Mckim, James Miller (14 November 1810–13 June 1874)
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Reconstruction 1863–1877
11926_18_ch17_p458 11/18/10 12:45 PM Page 458 C h m a 17 p o c t . e Hear the Audio b r a 1 l 7 y a or t ist www.myh Reconstruction 1863–1877 CHAPTER OUTLINE American Communities 459 The Election of 1868 White Resistance and “Redemption” Hale County, Alabama: From Slavery to Woman Suffrage and Reconstruction King Cotton: Sharecroppers,Tenants,and the Southern Environment Freedom in a Black Belt Community The Meaning of Freedom 469 Moving About Reconstructing the North 482 The Politics of Reconstruction 461 African American Families, Churches, The Age of Capital The Defeated South and Schools Liberal Republicans and the Election Abraham Lincoln’s Plan Land and Labor After Slavery of 1872 Andrew Johnson and Presidential The Origins of African American Politics The Depression of 1873 Reconstruction The Electoral Crisis of 1876 Free Labor and the Radical Southern Politics and Society 476 RepublicanVision Southern Republicans Congressional Reconstruction and the Reconstructing the States:A Impeachment Crisis Mixed Record 11926_18_ch17_p459-489 11/18/10 12:45 PM Page 459 Theodor Kaufmann (1814–1896), On to Liberty, 1867. Oil on canvas, 36 ϫ 56 in (91.4 ϫ 142.2 cm). Runaway slaves escaping through the woods. Art Resource/Metropolitan Museum of Art. Hale County, Alabama: From Slavery to Freedom in a Black Belt Community n a bright Saturday morning in May 1867, had recently been O4,000 former slaves streamed into the town of appointed a voter Greensboro, bustling seat of Hale County in west- registrar for the dis- central Alabama.They came to hear speeches from two trict. -
The Most Complete Political Machine Ever Known: the North’S Union Leagues in the American Civil War
Civil War Book Review Spring 2019 Article 10 The Most Complete Political Machine Ever Known: The North’s Union Leagues in the American Civil War Timothy Wesley Austin Peay State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/cwbr Recommended Citation Wesley, Timothy (2019) "The Most Complete Political Machine Ever Known: The North’s Union Leagues in the American Civil War," Civil War Book Review: Vol. 21 : Iss. 2 . DOI: 10.31390/cwbr.21.2.10 Available at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/cwbr/vol21/iss2/10 Wesley: The Most Complete Political Machine Ever Known: The North’s Union Review Wesley, Timothy Spring 2019 Taylor, Paul. The Most Complete Political Machine Ever Known: The North’s Union Leagues in the American Civil War. Kent State University Press, $45.00 ISBN 9781606353530 Paul Taylor’s The Most Complete Political Machine Ever Known: The North’s Union Leagues in the American Civil War reestablishes the significance of an underappreciated force in America’s political past. Once celebrated roundly for their contributions to Union victory, Union Leaguers have faded somewhat from our collective national memory. However understandable such amnesia might be given the trend of historians in recent decades to question the significance of everyday politics in the lives of wartime northerners, it is nevertheless unfortunate. Indeed, Taylor argues that the collective effect of the Union Leaguers on wartime Northern politics and the broader home front was anything but unimportant or inconsequential. Rooted in the broader culture of benevolent, fraternal, and secretive societies that characterized the age, the Union League movement was all but predictable. -
The Early Abolitionists of Lancaster County
The Early Abolitionists of Lancaster County, In giving a history of the Abolition movement in Lancaster county,or else- where, the question seems first to arise, what is specially meant by the term "Abolitionist." The indiscrimin- ate manner in which it was used sixty years ago against every person who in any manner sympathized with the anti- slavery movement leaves me some- what in doubt as to what phase of the subject I am supposed to treat, In fact, I am reminded very much of a speech I heard made by Thaddeus Ste- vens when yet a small boy. It was in the Congressional campaign of 1858, when Mr. Stevens was a candidate for Congress from this district. The per- oration of his speech was substantially as follows. I quote from memory: "But in answer to all this I hear one reply, namely, Stevens is an Abolition- ist. The indiscriminate manner with which the term is used, I am frank to confess, leaves me somewhat in doubt as to what is meant by it. But the venom and spleen with which it is hurled at some of us would indicate, at least, that it is a term of reproach and used only against monsters and outlaws of society. If it is meant by an Abolitionist that I am one of those terrible, heinous-looking animals with cloven hoofs and horns, such as is de- scribed in. legend and fiction, and in Milton's "Paradise Lost," I am not very handsome, to be sure, but I don't think I am one of those. -
In 1848 the Slave-Turned-Abolitionist Frederick Douglass Wrote In
The Union LeagUe, BLack Leaders, and The recrUiTmenT of PhiLadeLPhia’s african american civiL War regimenTs Andrew T. Tremel n 1848 the slave-turned-abolitionist Frederick Douglass wrote in Ithe National Anti-Slavery Standard newspaper that Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, “more than any other [city] in our land, holds the destiny of our people.”1 Yet Douglass was also one of the biggest critics of the city’s treatment of its black citizens. He penned a censure in 1862: “There is not perhaps anywhere to be found a city in which prejudice against color is more rampant than Philadelphia.”2 There were a number of other critics. On March 4, 1863, the Christian Recorder, the official organ of the African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church, commented after race riots in Detroit, “Even here, in the city of Philadelphia, in many places it is almost impossible for a respectable colored per- son to walk the streets without being assaulted.”3 To be sure, Philadelphia’s early residents showed some mod- erate sympathy with black citizens, especially through the Pennsylvania Abolition Society, but as the nineteenth century progressed, Philadelphia witnessed increased racial tension and a number of riots. In 1848 Douglass wrote in response to these pennsylvania history: a journal of mid-atlantic studies, vol. 80, no. 1, 2013. Copyright © 2013 The Pennsylvania Historical Association This content downloaded from 128.118.152.206 on Wed, 09 Jan 2019 20:56:18 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms pennsylvania history attitudes, “The Philadelphians were apathetic and neglectful of their duty to the black community as a whole.” The 1850s became a period of adjustment for the antislavery movement. -
Four Roads to Emancipation: Lincoln, the Law, and the Proclamation Dr
Copyright © 2013 by the National Trust for Historic Preservation i Table of Contents Letter from Erin Carlson Mast, Executive Director, President Lincoln’s Cottage Letter from Martin R. Castro, Chairman of The United States Commission on Civil Rights About President Lincoln’s Cottage, The National Trust for Historic Preservation, and The United States Commission on Civil Rights Author Biographies Acknowledgements 1. A Good Sleep or a Bad Nightmare: Tossing and Turning Over the Memory of Emancipation Dr. David Blight……….…………………………………………………………….….1 2. Abraham Lincoln: Reluctant Emancipator? Dr. Michael Burlingame……………………………………………………………….…9 3. The Lessons of Emancipation in the Fight Against Modern Slavery Ambassador Luis CdeBaca………………………………….…………………………...15 4. Views of Emancipation through the Eyes of the Enslaved Dr. Spencer Crew…………………………………………….………………………..19 5. Lincoln’s “Paramount Object” Dr. Joseph R. Fornieri……………………….…………………..……………………..25 6. Four Roads to Emancipation: Lincoln, the Law, and the Proclamation Dr. Allen Carl Guelzo……………..……………………………….…………………..31 7. Emancipation and its Complex Legacy as the Work of Many Hands Dr. Chandra Manning…………………………………………………..……………...41 8. The Emancipation Proclamation at 150 Dr. Edna Greene Medford………………………………….……….…….……………48 9. Lincoln, Emancipation, and the New Birth of Freedom: On Remaining a Constitutional People Dr. Lucas E. Morel…………………………….…………………….……….………..53 10. Emancipation Moments Dr. Matthew Pinsker………………….……………………………….………….……59 11. “Knock[ing] the Bottom Out of Slavery” and Desegregation: -
Juneteenth Timeline Compiled and Edited by James Elton Johnson April, 2021
Annotated Juneteenth Timeline compiled and edited by James Elton Johnson April, 2021 The Juneteenth holiday is a uniquely American commemoration that is rooted in the Civil War. With an emphasis on southern New Jersey, this timeline is constructed from a regional perspective of metropolitan Philadelphia. 1860 November 6 Abraham Lincoln elected president December 18 The Crittenden Compromise is proposed by Kentucky Senator John J. Crittenden. This proposed legislation would have extended the Missouri Compromise line (36o 30’ latitude north) to the Pacific Ocean. Both Republicans and Democrats opposed this plan. Republicans were concerned about the territories being open tto slavery and unfair competition for white workers. Democrats were against any restriction on slavery in the territories. December 20 South Carolina secedes. President James Buchannan fails to act. 1861 January 9 Mississippi secedes January 10 Florida secedes January 11 Alabama secedes January 19 Georgia secedes January 26 Louisiana secedes February 1 Texas secedes March 4 Lincoln is inaugurated March 21 The Corvin amendment (below) is passed by Congress and submitted to the states for ratification. If ratified, this proposed 13th amendment would have explicitly enshrined the system of slavery into the U.S. Constitution. No amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will authorize or give to Congress the power to abolish or interfere, within any State, with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held to labor or service by the laws of said State. 2 But for the outbreak of war, ratification of the Corvin amendment by the states was quite likely. Introduced in the Senate by William H. -
Union League Club
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Next Stop: Liberty
The Wall Street Journal January 17-18, 2015 Book Review “Gateway to Freedom” by Eric Foner, Norton, $26.95, 301 pages. Next Stop: Liberty New York City’s abolitionist operatives showed cunning and courage as they worked to help fugitive slaves. by David S. Reynolds In March 1849, Henry Brown, an enslaved tobacco worker in Richmond, Va., escaped to the North in dramatic fashion. Aided by a white friend, he was put inside a small crate that was shipped to Philadelphia. During the 24-hour journey, he twice almost died when he was turned upside-down. He was received in Philadelphia by the abolitionist James Miller McKim, who tapped on the container and asked, “All right?” Brown answered, “All right, sir.” When the crate was finally opened, Brown emerged, beaming, and launched into a “hymn of praise.” He was sent to New York City and then New Bedford, Mass. Soon famous as Henry “Box” Brown, he went to England, where he became a fixture on the abolitionist lecture circuit. Brown’s escape is one of many gripping tales told in Eric Foner ’s excellent “Gateway to Freedom: The Hidden Story of the Underground Railroad.” Mr. Foner’s book joins a number of previous studies—from William Still’s “The Underground Railroad” (1872) through Larry Gara ’s “The Liberty Line” (1961) to Fergus M. Bordewich ’s “Bound for Canaan” (2005)—that have taken on the challenge of resurrecting the Americans who assisted runaway slaves in their journeys to freedom. The challenge is daunting. The Underground Railroad, as its metaphorical name suggests, was a clandestine, illegal network. -
THE POLITICS of SLAVERY and FREEDOM in PHILADELPHIA, 1820-1847 a Dissertation Submitted To
NEITHER NORTHERN NOR SOUTHERN: THE POLITICS OF SLAVERY AND FREEDOM IN PHILADELPHIA, 1820-1847 A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Elliott Drago May, 2017 Examining Committee Members: Andrew Isenberg, Chair, Temple University, History Harvey Neptune, Temple University, History Jessica Roney, Temple University, History Jonathan Wells, University of Michigan, History Judith Giesberg, Villanova University, History Randall Miller, External Member, Saint Joseph’s University, History © Copyright 2017 by Elliott Drago All Rights Reserved ii ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the conflict over slavery and freedom in Philadelphia from 1820 to 1847. As the northernmost southern city in a state that bordered three slave states, Philadelphia maintained a long tradition of abolitionism and fugitive slave activity. Conflicts that arose over fugitive slaves and the kidnapping of free African-Americans forced Philadelphians to confront the politics of slavery. This dissertation argues that until 1847, Pennsylvania was in effect a slave state. The work of proslavery groups, namely slave masters, their agents, white and black kidnappers, and local, state, and national political supporters, undermined the ostensible successes of state laws designed to protect the freedom of African-Americans in Pennsylvania. Commonly referred to as “liberty laws,” this legislation exposed the inherent difficulty in determining the free or enslaved status of not only fugitive slaves but also African-American kidnapping victims. By studying the specific fugitive or kidnapping cases that inspired these liberty laws, one finds that time and again African-Americans and their allies forced white politicians to grapple with the reality that Pennsylvania was not a safe-haven for African-Americans, regardless of their condition of bondage or freedom. -
The Deliverance of Henry “Box” Brown and Antebellum Postal Politics
Fugitive Mail 5 Fugitive Mail: The Deliverance of Henry “Box” Brown and Antebellum Postal Politics Hollis Robbins On March 29, 1849, in Richmond, Virginia, a thirty-four-year old, 200-pound slave named Henry Brown asked two friends to pack him in a wooden box and ship it by express mail to Philadelphia. They did and he arrived alive twenty- seven hours later with a new name and a marketable story. The Narrative of the Life of Henry “Box” Brown, published months later (with the help of ghostwriter Charles Stearns), made Brown quickly famous.1 Brown toured America and England describing his escape and jumping out of his famous box. In 1850, Brown and partner James C.A. Smith added to the show a moving panorama, “The Mirror of Slavery,” depicting the horrors of slavery and the slave trade. Audiences dwindled, however, and after a dispute over money in 1851, Brown parted ways with Smith and with most of his supporters. By 1855, Brown was largely forgotten. In the last dozen years, Henry “Box” Brown’s Narrative has re-emerged to enjoy a kind of academic second act in African American Studies. Recent books and articles by Henry Louis Gates, Jr., Richard Newman, John Ernest, Jeffrey Ruggles, Daphne Brooks, Marcus Wood, and Cynthia Griffin Wolff celebrate the rich symbolism of deliverance in Brown’s story.2 As Gates writes in his forward to a recent edition of Brown’s Narrative, the appeal of the tale stems, in part, from the fact that Brown made literal much that was implicit in the symbolism of enslavement. -
Timeline 1863
CIVIL WAR TIMELINE 1863 Jan. 1 President Abraham Lincoln signs the Emancipation Proclamation. It frees all slaves in regions under Confederate control and authorizes the enlistment of black soldiers. Note that it does not outlaw slavery in all areas of the country. Tennessee, which is under Union control (and whose constitution will be among the first to ban slavery); Southern Louisiana, which has remained loyal to the Union; and the border states of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri are exempt from the Emancipation Proclamation, even though slavery exists in its cruelest forms in all six states. [See September 5, 1864] “ African Americans in New York City hold a Grand Emancipation Jubilee at Shiloh Church, a night-watch of celebration in anticipation of the Emancipation Proclamation. Hundreds of people attend, almost one-third of them white. “ TN Lucy Virginia French of McMinnville writes in her journal: “A New Year commenced today—heaven grant that ere it ends peace may reign among us once more.... I rose with new thanksgivings for the victory of yesterday [Stones River]....Old Abe is said to have revoked his Emancipation Proclamation—his message is a ‘funny’ document—the butt and laughing stock of all Europe—in it he recommends ‘gradual’ emancipation.” “ TN Skirmishes near Clifton as Forrest crosses the Tennessee River there, On his way out of West Tennessee; skirmishes at and near LaVergne and at Stewart’s Creek. Jan. 2 TN C.S. General Breckinridge attacks the Federal position at Stones River late in the day. Although initially successful, he is eventually repulsed & withdraws. With 23,000 casualties, Murfreesboro/Stones River is the second bloodiest battle fought west of the Appalachians during the Civil War. -
The Dispatch General Meade Society of Philadelphia, Inc
The Dispatch General Meade Society of Philadelphia, Inc. Newsletter – Fall 2015 “Forget Not His Deeds” ***************************************************************************************** General Meade Spring Trip, May 2nd, 2015 The day dawned bright and warm, with nary a cloud in the sky. Forty plus Meade Society members as well as others interested in the Civil War, gathered at Laurel Hill Cemetery. The topic: Meade Sites in Philadelphia. After our itinerary and some background by Andy Waskie, off we went on a full day of activities, visits to churches, graveyards, monuments and … well, things that aren’t there anymore. First stop, the Federal Navy Yard on Federal Avenue, the Old Navy Yard and “refreshment saloons” of that area near Front and Water Street. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- The General Meade Society of Philadelphia is an educational non-profit 501c3 organization chartered by the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. The mission of the Society is to promote and preserve the life and service of Major General George Gordon Meade (USA), Commander of the Army of the Potomac. The Society’s Board of Directors meets at the Cannstatter Volksfest-Verein, 9130 Academy Road, Philadelphia, PA 19114, on the 2nd Thursday of designated months starting at 7:00 P.M. All Society members are welcome. Board of Directors Officers Directors Andy Waskie, PhD, President Ginny Benner Tom Kearney Mike Peter, Vice-president Tom Benner Jeanne O’Toole Jerry McCormick, Treasurer Albert El Joe Perry Michael Wunsch, Corresponding Secretary Ken Garson Joseph Pugh Joe Hauptmann, Recording Secretary Carol Ingald Blair Thron Jack Ward www.generalmeadesociety.org [email protected] 215-204-5452 http://www.facebook.com/pages/The-General-Meade-Society-of-Philadelphia/175046292538630 1 This section of the city was a staging area and encampment for many thousands of troops.