speaks to his comparatively permissive for David’s Psalter from my ears and from stance on the issue. John Calvin also praised the Church as well.”8 However, although music, but, fearing its corruptive potential, he viewed these melodies as a distraction settled on psalms as the most scripturally from the sacred text, the recollection of his and aesthetically appropriate form of own conversion experience made him pause musical praise.12 While Luther encouraged before taking such drastic action: polyphonic and instrumental music, Calvin considered only unison purpose-composed Nevertheless, when I remember the tears which I poured out at the time when I tunes of a certain “weight and majesty” to 13 was first recovering my faith, and that be a suitable musical setting for the Psalms. now I am moved not by the chant but On the more ascetic side, by the words being sung, when they and Heinrich Bullinger viewed music, like are sung with a clear voice and entirely artwork and ceremonies, as a distraction appropriate modulation, then again I from the core components of worship.14 recognize the great utility of music in Although the musical views of these worship.9 key continental reformers significantly Augustine’s admission foreshadowed the influenced the Reformation in England, the profoundly conflicted feelings of many English Protestants lacked a clear, unified sixteenth-century reformers toward music. position on the question of church music. On the one hand, Augustine feared the Robin Leaver has explored the possibility power of sound to distract from sacred that the extensive variety of views on musical words. On the other, he had first-hand matters in the English sphere might be traced experience of music’s ability to move the soul to the fact that Archbishop of Canterbury toward God. His uneasy compromise relied , unlike his counterparts on textual clarity and “entirely appropriate on the continent, did not advocate specific modulation,” implying moderation and guidelines on musical matters.15 This self-control in sung praise—a middle way position, perhaps strategically ambiguous that Matthew Parker would likewise seek to for the purpose of uniting a variety of discern in his psalm versifications. English Protestants under the aegis of the

40 Yale Journal of Music & Religion Vol. 6, No. 1 (2020) nascent Anglican Church, created space for terms signifying transgression—“abused,” a plethora of opinions among the English “disfiguring,” “wanton”— exemplifies many reformers as to the potential benefit or evil of his fellow reformers’ fears of uncontrolled of music in communal worship. or improper music in the context of the The reformer and Bible translator worship service. Miles Coverdale, whose Lutheran-inspired The type of music to which Whittingham collection of Goostly psalmes and likely referred was polyphony—both vocal spirituall songes became contraband upon its and instrumental. Organs, instruments, and circulation in the 1540s, believed in music’s elaborate polyphonic vocal music were all ability to instruct and inspire when sung associated with feast days, which by the congregation in a simple, accessible kindled the ire of Protestant reformers style.16 Other English reformers, however, who opposed such celebrations. Texturally shared Augustine’s fears of music’s potential complex musical practices conjured fears to distract. The Protestant reformer John about music’s potential to lure the mind Bradford wrote of music’s power to pull and soul away from the all-important text. the mind “from consideration of the thing For these reasons, many English reformers . . . unto the melody.”17 In a movement like became antagonistic toward polyphony and the Protestant Reformation that valued instrumental music in church. Polyphony text above all else, this was a particularly began to disappear in the majority of parish troubling prospect. Similar fears were churches, for practical as much as ideological expressed in the 1558 forme of Prayers, reasons. Even before the suppression of produced by the Scottish reformer John in 1547, polyphonic performance Knox and his community of exiles in Geneva. became difficult to sustain in most churches In the preface to this volume, biblical scholar of moderate means.19 Yet one of the few and Marian exile William Whittingham church communities to protect its choral called music “a gift of God so precious or foundation until the bitter end was Stoke excellent,” but qualified this praise with a by Clare, where future Archbishop of warning: Canterbury Matthew Parker served as dean.20 [Satan] hath most impudently abused this notable gift of singing, chieflie by Parker’s Musical Policy the papistes, his ministers, in disfiguring it, partly by strange language that can not When Matthew Parker arrived in edifie: and partly by a curious wanton in 1520, the university town sort, hyering men to tickle the eares and was already reeling from the first waves flatter the fantasies, not esteeming it of the Reformation. Although Parker had as a gift approued by the word of God, received a traditional Catholic education as 18 profitable for the church. a young man, evidence suggests that while The issue for Whittingham was not only studying at Cambridge he felt drawn to Latin language and its Catholic associations, the religious provocations emerging from but also the nature of the music itself, Europe. He achieved such success as a especially how it could entice and distract the preacher and academic that he captured the senses when practiced in an unholy manner. attention of the evangelical-minded Queen Specifically, Whittingham’s striking use of , who appointed him one of her

Yale Journal of Music & Religion Vol. 6, No. 1 (2020) 41 chaplains in 1535. 21 Although Parker held Bucer’s emphasis on the biblical justifica- a number of additional positions before tion for sung praise resonated strongly with being appointed archbishop of Canterbury, Parker’s own views. Furthermore, the roots one is particularly notable for the purposes of the archbishop’s approval of instrumental of this article: his role as master of Corpus music can likewise be found in Bucer’s Christi College, Cambridge, where he met writings. In the introduction to his 1541 and befriended the reformer hymnbook Gesangbuch / dariin begriffen . sind, Bucer affirmed the spiritual value of In endeavoring to understand the instrumental performance: evolution of Parker’s musical views, it is Thus music, all singing and playing perhaps most enlightening to first examine (which above all things are capable Bucer’s. Parker met Bucer in Cambridge, of moving our spirits powerfully and where the latter spent the final years of his ardently), should be used in no other way life in exile, and it seems that the German except for sacred praise, prayer, teaching 28 reformer had a great influence on Parker’s and admonition. subsequent policies of moderation.22 Indeed, The striking phrase “all singing and playing” the fact that Bucer named Parker an executor suggests Bucer’s embrace of a wide variety of his will, and that Parker delivered the of musical means, and his praise of music oration at the older man’s funeral service, as “capable of moving our spirits powerfully attests to the close relationship between the and ardently” speaks to his belief in two theologians.23 music’s ability to serve as a powerful tool Before his exile to England, Bucer had in congregational worship and edification. encouraged congregational singing and early Considering the close affinity between Parker metrical psalmody led by godly precentors and Bucer, both personal and theological, it in his native Strasbourg.24 He had first seems likely that the Strasbourg reformer written on music in his Grund und ursach influenced the younger man’s thoughts on auss gotlicher schifft (1524), explaining music in worship.29 that “in the congregation of God we use When Parker became archbishop of neither songs nor prayers which are not Canterbury in 1559, he implemented based on Holy Scripture.”25 Furthermore, a musical policy that emphasized the in interpreting Paul’s musically ambiguous principle of moderation yet also reserved exhortation in Ephesians 5:19,26 Bucer space for the appreciation of music’s advocated for sung praise, concluding from spiritual edification that he had inherited Paul’s message: from Bucer. Parker’s role in shaping the We should love God with all our might, Elizabethan Settlement and regulating its why should we then not sing to Him also, aftermath is well documented, but a focused as did the of the Old and New examination of his actions pertaining to Testaments? As long as such singing is musical matters demonstrates how his done from the heart, not with the mouth policies functioned to enforce a middle alone, but that it should spring forth and way.30 The Settlement, formally instituted come out of the heart; and this is what the Apostle means when he says: and with the 1559 and sing to the Lord from your hearts.27 Uniformity, fostered flexibility on some issues for the sake of national unity. In

42 Yale Journal of Music & Religion Vol. 6, No. 1 (2020) the vein of the German Lutheran reformer which towards them I have used, and will Philip Melanchthon, the architects of the still do, till mediocrity shall be received Elizabethan Settlement largely treated music amongst us.”35 Moderation then, for Parker, as an issue of adiaphora, or “indifferent was not toleration but rather an enforced things,” although unsurprisingly not adherence to a middle way. Indeed, Parker’s everyone agreed with its categorization as identification of moderation as an approach “indifferent.”31 Nevertheless, the regime’s “which towards them I have used” provides a adiaphorous approach to music could be prime example of Ethan Shagan’s discussion observed in a series of royal injunctions of moderation in early modern England as a meant to accompany church examiners “profoundly coercive tool of social, religious, during their visits in the summer of 1559: and political power.” 36 Parker had a vested interest, as the head of the internally And that there be a modest distinct song, so used in all parts of the common conflicted Anglican Church, in using the prayers in the church, that the same may language of moderation as a means of be as plainly understood, as if it were read maintaining power and authority. Perhaps without singing, and yet nevertheless, the best example of this strategy of coercive for the comforting of such that delight in moderation can be seen in Parker’s 1559 music . . . there may be sung a , or conflict with the of . such like song, to the praise of Almighty When the cathedral clergy at Exeter God, in the best sort of melody and music barred worshippers from the choir because that may be conveniently devised.32 the latter wanted to sing metrical psalms These intentionally ambiguous criteria during services, Parker sternly wrote to allowed for wide variety of practice encourage musical conciliation for the under the umbrella of English Protestant sake of communal peace and worship. He church music. As Nicholas Temperley has required the clergy to “permit and suffer observed, the injunction could be employed such congregation of people . . . to sing to justify the newer practice of metrical or say the godly prayers . . . used and psalmody as well as the more traditional permitted in this , to practice of chanted liturgy, provided that the laud and praise of his honour and the text was clearly audible.33 Although glory, without any of your contradiction Parker was not yet officially archbishop at to the contrary.”37 In this instance Parker the time of this injunction,34 the principle used his authority as archbishop to enforce of intentional ambiguity and flexibility set acceptance of metrical psalmody with the the precedent for his subsequent actions goal of avoiding further confrontations on musical matters. between worshippers and cathedral clergy. When Parker became archbishop, this Indeed, Parker alluded to his power in principle of flexibility sometimes manifested order to threaten the cathedral clergy itself through inflexible demands. In a into compliance, warning that “you and 1563 letter to William Cecil, Parker wrote every of you will answer to the same at his that although Elizabeth criticized him for peril” if they disregarded his demand.38 being “too soft and easy,” he suspected that Evidently, he intended not to please all “divers of my bretheren will rather note me parties through compromise, but rather to . . . too sharp and too earnest in moderation, punish extreme action and thereby avoid

Yale Journal of Music & Religion Vol. 6, No. 1 (2020) 43 flaring of religious tension at a perilous Parker laid the groundwork for a wider range time for the nascent Anglican Church. of musical practice in Anglican churches, In subsequent years, Parker continued to moderated by an avoidance of excess—a use his power to enforce musically moderate principle he advocated in his 1567 volume of practices. At the 1563 of psalm paraphrases. Canterbury, seen by many clerics as an opportunity to push for more radical The whole Psalter translated into liturgical reform, Parker’s chaplains English metre voted against a provision that “all curious As these episodes demonstrate, Parker felt singinge and playinge of the organs maye compelled to defend and promote a reform- be remoued.”39 The fact that Parker’s inspired yet flexible musical model for the representatives rejected this proposal of Church of England. But what convictions musical austerity, presumably at his urging, underpinned these actions as archbishop suggests not only that he sought to maintain of Canterbury? Where did Parker stand a place for polyphonic vocal music and organ in the turbulent debates about the role of accompaniment in Anglican liturgy, but music in Reformation-era worship? Here also that he thought the provision pushed Parker’s collection of psalm paraphrases, regulation of music too far. In other words, The whole Psalter translated into English by rejecting the provision, Parker by proxy metre (1567), offers significant insight. As stopped a camp of more radical reformers Samantha Arten has recently noted, while from swerving the convocational agenda the typical approach to analyzing Tudor too far toward one extreme. Using the church music policy involves scrutinizing power inherent in his position, Parker thus the impact of liturgical reform on musical quashed efforts to destabilize his carefully practice, “the more complete analytical curated middle way. sequence . . . examines how shifts in The cases of Exeter Cathedral and theological commitment informed those the 1563 Convocation may seem, at first, liturgical changes.”40 The remainder of this somewhat contradictory. In the first instance, article seeks to understand Parker’s musical Parker pressured the cathedral clergy to theology as a means of illuminating his allow parishioners to occupy the choir for the actions on musical matters as archbishop of singing of metrical psalms during services. In Canterbury. Reading between the lines of the second, he rejected a proposal to prohibit Parker’s paraphrases in The whole Psalter, a “curious”—ornate and therefore highly suspect rich musical-theological worldview emerges, to a Protestant reformer—playing and singing. suggesting that Parker’s official actions in Yet while these episodes ostensibly show enforcing musical moderation extended Parker defending first one side of the issue from a deeply held belief in the ability of and then the other, taken in combination they sung and played music, duly restrained, to demonstrate Parker’s adherence to the middle enrich and uplift the Christian worshipper. way (and attendant eradication of extreme Analysis of Parker’s psalm versifications viewpoints) as a means of keeping control through a musical lens reveals intriguing in an ecclesiastical tinderbox. By defending ways in which Parker employed the art of both congregational psalm singing and the paraphrase to express his convictions about potential for choral and organ performance, the place of music in worship.

44 Yale Journal of Music & Religion Vol. 6, No. 1 (2020) Precisely why and when Parker not only the musical distinction of his originally wrote his psalm paraphrases volume from The whole booke of Psalms, remains a mystery,41 but Beth Quitslund but also what I argue was his firm belief suggests that Parker may have intended in vocal, embodied modes of worship. his versifications to offer a conciliatory While the psalm tunes in The whole alternative to the “oppositional fervor” of booke are monophonic, implying unison the Marian exiles, which found expression congregational singing in the fashion of the in the hugely influential 1562whole booke of Marian exiles, Tallis’s tunes are cast in four- Psalmes.42 Indeed, Quitslund writes, Parker’s part homophony. In his chameleonic way, “publication of a potential alternative to the Tallis in these psalm tunes retained richness half-Genevan looks very of harmony without jeopardizing clarity of much like an expression of discomfort with text, striking a careful balance between the the ideological tenor of [1562] The whole florid polyphony against which reformers booke of Psalmes.” 43 Known colloquially as railed and the unison congregational style Sternhold & Hopkins, this amalgamation that was becoming increasingly favored in of psalm versifications compiled largely English reform circles. Although there is no by exiles during Mary’s reign acquired paper trail documenting the collaboration deep emotional and spiritual significance between Tallis and Parker, the two men for English Protestants.44 In the words must have interacted closely through their of Timothy Duguid, “these poetic psalms joint proximity to the court of Elizabeth were not merely a link with home; they I, where Parker presided as archbishop became expressions of exilic identity.”45 As and Tallis served as a gentleman of the a result, The whole booke of Psalmes reflected . Communication between a vehement, defiant brand of Protestantism them must have been close enough to built out of the experience of zealous ensure matching of poetic and musical exiles bound together by their common meter, but all such interactions were likely experiences.46 The Sternhold & Hopkins informal since nothing survives in written versifications became widely known and records. Although we do not know how sung, gaining such unchallenged popularity their collaboration progressed, the fact that that by 1640 approximately 400 editions of the tunes are printed alongside Parker’s The whole booke had aggregately sold over a versifications certainly confirms that Parker million copies in England.47 While Sternhold approved of the musical style. Indeed, Tallis’s & Hopkins undoubtedly dominated the field homophonic tunes exemplify the kind of of English-language psalmody printing and musical worship that Parker advocated in his practice during the early modern period, versifications. As will be demonstrated, the Quitslund’s intriguing interpretation opens versifications analyzed below promote sung, the door to the possibility that Parker played, and even danced praise of God. The intended to offer in his own version of the Tallis tunes, in their rich harmonic language psalms a subtly different take on matters of and four-part texture, simultaneously are music and singing in worship. justified by and give musical expression to The fact that Parker commissioned nine Parker’s widely encompassing view of the new psalm tunes from court musician and role that music can play in both personal lifelong Catholic underscores and communal worship.

Yale Journal of Music & Religion Vol. 6, No. 1 (2020) 45 Figure 1: The first tune from The whole Psalter translated into English metre, RB 95908, The Huntington Library, San Marino, California, sigs. VV.iiii.v - XX.i.r.

Figure 2: The first psalm from The whole booke of Psalmes (c) British Library Board: General Reference Collection C.25.g.3., sig. C.i.r. Image published with permission of the British Library. Further reproduction is prohibited without permission.

46 Yale Journal of Music & Religion Vol. 6, No. 1 (2020) The presence of four-part harmony the Parker psalter becomes clearer when in the psalm tunes raises the question viewed in this context. It seems that Parker of for whom, and for what kind of meant the volume to be adaptable for all worship, Parker intended this volume types of worshippers, settings, abilities, of versifications. Indeed, his intention and musical resources. has immense implications for his beliefs In writing his psalm versifications, about the role of music in worship. Was Parker employed a whole range of humanist his psalter, as he wrote in the introduction, skills to embed a defense of church music intended for personal and home use? within his devotional version of the Psalms. Or did he adapt it during the printing The preface to the volume presents multiple process for incorporation into liturgy and examples of scriptural justification for communal worship? The outline of the musical worship, in accordance with the printed volume offers some clues. While simultaneously humanist and Protestant the psalms could certainly be sung or read principle of returning to original text as by an individual or family at home, some the ultimate source of truth. One of the sections of the volume are explicitly laid first pages of the printed volume presents out for church worship.48 Some of the more five passages from scripture—Ephesians 5, unusually structured versifications allude James 5, Psalm 33, Sirach 44, and Sirach to antiphonal singing, seemingly making 32—each adapted by Parker in metrical form the volume adaptable to such a practice.49 to highlight biblical justification for musical Parker’s versification for Psalm 107, for praise. Parker’s paraphrase of Ephesians instance, departs from the standard model 5:19, the same verse analyzed by Bucer in and instead splits the verses of the psalm Grund und Ursach to defend congregational between three groups, “The Quiere” with singing, reads: a refrain, “The Meane” with the verses, Syng Psalmes and hymnes: and and “The Rectors” with an additional songes on hye, refrain appearing halfway through the To God your selues among: psalm.50 The fact that this multigroup But sing in hart: make melodye, 53 setting is followed by an alternate version To God geue thankes in song. of the psalm in Parker’s standard verse It is enlightening to compare Parker’s suggests that Parker intended the volume paraphrase to contemporary translations to be flexible, adaptable for both home and that he certainly would have known liturgical use. This is confirmed in Parker’s and perhaps even consulted. While description of the Tallis tunes, where he the differences between contemporary explains, “The Tenor of these partes be for translations and Parker’s can be subtle, the people when they will syng alone, the and while it is critical to note that these other parts, put for greater qu[i]ers, or comparative examples are translations and suche as will syng or play them priuatelye.”51 not paraphrases, the disparities nevertheless As Alec Ryrie, Jessica Martin, and Ramie offer insight into Parker’s distinctive musical Targoff have pointed out, the religious theology. ’s 1535 New of the sixteenth century Testament uses the word “speaking” rather blurred the lines between public worship than “singing” in translating Ephesians and private devotion.52 The intention for 5:19.54 The parallel verse in the Geneva

Yale Journal of Music & Religion Vol. 6, No. 1 (2020) 47 Bible of 1560 follows suit: Whittingham’s associating the Psalms with music.57 In so translation reads, “Speakyng vnto your doing, he tapped into historical authority, selues in Psalmes, and Hymnes, and spiritual alluding to these two classical Jewish songs, singyng, and making melodie to the scholars as a means of both demonstrating Lord in your hearts.”55 While Whittingham his humanistic credentials and further does include the word “singyng” in the latter bolstering his case for linking the part of the verse, in the former part he chose of the Psalms with music by means of the “speaking” where Parker opted for “syng,” biblical figure of David. an implicit argument on the part of the Yet Parker’s most vehement vindications latter for the inherently musical nature of of music emerge in his arguments for the the Book of Psalms. Furthermore, whereas spiritual value of singing psalms. This is Whittingham chose the phrase “speakyng evident in his proclamation that “with tune vnto your selues,” Parker’s pivotal choice and tyme aright: / It sinkth more sweete: of the word among in “your selues among” and deeper goeth, / in harte of mans implies singing out loud and together, not delight.”58 The joy of music, he suggests, just within one’s heart—an echo of Bucer’s is not antithetical to the praise of God. conviction that “[Paul’s] meaning is not that Indeed, this verse suggests that musical we should sing without a voice, for then it performance of psalms makes the singer would be impossible for us to encourage and (and listener, perhaps) absorb the sacred edify the others.”56 The fact that “among” text with both greater understanding and “unto” have the same number of and greater enjoyment. Elsewhere in the syllables suggests that Parker’s choice was introduction, he praises music as a divine theological rather than poetic. Finally, the gift, exclaiming, “O wondrous fact: of God juxtaposition of Whittingham’s “making I sae, / in his deuise so playne: / Though melodie to the Lord in your hearts” with we be seene: but sing and plaie, / the soule Parker’s “To God geue thankes in songe” yet winth his gayne.”59 For Parker, the hints at a significant difference. While the gift of music making can bring a singer verse advocates for an interior (and even an instrumentalist, intriguingly spiritual experience rather than audible suggested by his inclusion of “plaie”) closer song, Parker, in a very Bucerian way, implies to God. Indeed, in the final stanza of his that outward praise can serve as expression “To the Reader” section, Parker instructs: of inner devotion in his interpretation of the “But princepall thing: your lute to tune, / same verse. that hart may sing in corde: / Your voice Elsewhere in the extensive prefatory and string: so fine to prune, to loue and material, Parker harnesses his humanist serue the Lorde.”60 Here, not only does training to provide justification for musical instrumental accompaniment go hand in performance of the Psalms not only from hand with psalm singing, but even more scripture, but also from classical writers. interesting, tuning a musical instrument In his assertion that “Josephus sayth: and facilitates cultivation of the soul. Philo wrighth, / That David Metres made: Nevertheless, Parker specifies that / Quinquemetres, some tremetres, / by music can only serve a positive spiritual musikes tract and trade,” Parker cited a function when supporting and subservient string of Greek and Roman precedents for to the all-important scriptural text, echoing

48 Yale Journal of Music & Religion Vol. 6, No. 1 (2020) the sentiments of many of his fellow Parker’s first attempt at the versification Protestant reformers: did not include any mention of song. The Depart ye songes: lasciuious, draft version opens, “Due thainks express from lute, from harpe depart: I now address,” with the alternate “Due Geue place to Psalmes: most virtuous, thanks with song I wyl prolonge” scribbled and solace there your harte.61 in above.64 The draft demonstrates This sentiment echoes Coverdale, who that, out of two options that he penned, in the introduction to Goostly psalmes and Parker chose the more explicitly musical. spirituall songes expressed his hope that Comparison with well-known translations readers would “make theyr songs of the of the time confirms the singularity of Lorde / That they may thrust under the Parker’s musical choice. Miles Coverdale’s borde / All other balettes of fylthynes.”62 1535 English translation of the Bible Similarly, Parker suggests that worldly begins the psalm with “I wil geue thakes music can distract and lead to evil, but that vnto the (o LORDE) with my whole herte, 65 music in praise of God will uplift the soul. I wil speake of all thy maruelous workes.” His command to “solace there your harte” The Geneva Bible is strikingly similar: gently encourages self-discipline and “I will praise the Lorde with my whole devotion, exhorting the reader to choose heart: I will speake of all thy marueilous 66 songs that are godly and edifying. workes.” The emphasis on “speake” in While the introductory material these two influential translations puts provides biblical justification for the singing Parker’s “due thanks with song” into of psalms, and confirmation of the spiritual striking relief, highlighting the distinctly value of doing so, it is in the main body of the musical tone of Parker’s paraphrase. volume, the psalm versifications themselves, The Psalm 33:2 versification likewise that Parker’s musical theology finds its features resplendently musical language. strongest expression. The following analysis Although Parker’s first verse enjoins the of the versifications will focus on Psalms 9, reader only to “reioyce,” the second and 33, 57, 92, 108, and 150, notable for their third verses launch into a list of musical musical themes. While Parker of course did means of praise: not add musical themes to the psalms, the Prayse ye the Lord: wyth melodies, way that he amplified and modernized them Wyth harpe and lute wyth using the freedom of poetic paraphrase simphonies, demonstrates his commitment to the value Syng Psalmes to hym in Psalteries. Forget not this. of musical performance in private and public devotion in a way that sets Parker’s 3 Syng Carols new wyth iubilie, version apart from the translations of his To God the Lord in maiestie, Hys laudes, hys prayse, sing hartely. fellow reform-minded contemporaries. Well use ye this. 67 Parker’s Psalm 9 paraphrase opens with an explicitly musical song of praise In verse 2, the injunction to praise God with and gratitude. The published versification melody blossoms into a list of instruments, begins, “Due thanks with song I wyl ful including harps, lutes, “simphonies” long / in hart geue Lord to thee.”63 A (likely referring to unspecified individual look at the manuscript draft reveals that instruments, rather than an ensemble as

Yale Journal of Music & Religion Vol. 6, No. 1 (2020) 49 68 we might now expect), and psalteries. 7 And sing I will my griefs betwixt The wide variety of instruments advocated In psalmes with musike playd.71 here by Parker becomes even more notable when compared to the translation in the The Inner Temple draft reveals that Parker 1539 ,69 which states, “Prayse replaced the manuscript phrase “pray I the LORDE with harpe: synge psalmes wyl” with “sing I will” for final publication, vnto him with the lute and instrument of demonstrating another instance in which 72 ten strynges.”70 Although these translations he opted for explicitly musical language. certainly affirm the type of singing and A similar switch is found in verse 8. In the playing reminiscent of David in the Bible, manuscript draft, Parker writes, “Awake the Parker paraphrase expands greatly on my Sowle, my Ioye awake,” while in the the musical theme, combining biblical and published version “Sowle” has turned into contemporary musical language (lutes and “tonge,” seemingly sanctifying physical, 73 the unspecified “simphonies,” for example) sung praise. Again, comparison with a to suggest that a wide range of musical contemporary translation highlights the technologies are suitable for worship and musical orientation of Parker’s versification. praise. Furthermore, his encouragement to The parallel verse in the Geneva Bible reads, “sing hartely” and with “iubilie” contrasts “Mine heart is prepared: I wil sing and giue 74 with the Great Bible’s simpler, more prayse.” While this translation certainly subdued “sing.” While the fundamental supports the idea of individual, monophonic message of both the Parker versification singing, Parker’s “with musike played” and the Great Bible translation here is introduces the possibility of instrumental the same, nevertheless the comparison accompaniment alongside voices. represents a moment where Parker’s Parker’s paraphrase of Psalm 92 begins exuberance for singing shines through his with an exhortation to praise God with song: verse, liberated by the flexibility inherent 1 A Joyfull thyng (to man) it is: the in poetic paraphrase. Yet even in such a Lord to celebrate. jubilant versification, as though to restrain To thy good name: O God so hye: due laudes to modulate.75 himself from excess enthusiasm, the final lines of each stanza encourage caution. The The word “modulate” has specifically commands “forget not this” and “well use musical resonance, stemming from the ye this” remind readers that while music Latin modulus, meaning “to make music” is a divine gift, it is a gift that requires or “to set to music.”76 Interestingly, in the careful and measured use. One can sense sixteenth century, “modulate” also meant here the very Protestant tension between “to give (a note) its proper measure or celebrating music’s potential and fearing duration,” which along with the word “due” its misuse. Despite Parker’s enthusiasm for adds to Parker’s insistence that musical music in worship, he exhorts his readers to worship be conducted with appropriate self- carefully self-regulate. regulation and devotion.77 In both senses Psalm 57 presents another point of of the word, Parker’s choice of “modulate” comparison. In Parker’s paraphrase, the implies an affirmative attitude toward music, speaker persists in praising God with music especially when compared to the Sternhold despite sufferings: & Hopkins versification of the same

50 Yale Journal of Music & Religion Vol. 6, No. 1 (2020) psalm. Comparing Parker to Sternhold & melody-carrying instruments, as opposed Hopkins is particularly interesting in that to the decachord, lute, and harp, which were both are paraphrases, as opposed to the meant primarily for vocal accompaniment. translations used in previous comparisons. By deviating from explicitly biblical While it is important to acknowledge that instruments and celebrating the musical the Sternhold & Hopkins paraphrases were beauty of melody-carrying instruments penned by a variety of writers, nevertheless like the shawm and flute, he implicitly the volume, like Parker’s, can thus be read allows and even encourages worshippers to for poetic interpretation or elaboration use a range of modern musical instruments, by virtue of the genre. In the Sternhold & and by extension musical styles, in their Hopkins Psalm 92 versification, written devotional lives. by John Hopkins,78 the comparable line Parker’s Psalm 108 versification is paraphrased: “And to thine name O likewise reveals a full endorsement of music thou most hye, to sing in one accorde.”79 making for worship. Verse 1 ends, “For While Hopkins’s versification perhaps sing I will: and Psalmes recorde, / With suggests monophonic vocal music (“in glory due: in tong and worde.”83 Parker’s one accorde”), Parker’s use of the word pairing of “tong” and “worde” indicates his “modulate” leaves open the possibility of willingness to allow for musical expression a wider range of music making, perhaps that will communicate and glorify the text, even instrumental or polyphonic music an ostensible reassurance to those who (recalling “with musike played” from his might share Augustine’s fear that the beauty Psalm 57). This idea continues later in the of singing distracts the soul from sacred psalm. A comparison of the two versions scripture.84 Although the parallel Sternhold is helpful: & Hopkins versification, written either by

Parker, Psalm 92 Sternhold & Hopkins, Psalm 92 3: Upon (the psalme) the decachord: Upon 3: Upon ten strynged instrument, the pleasant lute: on lute and harpe so swete: On sounding good: sweete instruments: With all the mirth you can inuent, With shaumes, with harpe, with flute.80 On instruments most meete.81

In Hopkins’s versification, although he Hopkins or by Thomas Norton, links song mentions the lute and harp, he specifies and praise like Parker’s, the two versions that “instruments most meete,” or proper, feature a notable difference near the end of should be used.82 The comparable the second verse (see top of page 15). verses in the Great Bible and Geneva Both versifications make prominent Bible translations likewise mention mention of instruments as a mean of praise only ten-stringed instruments, lutes, (with Parker here adopting the “meete” and harps. Parker, on the other hand, specification, a reminder to his readers to includes contemporary sixteenth-century utilize music appropriately). However, the instruments, notably praising their sound final two lines feature a notable difference quality. His inclusion of shawms and flutes in that Parker continues the musical motif is particularly interesting in that both are while the Sternhold & Hopkins paraphraser

Yale Journal of Music & Religion Vol. 6, No. 1 (2020) 51 Parker, Psalm 108 Sternhold & Hopkins, Psalm 108 2: Lyft up thy self: thou Psaltyre sweete, 2: Awake, my viol and my harp, Thou harpe even so: with tunes most meete, Sweet melody to make; For I my selfe: will early ryse, And in the morning I myself Newe songs to sing: I wyll deuise.85 Right early will awake.86

eschews it. In Parker’s version, unlike The nuanced contrast between Parker’s Sternhold & Hopkins, the Great Bible, or the and Norton’s versifications reveals a great Geneva Bible, the morning is associated with deal about the musical worldview of each. singing (the Great Bible states “I my selfe It is perhaps surprising to see mention wyll awake ryght early,” and the Geneva Bible of “orgaines and virginalles” coming from merely reads “I will awake early”87). Finally, Norton, a Geneva-admiring Protestant who and perhaps most important, Parker’s translated Calvin’s Institutes into English.91 line “Newe songs to sing: I wyll deuise” However, in her analysis of musical theology strikingly introduces the idea of original in Sternhold & Hopkins, Samantha Arten music. Indeed, the fact that Parker wrote his suggests that these versifications fall on own versifications and commissioned Tallis the “pro-organ side of the English debate,” to compose original tunes for the published and notes that this particular paraphrase volume gives biographical salience to the communicates a wide affirmation of emphasis on creative agency in this particular instrumental music.92 Norton’s elimination verse of Psalm 108. of any mention of dance, however, is more Perhaps the most famously sonic of all in keeping with the values of the godly the psalms, Psalm 150 is unsurprisingly Genevan community.93 Indeed, the Geneva the most richly musical of all of Parker’s Bible translation excludes any allusions to versifications. Parker’s affirmation of a wide dance.94 Parker’s inclusion of the dance motif, range of instruments, discussed previously in on the other hand, uncovers some intriguing reference to the Psalm 33 and 92 paraphrases, implications about his musical views. appears here in full force. The paraphrase The phrase “daunce in quiere” is encourages worshippers to praise God wrapped in layers of meaning. As with with “trompets sound” and “lute and harpe: organs, choirs and choral polyphony became melodiouse.”88 Perhaps most interesting, targets of Protestant reformers’ zeal. In John however, is his sixteenth-century-specific Bale’s 1547 The Image of Both Churches, for reading of the fourth verse, particularly instance, the author tied “fresh descant, in comparison to the parallel Sternhold & pricksong, counterpoint and faburden” with Hopkins versification, penned by Norton. “abominable whoredom by the wantonness

Parker, Psalm 150:4 Sternhold & Hopkins, Psalm 150:4 O prayse ye hym: all sapyent, Praise him with timbrell and with flute, In Tymbrell sweete: wyth daunce in quiere orgaines and virginalles, And prayse ye hym: so prouident With sounding cimbals praise ye him, In fydle strung: in recordere: Praise him with loud cymballs.90 With harty chere. 89

52 Yale Journal of Music & Religion Vol. 6, No. 1 (2020) of idolatry in that kind.”95 The vehement Parker’s final verse, in addition to being suspicion of choral music exemplified by distinctly sonic, is also strikingly inclusive. this colorful example continued to gain As opposed to Norton’s “agree with one influence in the increasingly prevalent accord,” suggesting not only monophonic Puritan factions over the course of the vocal performance but also theological unity sixteenth century.96 Given this antagonistic and conformity, Parker’s “For grace and position toward choral singing, Parker’s power (to all) applied. / To none denyed” mention of “quiere” again places him on emphasizes not conformity, but rather the the more permissive side of the church all-encompassing nature of God’s grace. music debates. To add the dancing allusion Indeed, participation in singing seems to be (underscored by “Tymbrell,” a percussion a vehicle for grace.102 Given the prevalence instrument useful for keeping the beat in of the Reformed doctrine of predestination dancing) implies an even further degree of in English circles at this time, this statement freedom.97 Yet Parker seems here to evoke comes as something of a surprise. None of the dancing not as it had been feared in godly other aforementioned translations include communities and commentaries, but rather any similar statement. While not necessarily as it had been celebrated in 2 Samuel 6:14, musical, this example is nevertheless notable when “David danced before the Lord with in that it demonstrates another instance of all his might” in gratitude for the return of Parker using the flexible art of paraphrase, in the Ark of the Covenant.98 Parker’s peculiar this case to express a doctrinally unorthodox phrase thus becomes a bold expression hope for religious conciliation during a time of opposition to antimusical rhetoric, of immense division. justifying both singing and dancing to the Following Psalm 150 is the “Collecte,” glory of God as biblically based celebration. or prayer, which functions both to end the The absence of any regulatory undertone psalm and to conclude the volume. The is notable here—Parker’s versification Collecte closes Parker’s musical defense, expresses unrestrained joy. cementing his affirmation of music as a The final verse of the Psalm 150 versifi- central facet both of the Book of Psalms and cation returns to the topic of vocal praise: of Christian life:

Parker, Psalm 150:6 Sternhold & Hopkins, Psalm 150:5 Let all with breath: or lyfe endued, Whatever hath the benefit Or what with sound: is fortefied: of breathing, praise the Lord: Prayse out the Lord: in state renewed, To praise his great and holy Name For grace and power (to all) applied. agree with one accord.100 To none denyed.99

Whereas Norton’s versification exhorts Most laudable and mercifull God, being “whatever hath the benefit of breathing” to the swete Tenor of all our harmony, “praise the Lord,” Parker again implicitly which doost here exercise our hartes refers to the possibility of instrumental otherwhiles with songes of teares and lamentations, and otherwhiles songes music, in addition to vocal praise, with his of ioy and gladness. Graunte we beseche 101 phrase “Or what with sound: is fortefied.” thee that after wee have songe vp our

Yale Journal of Music & Religion Vol. 6, No. 1 (2020) 53 temporall songes in praysing of thy of maintaining order, and furthermore name, wee may at last bee associated to demonstrates that he was willing to use that heauenly quire aboue, to behold his authority for the enforcement of this thy glorious maiestye with the saintes, musical flexibility. His letters reveal a thorough & c. FINIS.103 musical aesthetic based on the appreciation A particularly striking phrase here is of music’s ability to lift the soul, balanced Parker’s description of God as “the swete with a firm belief in the primacy of text, Tenor of all our harmony.” Given that the the necessity of inward devotion as the tenor part in the tunes that Tallis wrote for basis for musical praise, and the avoidance the volume (and indeed in the historical of misuse of music to sinful ends or cantus firmus tradition) is the central excesses. These convictions come to vivid melody around which harmonies build, this poetic life in Parker’s psalm versifications, phrase presents theological complexities in which not only endorse sung praise but vivid musical language.104Parker frames suggest the possibility of instrumental human life in terms of song, either songs accompaniment as well. Especially when of “teares and lamentations” or “ioy and compared with the Sternhold & Hopkins gladness,” grounded by God. Parker’s versifications, the 1539 Great Bible, and musical metaphor applies not only to the 1560 Geneva Bible, the paraphrases earthly life but to his visions of the afterlife in The whole Psalter reveal an open as well, as evidenced by his prayer that “wee attitude toward music, eschewing many, may at last bee associated to that heauenly though not all, of the fears of Parker’s quire aboue.” Musical language inspires contemporaries regarding polyphonic and and unites this closing prayer, offering a instrumental music in worship. Drawing vivid encapsulation of Parker’s musically on his scholarly humanist training, Parker inflected theology. expressed support for the suitability of a wide range of musical expression The whole Psalter translated into English in Elizabethan communal worship and metre offers profound insight into Parker’s private devotion. Examination of his views on the place of music in the fledgling musical theology expressed in these psalm Anglican Church. As archbishop of paraphrases highlights the subtleties of Canterbury, Parker enforced a middle way his search for musical moderation that can on musical matters. His tenure features easily go unnoticed in a narrative that too numerous examples of how he treated often polarizes Catholic extravagance and music as an issue of adiaphora for the sake Puritan austerity.

54 Yale Journal of Music & Religion Vol. 6, No. 1 (2020) NOTES

1 Matthew Parker, Correspondence of Matthew 13 See ibid., 568. Parker, D.D., Archbishop of Canterbury. Comprising 14 Howard L. Rice and James C. Huffstutler, letters written by and to him, from A.D. 1535 to his (Louisville, KY: Geneva Press, death A.D. 1575, ed. John Bruce and Rev. Thomas 2001), 100. Thomason Perowne (Cambridge: Printed at the 15 See Robin Leaver, The Liturgy and Music: University press, 1853), 215. A Study of the Use of the Hymn in Two Liturgical 2 “Mediocre” comes originally from the Traditions (Bramcote: Grove Books, 1976), 3–13; Latin mediocris, meaning “of middle degree.” See and Samantha Arten, “Singing as English Protestants: “mediocre, adj. and n.,” OED Online, The Whole Booke of Psalmes’ Theology of Music,” Yale University Press, http://www.oed.com/view/ Journal of Music and Religion 5/1 (2019): 1. Entry/115738?redirectedFrom=mediocre. 16 Miles Coverdale, “Order that the churche 3 Rivkah Zim, English Metrical Psalms: Poetry and congregacion of Chryst in , and in many as Praise and Prayer, 1535–1601 (Cambridge: places, countres and cities of Germany doth use,” in Cambridge University Press, 2010), 15. Writings and Translations of (Cambridge: 4 The whole booke of Psalmes with their wonted Printed at the University press, 1844), 471. tunes, as they are sung in churches, composed into foure 17 John Bradford, “Godly meditations on the parts: being so placed, that foure may sing each one a Lord’s Prayer, Belief, and the Commandments,” in seueral part in this booke (London: Thomas East, the Writings of John Bradford, ed. A. Townsend (Cambridge: assigne of , 1594), Early English Books Cambridge University Press, 1845), 160. Online, STC (2nd ed.) / 2488, sig. A.ii.r. 18 The forme of prayers and ministration of the 5 Quoted in Ramie Targoff,Common Prayer: sacramentes, &c. vsed in the Englishe Congregation at The Language of Public Devotion in Early Modern Geneua and approued, by the famous and godly learned England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, man, Iohn Caluin (Geneva: by Iames Poullain and 2001), 67. Antonie Rebul, 1558), Early English Books Online, 6 See “Militant in Song” in Andrew Pettegree, STC (2nd ed.) / 16561a, sig. A.viii.r–v. Reformation and the Culture of Persuasion (Cambridge: 19 Nicholas Temperley, The Music of the Cambridge University Press, 2005), 40–75. English Parish Church (Cambridge: Cambridge 7 Almost all figureheads of the various University Press, 1979), 13. confessional groups claimed Augustine as their 20 Peter Le Huray, Music and the Reformation intellectual and theological foundation. See Arnoud in England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, S. Q. Visser, Reading Augustine in the Reformation: 1978), 13. The Flexibility of Intellectual Authority in Europe 1500– 21 David J. Crankshaw and Alexandra Gillespie 1620 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 4. describe Parker’s theological orientation by the end of 8 Augustine of Hippo, Confessions, trans. Henry the 1520s as “evangelism”—emphasizing the primacy Chadwick (New York: Oxford University Press, of faith, scripture, and preaching—and note that 1991), 208. Parker not only was present at the execution of the 9 Ibid. early English reformer in 1531, but 10 And indeed Catholicism. During the Council that he also preserved and donated the latter’s letters of Trent, some dignitaries proposed the abolition of to Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. See David J. polyphonic music. Although the story is perhaps Crankshaw and Alexandra Gillespie, “Parker, Matthew apocryphal, this threat to polyphonic music reportedly (1504–1575),” Jan. 3, 2008, The Oxford Dictionary prompted Palestrina to compose his famed Pope of National Biography, https://doi-org.ezproxy.cul. Marcellus Mass. See Craig Monson, “The Council of columbia.edu/10.1093/ref:odnb/21327. Trent Revisited,” Journal of the American Musicological 22 For the correspondence of the two, see Society 55 (2002): 1–37. Parker, Correspondence, 41–42. 11 Martin Luther, “Preface to Symphoniae 23 Stephen Alford, Kingship and Politics in jucundae [1538],” trans. Ulrich S. Leupold, in Luther’s the Reign of Edward VI (Cambridge: Cambridge Works, vol. 53 (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1965), University Press, 2002), 133. 321–24. 24 Robin Leaver, Goostly Psalmes and Spirituall 12 Charles Garside, “Calvin’s Preface to the Songes: English and Dutch Metrical Psalms from Psalter: A Re-appraisal,” Musical Quarterly 37/4 Coverdale to Utenhove, 1535–1566 (New York: (1951): 568–71. Oxford University Press, 1991), 30.

Yale Journal of Music & Religion Vol. 6, No. 1 (2020) 55 25 “So gebrauchen wir uns in der gemein not more controversial then at least more complex a gots keins gesangs noch gepets, das nit auß götlicher matter than most other ecclesiastical ceremonies.” schrifft gezogen sey.” See Martin Bucer, Martin Bucer’s 32 Quoted in Temperley, Music of the English Deutsche Schriften, Band I: Frühschriften 1520–1524, Parish Church, 39. ed. Robert Stupperich (Gütersloh: Gütersloher 33 Ibid., 40. Verslagshaus G. Mohn, 1960), 275; trans. 34 Although Parker was elected to the Ottomar Cypris, “Basic Principles: Translation and archbishopship on Aug. 1, 1559, due to confessional Commentary of Martin Bucers Grund und Ursach, tensions stemming from the transfer of power back 1524,” Th.D. thesis (Union Theological Seminary, to the Protestants, he was not officially confirmed 1971), 208. until Dec. 9, 1559. As Crankshaw and Gillespie 26 “As you sing psalms and hymns and spiritual explain, “Parker’s elevation to Canterbury proved a songs among yourselves, singing and making melody tortuous affair.” See Crankshaw and Gillespie, “Parker, to the Lord in your hearts.” See Ephesians 5:19 in Matthew (1504–1575).” NSRV. 35 “CXXVII—Archbishop Parker to Sir William 27 “Von allen krefften sollen wir je gott lieben, Cecil, 14 April 1563,” Parker, Correspondence, 173. warumb solten wir im dann nit auch singen, wie alle Again, “mediocrity” at this time meant “moderation.” heyligen des alten und newen testaments thon haben, 36 See Ethan Shagan, The Rule of Moderation: allein das solich gesang im hertzen gescheh nit allein Violence, Religion and the Politics of Restraint in Early mit dem mund, sonder das es auß dem hertzen qulle Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University und herkome. Das der Apostel damit meinet, da Press, 2011), 7–10. er spricht: und singt dem herrn in ewern hertzen.” See 37 “LXXV—Archbishop Parker and others Bucer, Martin Bucers Deutsche Schriften, 1: 276; Cypris, to the president and Chapter of Exeter, 3 December “Basic Principles,” 210. 1559,” in Parker, Correspondence, 107. 28 “So solte die Music, alles gesang und 38 Ibid. seitenspil (welche vor anderen dingen das gemüt zu 39 See Louise Elizabeth Campbell, “Matthew bewegen, hefftig und hitzig zu machen, mechtig sind) Parker and the , 1520–1575,” nirgend anders, dann zu götlichem lob, gebet, lehre Ph.D. diss. (, 2005), 205. und ermanung gebrauchet werden.” See Martin Bucer, 40 Arten, “Singing as English Protestants,” 3. Martin Bucers Deutsche Schriften, Band VII: Schriften der 41 It appears that Parker wrote the versifications Jahre 1538–1539, ed. Robert Stupperich (Gütersloh: sometime during the years of Mary’s reign, when he Gütersloher Verslagshaus G. Mohn, 1960), 578; hid from attention in Cambridge to avoid retribution trans. C. Garside, “The Origins of Calvin’s Theology from the Catholic queen and her allies. In terms of Music, 1536–1543,” Transactions of the American of motivation, Parker seems to have begun the Philosophical Society 4 (1969): 30. versifications as a personal devotional exercise, only 29 Indeed, Bucer likely influenced many aspects to later seek publication at the behest of friends. See of Parker’s career as archbishop. One can see strong Willis, Church Music and Protestantism, 60–61. parallels between Bucer’s emphasis on conciliation 42 Beth Quitslund, The Reformation in Rhyme: between the various Protestant camps and Parker’s Sternhold, Hopkins, and the English Metrical Psalter, eventual policy of “middle way” church settlement. 1547–1603 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008), 225. See Alexandra Kess, Johann Sleidan and the Protestant 43 Ibid., 252. Vision of History (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008), 39. 44 For more on the publication and content 30 See John F. Hurst, “The Elizabethan of The whole booke of Psalmes, see Arten, “Singing as Settlement of the Church of England,” American English Protestants,” 1–19. Journal of Theology 3/4 (1899): 679–94. 45 Timothy Duguid, Metrical Psalmody in Print 31 As to the complexity of music as an and Practice: English “Singing Psalms” and Scottish adiaphorous issue, see Jonathan Willis, Church “Psalm Buiks,” c. 1547–1640 (Farnham: Ashgate, Music and Protestantism in Post-Reformation England 2014), 13. (Farnham: Ashgate, 2010), 62: “The varying degrees 46 Rivkah Zim, “Sternhold, Thomas (d. 1549),” of equivocacy exhibited by Reformers from [Thomas] Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford Becon to Parker demonstrate the fact that music was University Press, January 2008, http://www. on the very edge of the boundary between true and oxforddnb.com/view/article/26414. false adiaphora. As a result of the uncertain and double- 47 Ian Green, Print and Protestantism in Early edged nature of musical discourse, and unprecedented Modern England (New York: Oxford University Press, developments in compositional practice, music was if 2000), 509.

56 Yale Journal of Music & Religion Vol. 6, No. 1 (2020) 48 Diane Kelsey McColley comes to a similar 1560), Early English Books Online, STC (2nd ed.) / conclusion, writing, “Parker clearly meant his psalter 2093, sig. ZZ.iii.r. for use in church; for ‘The Song of the Three Children’ 56 “Dann sein meinung nit ist, on sym zu (the Benedicite) the choir sings the Argument, the singen, wie künten sust die andern ermanet und ‘Rectors’ sing the verses, and the choir sings the refrain.” bessert werden oder wir mit einander reden, das er See Diane Kelsey McColley, Poetry and Music in zun Ephesiern schreibt?” See Bucer, Martin Bucers Seventeenth Century England (Cambridge: Cambridge Deutsche Schriften, Band I: Frühschriften 1520–1524, University Press, 2011), 127. 276; Cypris, “Basic Principles,” 210. 49 Such a practice was anathema to the 57 The whole Psalter, sig. B.i.r. proto-Puritan opposition to elaborate church music, 58 Ibid. evidenced in their derision of antiphonal singing: 59 Ibid. “Their tossing to and fro of psalms & sentences, is like 60 Parker, The whole Psalter, sig. A.ii.r. tennis play whereto God is called a Judge who can do 61 Ibid., sig. B.ii.r. best & be most gallant in his worship: as by organs, 62 Miles Coverdale, Goostly psalmes and solfaing, pricksong, chanting, bussing & mumbling spirituall songes (London: Imprynted in the shop of J. very roundly, on divers hands.” See Robert Browne, Rastell, 1535), Early English Books Online, STC (2nd “A True and Short Declaration, Both of the Gathering ed.) / 5892, sig. i.r. and Joining Together of Certain Persons; and also of 63 Parker, The whole Psalter, sig. I.ii.v. the Lamentable Breach which Fell Amongst Them,” 64 Permission granted by the The Masters in Protestant Nonconformist Texts: 1550 to 1700, ed. of the Bench of the Inner Temple. Matthew Parker, Robert Tudor Jones, Kenneth Dix, and Alan Ruston Psalms 1–53, MSS 36, Inner Temple Library, 15. (Farnham: Ashgate, 2007), 60. 65 See Psalm 9:1 in Biblia the Bible, 50 Matthew Parker, The whole Psalter translated that is, the holy Scripture of the Olde and New into English metre (London: By Iohn Daye, dwelling Testament, faithfully and truly translated out of Douche ouer Aldersgate, beneath S. Martyns. Cum gratia et and Latyn in to Englishe, trans. Miles Coverdale priuilegio Regiæ Maiestatis, per decennium, 1567), (Cologne: Printed by E. Cervicornus and J. Soter?, Early English Books Online, STC (2nd ed.) / 2729, sigs. 1535), Early English Books Online, STC (2nd ed.) / CC.iii.v–DD.ii.r. 2063, sig. Cc.i.r. 51 Ibid., sig. VV.iiii.r. 66 Psalm 9:1 in The Bible and Holy Scriptures, 52 See Jessica Martin and Alec Ryrie, “Private sig. Nn.iiii.v. and Domestic Devotion,” in Private and Domestic 67 Parker, The whole Psalter, sig. Q.iiii.v. Devotion in Early Modern Britain (Farnham: Ashgate, 68 While a modern reader might assume the 2012), 3; Targoff,Common Prayer, 4. word “symphony” refers to “instrumental harmony, 53 Parker, The whole Psalter, sig. A.ii.v. voices in concert,” in the sixteenth century this 54 See Ephesians 5:19 in The newe Testament, word could double as “a name for different musical dylygently corrected and compared with the Greke instruments.” It is likely here that Parker is using by Willyam Tindale: and fynesshed in the yere of the word to refer to a single instrument, perhaps oure Lorde God A.M.D. and. Xxxv (: H. the equivalent of Cranmer’s “instrument of ten Peetersen van Middelburch?, 1535), sig. e.v; strings.” See “symphony, n.” OED Online, Oxford The Byble in Englishe that is to saye the conte[n]t of al University Press, http://www.oed.com/view/ the holy scrypture, both of ye olde, and newe testame[n] Entry/196292?redirectedFrom=simphonie. t, with a prologe therinto, made by thereuerende father 69 The Great Bible of 1539, the first authorized in God, Thomas archbysshop of Cantorbury. edition of the Bible in English, was largely based on This is the Byble apoynted to the vse of the churches, the translations of William Tyndale but revised and trans. Thomas Cranmer (London, 1549), Early completed by his associate Miles Coverdale. The English Books Online, STC (2nd ed.) / 2828a., Fol. project was supervised by , who lxxxviiir. sought to put a vernacular Bible in every English 55 See Ephesians 5:19 in The Bible and parish church. See David Daniell, The Bible in English: Holy Scriptures conteyned in the Olde and Newe Its History and Influence (New Haven and London: Testament. Translated according to the Ebrue and Greke, Yale University Press, 2003), 198–209. and conferred with the best translations indiuers languges. 70 See Psalm 33:2 in The Byble in Englyshe that is With moste profitable annotations vpon all the hard places, to saye the content of all the holy scrypture, both of ye olde and and other things of great importance as may appeare in the newe testament, truly translated after the veryte of the Hebrue to the reader (Geneva: Printed by Rouland Hall, and Greke textes, by ye dylygent studye of dyuerse excellent

Yale Journal of Music & Religion Vol. 6, No. 1 (2020) 57 learned men, expert in the forsayde tonges, (: Prynted 90 The whole booke of Psalmes, sig. Cc.iiii.r. by [Francis Regnault, and in London by] Rychard 91 See Duguid, Metrical Psalmody in Print and Grafton [and] . Cum priuilegio Practice, 62. ad imprimendum solum, 1539), Early English Books 92 Arten, “Singing as English Protestants,” 4. Online, STC (2nd ed.) / 2068, sig. AA.vii.r. Arten (p. 17) notes that this version of Psalm 150 71 Parker, The whole Psalter, sig. Ff.i.r. lists eight instruments, some of them contemporary Underlined letters indicate where Parker used an Elizabethan instruments, and that among the other abbreviation in his manuscript that I have filled in for versifications inThe whole booke of Psalmes, there are an my transcription. additional four instruments woven into the poetic verse. 72 MSS 36, 135–36. 93 In Geneva, one could be called in front of the 73 Ibid. Consistory for dancing. See Jeannine E. Olson, “Calvin 74 Psalm 57:7 in The Bible and Holy Scriptures, and Social-ethical Issues,” in Donald K. McKim, ed., sig. Qq.ii.v. The Cambridge Companion to John Calvin (Cambridge: 75 Parker, The whole Psalter, sig. Tt.i.v. Cambridge University Press, 2004), 161. 76 The Oxford English Dictionary gives 94 “Prayse ye him with timbrell and flute: the definition as trans“ . To sing, intone (a song, praise ye him with virginals and organs.” See Psalm etc.) correctly, according to certain rules of 150: 4 in The Bible and Holy Scriptures, sig. Xx.iii.r. melody; to give (a note) its proper measure or Interestingly, the Great Bible keeps dance in the duration. Also: to play (a note) correctly on an translation, stating, “Prayse hym in the cymbals and instrument. Obs.” See “modulate, v,” OED Online, daunse, prayse him upon the strynges and pype.” See Oxford University Press, http://www.oed.com/view/ The Byble in English, sig. Dd.iii.v. Entry/120682?result=2&rskey=lXIzyu&. 95 Quoted in Willis, Church Music and 77 Ibid. Protestantism, 52. 78 Rivkah Zim notes that John Hopkins 96 Years later, during the start of the Civil contributed the greatest number of psalm paraphrases War, the young Puritan parliamentarian Nehemiah of any single author to the Whole Booke of Psalmes—61 Wharton called the Hereford Cathedral clerics out of 150. See Rivkah Zim, “Hopkins, John “Baallists” when “the pipes played, and the puppets (1520/21–1570),” Oxford Dictionary of National sang so sweetely.” Evidently, then, deep suspicion of Biography, Sept. 23, 2004, https://doi-org.ezproxy. choral singers and organ playing marked the Puritan cul.columbia.edu/10.1093/ref:odnb/13748. mindset toward liturgical music. See Stuart Peachey, 79 The whole booke of Psalmes collected into The Edgehill Campaign and the Letters of Nehemiah Englysh metre by T. Starnhold, I. Hopkins, & others, Wharton (Leigh-on-Sea: Partizan, 1989), 26. conferred with the Ebrue, with apt notes to synge the[m] 97 Of course, Norton also includes “timbrel” in with al; faithfully perused and alowed according to thordre his versification, but I would like to suggest that the appointed in the Quenes Maiesties iniunctions; vere mete addition of “tymbrell” to Parker’s bolsters the dance to be used of all sortes of people priuately for their solace motif, something absent in Norton’s paraphrase. & comfort, laying apart all vngodly songes and ballades, 98 2 Samuel 6:14. which tende only to the norishing of vyce, and corrupting of 99 Parker, The whole Psalter, sig. RR.iiii.v. youth (London: By , dwelling ouer Aldersgate, 100 The whole booke of Psalmes, sig. C.iiii.r. 1562), Early English Books Online, STC (2nd ed.) / 101 Given that the word “fortified” stems from 2430, sig. R.iiii.r. the Latin fortis, meaning “strong,” Parker’s phrase 80 Parker, The whole Psalter, sig. Tt.i.v. furthermore implies a sort of inherent spiritual 81 The whole booke of Psalmes, sig. R.iiii.r. strength in singing. See “fortify, v.” OED Online, 82 In this context, the word “meete” meant Oxford University Press, http://www.oed.com/view/ “suitable, fit, proper for some occasion or purpose.” See Entry/73713. “meet, adj.,” OED Online, Oxford University Press. 102 In addition, the phrase “state renewed” has 83 Parker, The whole Psalter, sig. DD.iii.v. intriguing possible political resonances, especially for 84 See Augustine, Confessions, 208. a man famous for helping to design the policy and 85 Parker, The whole Psalter, sig. Tt.i.v. positions of the new national church. 86 The whole booke of Psalmes, sig. R.iiii.r. 103 Parker, The whole Psalter, sig. RR.iiii.v. 87 See Psalm 108:2 in The Byble in English, Fol. 104 M. Jennifer Bloxam, “Cantus firmus,” Grove xxiiiv–xxiiiir; The Bible and Holy Scriptures, sig. Tt.iii.r. Music Online, Oxford Music Online, Oxford 88 Parker, The Whole Psalter, sig. RR.iiii.r. University Press, http://www.oxfordmusiconline. 89 Ibid. com/subscriber/article/grove/music/04795.

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