Situation in Colombia. Interim Report. November 2012
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Colombia: Current and Future Political, Economic and Security Trends
Colombia: Current and Future Political, Economic and Security Trends By Stephen J. Randall, FRSC Fellow of the Canadian Defence & Foreign Affairs Institute and Director, Institute for United States Policy Research Jillian Dowding, MA Assistant Director, Institute for United States Policy Research December 2006 Prepared for the Canadian Defence & Foreign Affairs Institute 1600, 530 – 8th Avenue S.W., Calgary, AB T2P 3S8 www.cdfai.org © Canadian Defence & Foreign Affairs Institute Introduction For some analysts Colombia is seen to be at a crossroads, with the capacity to move beyond more than thirty years of internal conflict and realize its potential, especially in the economic sector. This paper outlines the current political, economic and security situation in the country and explores some of the possible scenarios for the next five to ten year period.1 The authors suggest that it is critically important to examine the ways in which the political and strategic environment has evolved over the past decade in order to understand the current situation and predict where the country will likely move in the near future. Most analysts of Colombia concur that Colombia has not realized its economic potential in the past fifty years because of the internal conflict, a conflict that has its roots in both ideological differences as well as socio-economic inequalities, but which have been greatly exacerbated since the emergence of the narcotics industry in the 1970s. That internal conflict has defeated government after government in its effort to develop a broader vision of the role that Colombia could play in inter-American relations or economically to move into the developed world. -
The Prohibition of Torture and Ill-Treatment in the Inter-American Human Rights System
The Prohibition of Torture and Ill-treatment in the Inter-American Human Rights System A HANDBOOK Diego Rodríguez-Pinzón & Claudia Martin FOR VICTIMS AND THEIR ADVOCATES With a Foreword by Claudio Grossman OMCT Handbook Series Vol.2 Series Editor: Boris Wijkström THE PROHIBITION OF TORTURE AND ILL-TREATMENT IN THE INTER-AMERICAN HUMAN RIGHTS SYSTEM A HANDBOOK FOR VICTIMS AND THEIR ADVOCATES Note to Readers This Handbook is meant to support NGOs, advocates, lawyers, and indeed, the victims of torture themselves, in developing effective litigation strategies before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. As such, OMCT has striven for comprehensive coverage of the relevant areas of substance and procedure but also for clarity and accessibility. We are continuously looking for ways to improve our materials and enhance their impact. Please help us do this by submitting your comments on this book to: [email protected] Readers are also invited to visit our website featuring a page devoted to this Handbook which contains further reference materials including electronic versions of all of the Handbook’s appendices available for download: www.omct.org 4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This publication was made possible by the European Commission, and was sup- ported by the Government of Switzerland. I owe many thanks to Aubra Fletcher for her invaluable help and extremely rele- vant insights during the editorial work of this volume; her assistance and support were simply indispensable in the carrying out of this task. I would also like to express my appreciation to Victoria Lee for having contributed to the editing of this volume. -
PARAMILITARIES Kill Suspected Supporters of the FARC
UniTeD SelF-DeFenSe FoRCeS oF ColoMBiA (AUC) PARAMiliTARY TRooPS, lA GABARRA, noRTe De SAnTAnDeR, DeCeMBeR 10, 2004 PARAMiliTARieS kill suspected supporters of the FARC. By 1983, locals reported DEATh TO KIDNAPPERs cases of army troops and MAS fighters working together to assas- sinate civilians and burn farms.5 After the 1959 Cuban revolution, the U.S. became alarmed power and wealth, to the point that by 2004 the autodefensas had this model of counterinsurgency proved attractive to the Colom- that Marxist revolts would break out elsewhere in latin Ameri- taken over much of the country. bian state. on a 1985 visit to Puerto Boyacá, President Belisario Be- ca. in 1962, an Army special warfare team arrived in Colombia to As they expanded their control across Colombia, paramil- tancur reportedly declared, “every inhabitant of Magdalena Medio help design a counterinsurgency strategy for the Colombian armed itary militias forcibly displaced over a million persons from the has risen up to become a defender of peace, next to our army, next to forces. even though the FARC and other insurgent groups had not land.3 By official numbers, as of 2011, the autodefensas are estimat- our police… Continue on, people of Puerto Boyacá!”6 yet appeared on the scene, U.S. advisers recommended that a force ed to have killed at least 140,000 civilians including hundreds of Soon, landowners, drug traffickers, and security forces set made up of civilians be used “to perform counteragent and coun- trade unionists, teachers, human rights defenders, rural organiz- up local autodefensas across Colombia. in 1987, the Minister of terpropaganda functions and, as necessary, execute paramilitary, ers, politicians, and journalists who they labelled as sympathetic government César gaviria testified to the existence of 140 ac- sabotage, and/or terrorist activities against known communist pro- to the guerrillas.3 tive right-wing militias in the country.7 Many sported macabre ponents. -
With the Number of Characters in This Film, the Name and Affiliation of Each One Will Be Super-Imposed on Screen As They're Introduced
NOTE TO READER: With the number of characters in this film, the name and affiliation of each one will be super-imposed on screen as they're introduced. Also, TRANSITION TO: denotes a movement between PAST and PRESENT and vice-versa. FADE IN: TITLE CARD: THIS IS A TRUE STORY MONTAGE Fractured visuals unfold. Faces, events, lives, passing in split second ellipses. Chaos as prologue. Carnage as backdrop. CRAWL: Colombia, 1985: The Medellin drug cartel: An outlaw kingdom borne of bloodshed. A violent legacy writ large: Cocaine. At its core, the centrifugal figure of PABLO ESCOBAR, "El Doctor": A man who at the age of thirty-three, had reached a level of affluence and power stratospheric in scale...A man whom many believe to be the father of modern terrorism. He lorded over a billion dollar drug empire to brutal effect and waged open war against an entire country. He was ruthless, revered, vilified, feared and remains what many consider to be the last great gangster of the 20th century... ...The world will never again see a criminal quite like him. END CRAWL WE SEE: Pablo the family man. With his wife MARIA VICTORIA. Playing with his daughter MANUELA and son JUAN PABLO. WE SEE: Pablo, the public figure, breaking ground on a housing project, visiting children in the hospital, attending functions for one of his dozen charitable organizations. WE SEE: Pablo, the social animal; at a bullfight, at a nightclub, at a soccer match. Always the center of attention. WE SEE: A final image of Pablo dressed as the famous Mexican bandito and revolutionary Pancho Villa. -
Legislating During War: Conflict and Politics in Colombia
Legislating During War: Conflict and Politics in Colombia Juan S. Morales∗ Collegio Carlo Alberto University of Turin July 24, 2020 Abstract This paper studies how politicians and their constituents respond to political violence by investigating the case of the Colombian civil conflict. I use data on rebel attacks, legislators’ tweets and roll-call votes, and I employ event study and difference-in-differences empirical methods. Twitter engagement (as a proxy for popular support) increases after rebel attacks for both incumbent party legislators and for tweets with a "hard-line" language. Legislators increase their support for the incumbent party after attacks, but only when the government has a hard-line policy position, as inferred both from the recent historical context and from text analysis of the president’s tweets. Though the effects are initially large they last less than two weeks. The empirical results are consistent with a political economy model of legislative behaviour in which events that shift voters’ views, and the presence of rally ‘round the flag effects, elicit different politician responses depending on the policy position of the incumbent party. Finally, I identify a set of potentially affected congressional votes, suggesting that these conflict-induced swings in incumbent support can have persistent policy consequences. JEL Codes: D72;D74;H56;O10 Keywords: civil conflict; legislative decision-making; roll-call votes; political language; social media ∗Collegio Carlo Alberto, Piazza Arbarello 8, 10122, Torino, TO, Italy (e-mail: [email protected]). I thank the editor, Maria Petrova, and anonymous referees for their careful reviews and suggestions. I am grateful to Gustavo Bobonis, Albert Berry, Marco Gonzalez-Navarro and Michel Serafinelli for their guidance and support. -
The Human Rights Situation in Colombia: Amnesty International Written Statement to the Thirteenth Session of the UN Human Rights Council (1-26 March 2010)
AI Index; AMR 23/005/2010 PUBLIC Date: 16 February 2010 The Human Rights Situation in Colombia: Amnesty International written statement to the thirteenth session of the UN Human Rights Council (1-26 March 2010) Amnesty International expresses its continued appreciation of the work of the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights in Colombia to improve respect for human rights and international humanitarian law in the country. Amnesty International also supports the renewal of the Office’s mandate when its current mandate expires at the end of October 2010. This statement presents an overview of Amnesty International’s concerns in Colombia. ARMED CONFLICT AND HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES The human rights and humanitarian situation in Colombia continues to be serious with civilians still bearing the brunt of the country’s long-running internal armed conflict. The security forces, paramilitaries and guerrilla groups continue to be responsible for serious human rights abuses and violations of international humanitarian law and to disregard the fundamental right of civilians not to be dragged into the conflict. The human rights picture in the country presents some positive and several negative features.1 Compared to 2008, in 2009 fewer civilians were extrajudicially executed by the security forces or kidnapped by guerrilla groups and criminal gangs. Forced displacement again increased – albeit at a slower rate than in 2008 – as did the killing of members of marginalized social groups and Indigenous Peoples. Threats against human rights defenders and other activists continue unabated. Many witnesses to killings and survivors of serious human rights abuses and their families are threatened and killed. -
Colombia's National Law of Firearms and Explosives
COLOMBIA ’S NATIO N AL LAW OF FIREARMS A N D EXPLOSIVES by Jonathan Edward Shaw* IP-3-2011 May 2011 13952 Denver West Parkway • Suite 400 • Golden, Colorado 80401-3141 www.IndependenceInstitute.org • 303-279-6536 • 303-279-4176 fax COLOM bia ’S NA T I ON A L LA W OF FI RE A RMS A ND EXPLOS I VES Abstract: This Issue Paper provides English translations The translations included in this Issue Paper are based of Colombian gun control statutes and the arms-related on the original Spanish versions of the Colombian provisions of Colombia’s present and past constitutions. The Constitution and the laws that govern gun control in Issue Paper also provides a history of the arms provisions in Colombia. I have made my best effort to translate Colombia’s constitutions over the last two centuries, and in the documents into English, rather than re-writing the the Spanish law that preceded them. In addition to translating documents as if they had originally been written in English. the modern gun control statutes, the Issue Paper presents a My purpose was to clearly communicate the content narrative explanation of the most important provisions. From of the documents and to avoid modifying meanings to colonial days to the present, Colombian law has presumed facilitate modern English wording. For example, the that many Colombians will own and carry firearms for Spanish word municiones might normally be translated sports and for self-defense. Contemporary laws continue this as ammunition in English; however I have used the word tradition, in the context of a system of regulation. -
Colombia's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments Through 2015
PDF generated: 16 Sep 2021, 17:03 constituteproject.org Colombia's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2015 Subsequently amended © Oxford University Press, Inc. Translated by Max Planck Institute, with updates by the Comparative Constitutions Project Prepared for distribution on constituteproject.org with content generously provided by Oxford University Press. This document has been recompiled and reformatted using texts collected in Oxford’s Constitutions of the World and the repository of the Comparative Constitutions Project. constituteproject.org PDF generated: 16 Sep 2021, 17:03 Table of contents Preamble . 4 TITLE I: On Fundamental Principles . 4 TITLE II: On Rights, Guarantees, and Duties . 5 Chapter I: On Fundamental Rights . 5 Chapter II: On Social, Economic, and Cultural Rights . 10 Chapter III: On Collective Rights and the Environment . 20 Chapter IV: On the Protection and Application of Rights . 21 Chapter V: On Duties and Obligations . 23 TITLE III: On the Population and the Territory . 24 Chapter I: On Nationality . 24 Chapter II: On Citizenship . 25 Chapter III: On Aliens . 25 Chapter IV: On Territory . 25 TITLE IV: On Democratic Participation and Political Parties . 26 Chapter I: On the Forms of Democratic Participation . 26 Chapter II: On Political Parties and Political Movements . 27 Chapter III: On the Status of the Opposition . 30 TITLE V: On the Organization of the State . 31 Chapter I: On the Structure of the State . 31 Chapter II: On the Public Service . 32 TITLE VI: On the Legislative Branch . 35 Chapter I: On its Composition and Functions . 35 Chapter II: On its Sessions and Activities . 38 Chapter III: On Statutes . -
Pdf | 271.02 Kb
United Nations S/2019/1017 Security Council Distr.: General 31 December 2019 Original: English Children and armed conflict in Colombia Report of the Secretary-General Summary The present report, submitted pursuant to Security Council resolution 1612 (2005) and subsequent resolutions, is the fourth report of the Secretary-General on children and armed conflict in Colombia and covers the period from 1 July 2016 to 30 June 2019. The report provides information on the six grave violations against children, on parties to conflict responsible, where identified, and on progress made in the protection of children affected by armed conflict. The reporting period was marked by the implementation of the Final Agreement for Ending the Conflict and Building a Stable and Lasting Peace (S/2017/272, annex II) between the Government of Colombia and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP), which put an end to a five-decade-long conflict. A decrease in the total number of grave violations against children was documented and can be explained in part by the signature of the peace agreement and the subsequent demobilization of the largest armed group in the country. Over the same period, however, other armed groups expanded their territorial presence, including in areas vacated by FARC-EP, and FARC-EP dissident groups emerged. These developments have continued to expose children to grave violations, in particular recruitment and use and sexual violence. Highlighted in the report are the efforts made by the Government of Colombia to strengthen the framework to respond to, end and prevent grave violations against children, including through prevention strategies. -
FULLTEXT01.Pdf
1 Cover photo: José Ramón Gomez, Arauca, 2012 Front page designed by: Manuela Giraldo 'When an Indigenous People disappears, a whole world is extinguished forever, along with its culture, spirituality, language, ancestral knowledge and traditional practices ... The survival of Indigenous Peoples with dignity is all in our hands.” National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC) "We are not myths of the past neither ruins in the jungle. We are people and we want to be respected…” Rigoberta Menchu Tum 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................. 5 PREFACE .................................................................................................................................... 6 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................................................................................................ 7 ACRONYMS ............................................................................................................................... 8 1.1 Aim and Research Question ............................................................................................ 10 1.2 Theoretical Framework ................................................................................................... 10 1.2.1 Structural Violence ................................................................................................ 11 1.2.2 Civilians Targeted by GAO ML.......................................................................... -
Corruption and Plan Colombia
CORRUPTION AND PLAN COLOMBIA The Missing Link Transparency International (TI) is the world’s leading non-governmental anti-corruption organisation, addressing corruption and corruption risk in its many forms through a network of more than 100 national chapters worldwide. Transparency International Defence and Security (TI-DS) works to reduce corruption in defence and security worldwide. Author: Hannah Stone Contributors: Adam Isacson, Paul Angelo Editor: Karolina MacLachlan Images: Front Cover - Adobe Stock, P1 - Chairman of the Joint Chief of Staff (Flickr - Creative Commons), P11- Adobe Stock, P23 - West Point (Flickr - Creative Commons) © 2019 Transparency International. All rights reserved. Reproduction in whole or in parts is permitted, providing that full credit is given to Transparency International and provided that any such reproduction, in whole or in parts, is not sold or incorporated in works that are sold. Written permission must be sought from Transparency International if any such reproduction would adapt or modify the original content. With thanks to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands for its generous support. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of Transparency International Defence & Security and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands. Published June 2019. Every effort has been made to verify the accuracy of the information contained in this report. All information was believed to be correct as of May 2019. Nevertheless, Transparency International cannot accept responsibility for the consequences of its use for other purposes or in other contexts. Transparency International UK’s registered charity number is 1112842. -
Assessing the US Role in the Colombian Peace Process
An Uncertain Peace: Assessing the U.S. Role in the Colombian Peace Process Global Policy Practicum — Colombia | Fall 2018 Authors Alexandra Curnin Mark Daniels Ashley DuPuis Michael Everett Alexa Green William Johnson Io Jones Maxwell Kanefield Bill Kosmidis Erica Ng Christina Reagan Emily Schneider Gaby Sommer Professor Charles Junius Wheelan Teaching Assistant Lucy Tantum 2 Table of Contents Important Abbreviations 3 Introduction 5 History of Colombia 7 Colombia’s Geography 11 2016 Peace Agreement 14 Colombia’s Political Landscape 21 U.S. Interests in Colombia and Structure of Recommendations 30 Recommendations | Summary Table 34 Principal Areas for Peacebuilding Rural Development | Land Reform 38 Rural Development | Infrastructure Development 45 Rural Development | Security 53 Rural Development | Political and Civic Participation 57 Rural Development | PDETs 64 Combating the Drug Trade 69 Disarmament and Socioeconomic Reintegration of the FARC 89 Political Reintegration of the FARC 95 Justice and Human Rights 102 Conclusion 115 Works Cited 116 3 Important Abbreviations ADAM: Areas de DeBartolo Alternative Municipal AFP: Alliance For Progress ARN: Agencies para la Reincorporación y la Normalización AUC: Las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia CSDI: Colombia Strategic Development Initiative DEA: Drug Enforcement Administration ELN: Ejército de Liberación Nacional EPA: Environmental Protection Agency ETCR: Espacio Territoriales de Capacitación y Reincorporación FARC-EP: Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo GDP: Gross