Constitutional Review in Consociations
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Criminological Policy Mobilities and Sex Work: Understanding the Movement of the ‘Swedish Model’ to Northern Ireland
Northumbria Research Link Citation: McMenzie, Laura, Cook, Ian and Laing, Mary (2019) Criminological policy mobilities and sex work: Understanding the movement of the ‘Swedish model’ to Northern Ireland. British Journal of Criminology, 59 (5). pp. 1199-1216. ISSN 0007-0955 Published by: Oxford University Press URL: https://doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azy058 <https://doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azy058> This version was downloaded from Northumbria Research Link: http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/36688/ Northumbria University has developed Northumbria Research Link (NRL) to enable users to access the University’s research output. Copyright © and moral rights for items on NRL are retained by the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. Single copies of full items can be reproduced, displayed or performed, and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided the authors, title and full bibliographic details are given, as well as a hyperlink and/or URL to the original metadata page. The content must not be changed in any way. Full items must not be sold commercially in any format or medium without formal permission of the copyright holder. The full policy is available online: http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/pol i cies.html This document may differ from the final, published version of the research and has been made available online in accordance with publisher policies. To read and/or cite from the published version of the research, please visit the publisher’s website (a subscription may be required.) doi:10.1093/bjc/azy058 BRIT. -
Sarajevo, 2015
Sarajevo, 2015. Korice_nove 23. decembar 2015 12:08:43 USTAVNI SUD BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE УСТАВНИ СУД БОСНЕ И ХЕРЦЕГОВИНЕ CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA Izdavač/Publisher: USTAVNI SUD BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA Sarajevo, Reisa Džemaludina Čauševića 6/III Za idavača/For publisher: MIRSAD ĆEMAN Urednik/Editor: MATO TADIĆ Uređivački odbor/Editorial Board: MATO TADIĆ MIODRAG SIMOVIĆ ARIJANA DŽANOVIĆ ERMINA DUMANJIĆ AMELA HARBA-BAŠOVIĆ AZEM KRAJINIĆ Prijevod, lektura i korektura/ Translation, Editing and Proofreading: JEZIČKI ODJEL USTAVNOG SUDA BiH LANGUAGE DEPARTMENT OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF BiH Prijelom i dizajn/Layout and Design: AMELA HARBA-BAŠOVIĆ Štampa/Printed by: ŠTAMPARIJA FOJNICA d.d., Fojnica Tiraž/Print run: 200 Ustavni sud će podržavati ovaj Ustav. Odluke Ustavnog suda su konačne i obavezujuće. (Član VI/3. i 4. Ustava Bosne i Hercegovine) Уставни суд ће штитити овај Устав. Одлуке Уставног суда су коначне и обавезујуће. (Члан VI/3 i 4 Устава Босне и Херцеговине) The Constitutional Court shall uphold this Constitution. Decisions of the Constitutional Court shall be final and binding. (Article VI(3) and (4) of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina) 3 Ustavni sud Bosne i Hercegovine smješten je u zgradi Predsjedništva BiH u Ulici reisa Džemaludina Čauševića 6/III, Sarajevo Уставни суд Босне и Херцеговине смјештен је у згради Предсједништва БиХ, у Улици реиса Џемалудина Чаушевића 6/III, Сарајево The Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina is seated in the building of the Presidency of BiH, Reisa Džemaludina Čauševića No. 6/III, Sarajevo Tel: +387 33 251 226 Fax: +387 33 561 134 e-mail: [email protected] www.ustavnisud.ba www.ccbh.ba 4 UVOD INTRODUCTION Mirsad Ćeman Mirsad Ćeman Predsjednik President Ustavnog suda Constitutional Court of Bosne i Hercegovine Bosnia and Herzegovina Godine 2014. -
Lafleur Rome 2011 V2
Draft version, Jean-Michel Lafleur, 6th May 2011 IMISCOE Conference on “External voting in the EU”, Rome, 26 & 27 May 2011 Jean-Michel Lafleur (University of Liège/FRS-FNRS) [email protected] Exporting Ethnic Divisions? The Political Participation of Belgian Citizens Abroad The Belgian emigrants’ political participation in home country politics is an issue that has undergone several important developments since the end of the 1990s but has surprisingly been subject to very little research. In comparison, the topic of the political participation of foreigners living in Belgium has been very well documented through different works on the socio-political mobilization of emigrants (Martiniello, 1992) the extension of franchise to non-citizens (Jacobs, 1999) and the development of ethnic of politics in certain areas of the country (Martiniello, 1998). How can we explain the discrepancy between the study of non-citizens’ political participation and that of Belgian citizens residing abroad? One hypothesis is that Belgians abroad have never occupied a central position in the Belgian political agenda for two main reasons. First, Belgian authorities have expressed very little interest in reaching out to their citizens abroad despite the fact that Belgium has one of the highest emigration rate in Europe according to Eurostat data (4.7/1000) and has over 300,000 of its citizens currently residing abroad in a country that has barely more than 10,000,000 inhabitants. The absence of interest is visible in the absence of formal mechanism of consultation between the emigrants and the federal authorities, the lack of financial support to the few existing emigrant associations, the delays in the adoption of the external voting and the dual nationality laws and the lack of proper instruments to register efficiently citizens abroad until 2002. -
Leverhulme-Funded Monitoring Programme
Leverhulme-funded monitoring programme Northern Ireland report 5 November 2000 Contents Summary Robin Wilson 3 Storm clouds gather Robin Wilson 4 Devolved government Robin Wilson Liz Fawcett 10 The assembly Rick Wilford 17 The media Greg McLaughlin 28 Public attitudes and identity (Nil return) Intergovernmental relations John Coakley Graham Walker 32 Relations with the EU Elizabeth Meehan 43 Relations with local government (Nil return) Finance Robin Wilson 47 Devolution disputes (Nil return) Political parties and elections Duncan Morrow Rick Wilford 49 Public policies Duncan Morrow 55 2 Summary It was the best, but also the worst, of times in Northern Ireland during this quarter. The four-party executive finally agreed in October what it would substantively do after 30 months of high- (or, perhaps, low-) political manoeuvring between the ethno- nationalist protagonists. Here, at last, was a draft Programme for Government. One, indeed, with a confidence-building message of ‘making a difference’; one, too, with some ‘joined-up’ sophistication and the capacity thus to cement the partisan ministerial fiefdoms. Here, also, was a draft budget, for the first time reflecting regional priorities. Meanwhile, there was patient work in the assembly—if criticism of its lack of transparency—and the Civic Forum met. But a poll showed confidence in the agreement falling—sharply amongst Catholics, to rock-bottom amongst Protestants. And the institutions of the agreement—their interdependence meaning shocks destabilise the whole baroque architecture—came under increasing strain. The failure of the policing commission to generate a consensual report led to a Police Bill both unionists and nationalists opposed. Ethnic hurt mobilised (or, perhaps, exploited) in the Protestant community over the loss of the Royal Ulster Constabulary name (symbolising its 302 victims) struck a body-blow to David Trimble as Ulster Unionist Party leader and first minister, as the Democratic Unionists—undermining the executive by their absence—won a hitherto safe UUP seat. -
A Democratic Design? the Political Style of the Northern Ireland Assembly
A Democratic Design? The political style of the Northern Ireland Assembly Rick Wilford Robin Wilson May 2001 FOREWORD....................................................................................................3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .................................................................................4 Background.........................................................................................................................................7 Representing the People.....................................................................................................................9 Table 1 Parties Elected to the Assembly ........................................................................................10 Public communication......................................................................................................................15 Table 2 Written and Oral Questions 7 February 2000-12 March 2001*........................................17 Assembly committees .......................................................................................................................20 Table 3 Statutory Committee Meetings..........................................................................................21 Table 4 Standing Committee Meetings ..........................................................................................22 Access to information.......................................................................................................................26 Table 5 Assembly Staffing -
Peter Robinson DUP Reg Empey UUP Robin Newton DUP David Walter Ervine PUP Naomi Rachel Long Alliance Michael Stewart Copeland UUP
CANDIDATES ELECTED TO THE NORTHERN IRELAND ASSEMBLY 26 NOVEMBER 2003 Belfast East: Peter Robinson DUP Reg Empey UUP Robin Newton DUP David Walter Ervine PUP Naomi Rachel Long Alliance Michael Stewart Copeland UUP Belfast North: Nigel Alexander Dodds DUP Gerry Kelly Sinn Fein Nelson McCausland DUP Fred Cobain UUP Alban Maginness SDLP Kathy Stanton Sinn Fein Belfast South: Michael McGimpsey UUP Simon Mark Peter Robinson DUP John Esmond Birnie UUP Carmel Hanna SDLP Alex Maskey Sinn Fein Alasdair McDonnell SDLP Belfast West: Gerry Adams Sinn Fein Alex Atwood SDLP Bairbre de Brún Sinn Fein Fra McCann Sinn Fein Michael Ferguson Sinn Fein Diane Dodds DUP East Antrim: Roy Beggs UUP Sammy Wilson DUP Ken Robinson UUP Sean Neeson Alliance David William Hilditch DUP Thomas George Dawson DUP East Londonderry: Gregory Campbell DUP David McClarty UUP Francis Brolly Sinn Fein George Robinson DUP Norman Hillis UUP John Dallat SDLP Fermanagh and South Tyrone: Thomas Beatty (Tom) Elliott UUP Arlene Isobel Foster DUP* Tommy Gallagher SDLP Michelle Gildernew Sinn Fein Maurice Morrow DUP Hugh Thomas O’Reilly Sinn Fein * Elected as UUP candidate, became a member of the DUP with effect from 15 January 2004 Foyle: John Mark Durkan SDLP William Hay DUP Mitchel McLaughlin Sinn Fein Mary Bradley SDLP Pat Ramsey SDLP Mary Nelis Sinn Fein Lagan Valley: Jeffrey Mark Donaldson DUP* Edwin Cecil Poots DUP Billy Bell UUP Seamus Anthony Close Alliance Patricia Lewsley SDLP Norah Jeanette Beare DUP* * Elected as UUP candidate, became a member of the DUP with effect from -
INTRODUCTION 1. I Refer to Both the 'National State' and the 'Nation-State' Simply As the 'Nation-State'. Strictly S
Notes INTRODUCTION 1. I refer to both the ‘national state’ and the ‘nation-state’ simply as the ‘nation-state’. Strictly speaking, the state is a ‘national state’ when its centralized, autonomous and differentiated structures uphold legitimate authority within a boundary which contains multiple regions. However, a nation-state exists only where the citizenry share a common code of national identity expressed in language, religion, myth and custom. The majority of modern European states are quintessentially national states, while only a small minority, ostensibly the Republic of Ireland and Sweden, could satisfactorily qualify as nation-states (Tilly, 1990, pp. 2–3). 2. A proliferation of smaller parties emerged to stand, with modest suc- cess, in the 1996 election to the Northern Ireland Forum. These par- ties recorded the following percentage share of the vote in this election: the UK Unionist Party (UKU), 3.69 per cent; the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP), 3.47 per cent; the Ulster Democratic Party (UDP), 2.22 per cent; the Women’s Coalition, 1.03 per cent; and, Labour, 0.85 per cent (Irish Times, 1 June 1996). It is appreciated that the fringe parties represent distinct positions in the spectrum of Northern Ireland poli- tics. However, limited space prevents a detailed consideration of these positions. 3. In the 1994 election to the European Parliament the percentage of the vote secured by these five main political parties in Northern Ire- land was as follows: DUP, 29.15 per cent; UUP, 23.83 per cent; APNI, 4.13 per cent; SDLP, 28.93 per cent; Sinn Féin, 9.86 per cent – giving a combined total of 95.9 per cent. -
Constituency Profiles for Further and Higher Education in Northern Ireland
COUNTMAKE EDUCATION CONSTITUENCY PROFILES FOR FURTHER AND HIGHER EDUCATION IN NORTHERN IRELAND CONSTITUENCY PROFILES FOR FURTHER AND HIGHER EDUCATION MAKE EDUCATION COUNT IN NORTHERN IRELAND Introduction It’s 2010 – the second decade of the 21st century – and it remains a stark reality that Northern Ireland is still riddled with some of the more dire statistics in the UK, when it comes to educational attainment and employment. Northern Ireland is bottom of UK tables that measure employment rates and people with qualifications, according to UCU analysis. Just over two-thirds of people in Northern Ireland (69.7%) are employed, the worst percentage of the UK's 12 regions. The South East of England tops the table with over three-quarters of people (78.5%) employed. The average is 74%. Northern Ireland has the highest percentage of people without qualifications. One in five (21.8%) have no qualifications, which is a long way off the national average of 12.4%. Northern Ireland fares slightly better when it comes to the percentage of people with a degree though. Over a quarter of people (25.7%) have a degree, which puts Northern Ireland in the middle of the regions' table but still some way behind the average of 29%. Contents Political constituency analysis 03 Lagan Valley 13 Summary of key findings 03 Mid Ulster 14 Constituency profiles Newry and Amargh 15 Belfast East 05 North Antrim 16 Belfast North 06 North Down 17 Belfast South 07 South Antrim 18 Belfast West 08 South Down 19 East Antrim 09 Strangford 20 East Londonderry 10 Upper Bann 21 -
UP DUP A4 Manifesto FINAL AW
PROTECTING THE TAXPAYER CONTROLLING THE COST OF GOVERNMENT campaign03THE DUP’S VISION FOR DEVOLUTION FAIR DEAL MANIFESTO THE CHOICE FOR UNIONISTS THE BELFAST AGREEMENT OR A NEW AGREEMENT? THE UUP RECORD OF FAILURE 2003 ADIARY OF DECLINE OUR FULL MANIFESTO DUP MINISTERS INSIDE THIS MAGAZINE ARECORD OF ACHIEVEMENT DELIVERING AN EFFECTIVE POLICE SERVICE WORKING FOR BETTER POLICING THE BELFAST AGREEMENT MESSAGE FROM IS WRECKING NORTHERN IRELAND: THE LEADER: This election is Ulster’s date with destiny. I DON’T WANT It is the chance to put things right, to give a mandate to a strong and united Democratic Unionist team and to negotiate a new agreement. Stop and think how much has happened since 10th April 1998. Has it been the journey we were promised? The destruction of the RUC,the withdrawal of the Army,the release of terrorist FOUR prisoners,the elevation of Sinn Fein/IRA members to government office without evidence of the destruction of weaponry,the creation of ever-expanding all-Ireland institutions,the lawless state of our Province,the ever-growing list of breaches of MORE YEARS IRA and loyalist so-called ceasefires,the disregard of the views of peaceful and democratic politicians in favour of the spokesmen of terrorist organisations. OF Now imagine where Northern Ireland will be in another For unionist voters who face the prospect of Sinn four years if we allow the concessions to continue: Fein/IRA becoming the largest nationalist party in the Assembly the choice is clear - do they want republicans Terrorists running the police,a joint -
The DUP Offers an Unrivalled Constituency Service
DUP DELIVERING FOR UNIONISTSKEEPING UNIONISM NUMBER 1 KEEPING OUR PROMISES A RECORD OF ACHIEVEMENT NO TURNING BACK STRENGTH IN NEGOTIATIONS UNRIVALLED CONSTITUENCY REPRESENTATION TIME TO MOVE ON SEND A MESSAGE TO GOVERNMENT RESPECTING SENIOR CITIZENS SAFE FROM CRIME OPPOSING WATER CHARGES TACKLING RACISM GETTING SERIOUS ABOUT ROAD SAFETY SAVING GRAMMAR SCHOOLS REVIEW OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OUR ROLE AT WESTMINSTER A ROLE IN THE AFFAIRS OF THE NATION PARLIAMENTARY AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT Manifesto2005 DUP : DELIVERING FOR UNIONISTS “Sinn Fein is in the doghouse. The pan-nationalist front has been consigned to the political dustbin.The political process is at a standstill and the DUP has the whip hand.” Paul Colgan Irish Echo, 16th February 2005 Even our opponents bear witness that after years in decline,unionism is finally on top. Don’t let Trimble wreck it. 2 www.dup2win.com PARLIAMENTARY AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT ELECTIONS Manifesto2005 Vote DUP:Everywhere! Paisley Simpson Foster Wilson www.dup2win.com 3 Manifesto2005 PARLIAMENTARY AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT ELECTIONS INTRODUCTION: For the first time in a generation unionism has leadership that’s working. Just remember what it was like only eighteen months ago when the Ulster Unionist Party was in charge. Republicans won concession after concession while unionism was in retreat. In every negotiation republicans exploited the weakness of the UUP and were allowed to dictate t heir own terms. Now,all that has changed.Today it is the DUP’s agenda that dominates the political process with London, Dublin and Washington accepting our demands as fundamental prerequisites. The pan-nationalist front has been fractured and Sinn Fein is more isolated than ever before. -
Europäischer Verfassungsgerichte Und Des Europäischen Gerichtshofes Für Menschenrechte
Vergleich zwischen den Interpretationsmethoden europäischer Verfassungsgerichte und des Europäischen Gerichtshofes für Menschenrechte Constance Grewe* Einleitung Im Bereich der Grund- und Menschenrechte konkurrieren - in jedem Sinne des Wortes - die -Interpretationen der nationalen Verfassungsgerichte mit derjenigen des Europäischen Gerichtshofes für Menschenrechte. Daher drängt sich die Frage der Vergleichbarkeit, der eventuellen Ähnlichkeiten und Unterschiede und deren Gründe geradezu auf. Zur Beantwortung dieser Frage wäre es zwar reizvoll, die Rechtsprechung aller europäischen Verfassungsgerichte ins Auge zu fassen. Im Rahmen dieses Beitrags kann jedoch nur ein kleiner Kreis möglichst repräsentativer Gerichte näher betrachtet werden. Dabei handelt es sich um Gerichte westeuropäischer Länder, in denen die Verfassungsgerichtsbarkeit verankert ist, auch wenn sie nicht immer so hochentwickelt ist wie in Deutschland. Konkret bedeutet dies, dass Frankreich, Deutschland, Österreich, die Schweiz, Italien, Spanien, Portugal und Belgien im Vordergrund des Interesses stehen werden, was nicht ausschliesst, je nach Sach- zusammenhang auch noch einige andere Länder einzubeziehen. Zur Fragestellung der Interpretationsmethoden ist zunächst zu bemerken, dass im allgemeinen weder die Verfassungen1 noch die meisten völkerrechtlichen Ver- träge2 etwas über ihre Interpretation oder die Grundsätze, nach denen sie aus- gelegt werden sollen, aussagen. Die betreffenden Gerichte verfügen infolgedessen über relativ grosse Freiheiten. Inwiefern ähneln sich oder unterscheiden sich diese Methoden? Und falls sie sich ähneln, heisst das nicht, dass diese beiden Arten von Gerichtsbarkeiten zwangsläufig spezifische und gemeinsame Methoden ent- wickeln? "-, Die hier angesprochenen Gerichtsbarkeiten verbinden tatsächlich mehrere ' gemeinsame Merkmale. Dies gilt für die Materie, d. h. die Menschenrechte ebenso wie für den Bezugstext, in einem Fall die Verfassung, im anderen die Europäische der der Gerichtshof für Menschen- 11. -
Northern Ireland Assembly Elections 2011
Northern Ireland Assembly Elections: 2011 RESEARCH PAPER 11/42 18 May 2011 Elections on 5 May 2011 resulted in little change in the overall party composition of the Northern Ireland Assembly. Gains and losses by individual parties involved just one or two seats. 108 Assembly Members were elected by Single Transferrable Vote, 6 Members for each of 18 constituencies. Following the 2011 elections the two largest parties in the Assembly are the DUP (38 MLAs) and Sinn Féin (29 MLAs). Richard Cracknell Recent Research Papers 11/26 Unemployment by Constituency 16.03.11 11/27 Economic Indicators, Budget update 22.03.11 11/28 Police Reform and Social Responsibility Bill: Committee 24.03.11 Stage Report 11/29 Economic Indicators, April 2011 05.04.11 11/30 Direct taxes: rates and allowances 2011/12 06.04.11 11/31 Health and Social Care Bill: Committee Stage Report 06.04.11 11/32 Localism Bill: Committee Stage Report 12.04.11 11/33 Unemployment by Constituency, April 2011 14.04.11 11/34 London Olympic Games and Paralympic Games (Amendment) Bill 21.04.11 [Bill 165 of 2010-12] 11/35 Economic Indicators, May 2011 03.05.11 11/36 Energy Bill [HL] [Bill 167 of 2010-12] 04.05.11 11/37 Education Bill: Committee Stage Report 05.05.11 11/38 Social Indicators 06.05.11 11/39 Legislation (Territorial Extent) Bill: Committee Stage Report 11.05.11 Research Paper Contributing Authors: Richard Cracknell Jeremy Hardacre This information is provided to Members of Parliament in support of their parliamentary duties and is not intended to address the specific circumstances of any particular individual.