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Criminological Policy Mobilities and Sex Work: Understanding the Movement of the ‘Swedish Model’ to Northern Ireland
Northumbria Research Link Citation: McMenzie, Laura, Cook, Ian and Laing, Mary (2019) Criminological policy mobilities and sex work: Understanding the movement of the ‘Swedish model’ to Northern Ireland. British Journal of Criminology, 59 (5). pp. 1199-1216. ISSN 0007-0955 Published by: Oxford University Press URL: https://doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azy058 <https://doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azy058> This version was downloaded from Northumbria Research Link: http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/36688/ Northumbria University has developed Northumbria Research Link (NRL) to enable users to access the University’s research output. Copyright © and moral rights for items on NRL are retained by the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. Single copies of full items can be reproduced, displayed or performed, and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided the authors, title and full bibliographic details are given, as well as a hyperlink and/or URL to the original metadata page. The content must not be changed in any way. Full items must not be sold commercially in any format or medium without formal permission of the copyright holder. The full policy is available online: http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/pol i cies.html This document may differ from the final, published version of the research and has been made available online in accordance with publisher policies. To read and/or cite from the published version of the research, please visit the publisher’s website (a subscription may be required.) doi:10.1093/bjc/azy058 BRIT. -
25Th June 2021
o19 25th June 2021 THIS WEEK’S HEADLINES Worldwide cases of COVID-19 are at 179,960,300 with deaths totalling 3,899,016 globally as of 23rd June according to Worldometer. So far, 164,727,197 people have recovered from the virus. Sir Jeffery Donaldson has been confirmed as the new leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) after recently elected Edwin Poots resigned last week. Paul Givan’s position, as the newly elected First Minister of Northern Ireland, is seen to be at risk as many party officers call for his resignation. A new tool, designed to help young people remove compromised images of themselves from online platforms, has been launched by the Internet Watch Foundation in partnership with Childline. The ‘Report, Remove’ tool is for any under 18s to use and requests are actioned within two hours for a UK site and within one day for international sites. For further information, advice and guidance please click here. Some UK phones randomly gave off a short loud alarm on Tuesday 22nd June as the UK tested its emergency alert system. Between 1-2pm on Tuesday some Google Android users reported their phones setting off a noise with a brief message flashing up saying: ‘This is a mobile network operator test of the Emergency Alerts Service. You do not need to take any action. To find out more, search for gov.uk/alerts.’ The UK Government advised the emergency alert system will be used for sending alerts relating to life endangerment. A further test will be carried out on 29th June 2021. -
Too Chicken for a Referendum!
Too chicken for a referendum! The European Parliament, in a keynote debate, arrogance the EU's political elite believed the has discussed the Lisbon Treaty and given the people would be conned by their propaganda Parliament's verdict. Predictably, the Europhile about the Constitution. Suddenly, when the majority prevailed by 525 votes to 115. Jim people caught them on, they ran with their tail Allister MEP used the debate to again demand a between their legs, and they've been running Referendum in the UK. Mr Allister also took part ever since, petrified that the voters would in a demonstration at the Parliament by British reject them again. Eurosceptic MEPS, who wore shirts emblazoned with "Too Chicken for a That is why the key focus of the Referendum" - a message directed last 3 years has been on hatching at the British Government. an inter-governmental conspiracy to foist this Constitution on the In the course of his speech the peoples of Europe, without daring Traditional Unionist MEP said:- "I to ask them their opinion. Such reject this Report and the Treaty arrogance, such tyranny; fitting, which it supports. of course, because this Constitution is all about providing Before the French and Dutch more and more national power to referenda we heard much empty Brussels despots. Those who are talk in this House about the will of indeed "Too chicken for a the people. Why, because in their Referendum!" Statement on Paisley Junior's resignation “Welcome and overdue as the resignation of Ian policy is reversed, the DUP’s decline will Paisley Junior is, an event, no doubt, accelerated continue.” by the Dromore result, it will not be enough to redeem the DUP with the Unionist electorate. -
Identity, Authority and Myth-Making: Politically-Motivated Prisoners and the Use of Music During the Northern Irish Conflict, 1962 - 2000
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Queen Mary Research Online Identity, authority and myth-making: Politically-motivated prisoners and the use of music during the Northern Irish conflict, 1962 - 2000 Claire Alexandra Green Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1 I, Claire Alexandra Green, confirm that the research included within this thesis is my own work or that where it has been carried out in collaboration with, or supported by others, that this is duly acknowledged below and my contribution indicated. Previously published material is also acknowledged below. I attest that I have exercised reasonable care to ensure that the work is original, and does not to the best of my knowledge break any UK law, infringe any third party’s copyright or other Intellectual Property Right, or contain any confidential material. I accept that the College has the right to use plagiarism detection software to check the electronic version of the thesis. I confirm that this thesis has not been previously submitted for the award of a degree by this or any other university. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author. Signature: Date: 29/04/19 Details of collaboration and publications: ‘It’s All Over: Romantic Relationships, Endurance and Loyalty in the Songs of Northern Irish Politically-Motivated Prisoners’, Estudios Irlandeses, 14, 70-82. 2 Abstract. In this study I examine the use of music by and in relation to politically-motivated prisoners in Northern Ireland, from the mid-1960s until 2000. -
Fund Focus Winter 2010
Fund Winter 2010 The Newsletter of the International Fund for Ireland news www.internationalfundforireland.com The International Fund for Ireland announces £12m/€14.4m to promote sharing and integration Following the Fund’s most recent Board continued commitment to bringing together “In building these closer links from meeting in County Antrim on 4 November people from the Unionist and Nationalist primary school age and upwards, 2010, Fund Chairman Dr Denis Rooney traditions, be it in a classroom, on a youth we are trying to foster a greater CBE announced £12m/€14.4m funding programme, in housing or through work understanding of and respect for both to support a wide range of pioneering with local communities. traditions - to live peaceably in a shared community relations initiatives in shared and tolerant society.” education, youth work, community “The Fund is committed to supporting development and re-imaging. projects that seek to dismantle traditional Full details of this latest funding barriers in an effort to create a truly announcement can be viewed Dr Denis Rooney said: “This funding integrated society that will underpin a lasting on our website: www.international announcement demonstrates the Fund’s peace, long after the Fund ceases to exist. fundforireland.com Fund’s Shared Neighbourhood Programme reaches its target The Shared Neighbourhood Programme, working within the 30 neighbourhoods in the which is designed to support and Shared Neighbourhood Programme continue encourage shared neighbourhoods to experience some very real difficulties and across Northern Ireland has achieved its challenges in pursuing the vision for their initial aim of attracting 30 participants communities.” onto the Programme in three years. -
Non-Nationalist Politics in a Bi-National Consociation: the Case of the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland
1 Non-nationalist politics in a bi-national consociation: the case of the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland David Mitchell Trinity College Dublin at Belfast Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 24:3, 1-12. 2018 Through a case study of the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland, this article examines the contention that consociational power-sharing, in its determination to include dominant and conflicting identity groups, exalts these identities and excludes others including gender, class and other ethnicities and nationalities. The article describes and assesses the Alliance Party’s arguments that the power-sharing arrangements in Northern Ireland are philosophically objectionable, practically ineffective, and politically detrimental to parties which, like Alliance, are designated as ‘others’. The article finds that the party’s critique of consociationalism as implemented in Northern Ireland is overstated and that the party has been able to play a number of pivotal roles in the new politics. Northern Ireland’s Belfast/Good Friday Agreement is one of the most studied consociational settlements.1 The 1998 accord (hereafter ‘the Agreement’) appeared to enable the region’s transition out of decades of political violence and exclusion, making Northern Ireland, for many analysts, “the key confirming case for consociational theory”.2 However, the Agreement has also faced an array of academic, political and civil society detractors, many of whom have focussed on the specific criticism of consociational power-sharing which is the subject of this special section: that in its determination to include the dominant and conflicting national identity groups, consociationalism exalts these identities and excludes others, including gender, class and other ethnicities and nationalities.3 This article examines the ‘exclusion amid inclusion dilemma’ through the case study of the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland. -
The Jim Kemmy Papers P5
The Jim Kemmy Papers P5 University of Limerick Library and Information Services University of Limerick Special Collections The Jim Kemmy Papers Reference Code: IE 2135 P5 Title: The Jim Kemmy Papers Dates of Creation: 1863-1998 (predominantly 1962-1997) Level of Description: Fonds Extent and Medium: 73 boxes (857 folders) CONTEXT Name of Creator: Kemmy, Seamus (Jim) (1936-1997) Biographical History: Seamus Kemmy, better known as Jim Kemmy, was born in Limerick on 14 September, 1936, as the eldest of five children to Elizabeth Pilkington and stonemason Michael Kemmy. He was educated at the Christian Brothers’ primary school in Sexton Street and in 1952 followed his father into the Ancient Guild of Incorporated Brick and Stonelayers’ Trade Union to commence his five-year apprenticeship. When his father died of tuberculosis in 1955, the responsibility of providing for the family fell onto Kemmy’s shoulders. Having qualified as a stonemason in 1957, he emigrated to England in the hope of a better income. The different social conditions and the freedom of thought and expression he encountered there challenged and changed his traditional Catholic values and opened his eyes to the issues of social injustice and inequality, which he was to stand up against for the rest of his life. In 1960, encouraged by the building boom, Kemmy returned to Ireland and found work on construction sites at Shannon. He also became involved in the Brick and Stonelayers’ Trade Union, and was elected Branch Secretary in 1962. A year later, he joined the Labour Party. Kemmy harboured no electoral ambitions during his early years in politics. -
Leverhulme-Funded Monitoring Programme
Leverhulme-funded monitoring programme Northern Ireland report 5 November 2000 Contents Summary Robin Wilson 3 Storm clouds gather Robin Wilson 4 Devolved government Robin Wilson Liz Fawcett 10 The assembly Rick Wilford 17 The media Greg McLaughlin 28 Public attitudes and identity (Nil return) Intergovernmental relations John Coakley Graham Walker 32 Relations with the EU Elizabeth Meehan 43 Relations with local government (Nil return) Finance Robin Wilson 47 Devolution disputes (Nil return) Political parties and elections Duncan Morrow Rick Wilford 49 Public policies Duncan Morrow 55 2 Summary It was the best, but also the worst, of times in Northern Ireland during this quarter. The four-party executive finally agreed in October what it would substantively do after 30 months of high- (or, perhaps, low-) political manoeuvring between the ethno- nationalist protagonists. Here, at last, was a draft Programme for Government. One, indeed, with a confidence-building message of ‘making a difference’; one, too, with some ‘joined-up’ sophistication and the capacity thus to cement the partisan ministerial fiefdoms. Here, also, was a draft budget, for the first time reflecting regional priorities. Meanwhile, there was patient work in the assembly—if criticism of its lack of transparency—and the Civic Forum met. But a poll showed confidence in the agreement falling—sharply amongst Catholics, to rock-bottom amongst Protestants. And the institutions of the agreement—their interdependence meaning shocks destabilise the whole baroque architecture—came under increasing strain. The failure of the policing commission to generate a consensual report led to a Police Bill both unionists and nationalists opposed. Ethnic hurt mobilised (or, perhaps, exploited) in the Protestant community over the loss of the Royal Ulster Constabulary name (symbolising its 302 victims) struck a body-blow to David Trimble as Ulster Unionist Party leader and first minister, as the Democratic Unionists—undermining the executive by their absence—won a hitherto safe UUP seat. -
OFFICIAL REPORT (Hansard)
Ad Hoc Committee on a Bill of Rights OFFICIAL REPORT (Hansard) Mr Dermot Nesbitt 15 October 2020 NORTHERN IRELAND ASSEMBLY Ad Hoc Committee on a Bill of Rights Mr Dermot Nesbitt 15 October 2020 Members present for all or part of the proceedings: Ms Emma Sheerin (Chairperson) Mr Mike Nesbitt (Deputy Chairperson) Ms Paula Bradshaw Mr Mark Durkan Miss Michelle McIlveen Mr Christopher Stalford Mr John O'Dowd Witnesses: Mr Dermot Nesbitt Ulster Unionist Party The Chairperson (Ms Sheerin): Dermot Nesbitt joins us in person to give a briefing on "particular circumstances". Welcome, Dermot, how are you? Mr Dermot Nesbitt (Ulster Unionist Party): Hello, Madam Chair. The Chairperson (Ms Sheerin): Do you want a round of introductions before you start your briefing? Mr D Nesbitt: I am ready, once I unmask. I recognise a few faces — "Oh dear", says I. Hi, Paula, it has been a long time. The Chairperson (Ms Sheerin): Dermot, thanks very much for joining us this afternoon. We all have your written submission, which is useful and all-encompassing. Would you like to begin? Mr D Nesbitt: OK. I see that we have two members on screen. The Chairperson (Ms Sheerin): We do: John O'Dowd and Mark Durkan. Mr D Nesbitt: Hi, John and Mark. Mr O'Dowd: Hi, Dermot. Mr Durkan: Hi, Dermot. Mr D Nesbitt: OK, I am ready to go. I wish to make a couple of introductory comments before I proceed with my main briefing. Paragraph 2 of my submission quotes Professor Brice Dickson, who, when chair of the Human Rights Commission, said: 1 "We are all familiar with the phenomenon of politicians taking a view of human rights which happens to accord with their personal political persuasions rather than with a more independent analysis." At the outset, I wish to say that, during this process since 1998, I have endeavoured to ground my work in international standards and international human rights. -
Parliamentary Debates (Hansard)
Wednesday Volume 547 4 July 2012 No. 25 HOUSE OF COMMONS OFFICIAL REPORT PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES (HANSARD) Wednesday 4 July 2012 £5·00 © Parliamentary Copyright House of Commons 2012 This publication may be reproduced under the terms of the Parliamentary Click-Use Licence, available online through The National Archives website at www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/information-management/our-services/parliamentary-licence-information.htm Enquiries to The National Archives, Kew, Richmond, Surrey TW9 4DU; e-mail: [email protected] 899 4 JULY 2012 900 House of Commons Welfare Reform 2. Mr Tom Clarke (Coatbridge, Chryston and Bellshill) Wednesday 4 July 2012 (Lab): What assessment he has made of the effects of welfare reform on Northern Ireland. [114371] The House met at half-past Eleven o’clock The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland (Mr Owen PRAYERS Paterson): The reforms that we have introduced give us a rare opportunity to transform our welfare system into one that is fair to all, looks after the most vulnerable in [MR SPEAKER in the Chair] society, and above all, always rewards work. Mr Clarke: In view of recent criticisms of the Work Oral Answers to Questions programme and the Prime Minister’s view that housing benefit for the under-25s should be discontinued, can the right hon. Gentleman tell us what the Government’s NORTHERN IRELAND policy is for youngsters? Is it to create jobs or simply to tolerate their exploitation? The Secretary of State was asked— Mr Paterson: I think the right hon. Gentleman Fuel Laundering underestimates the fact that the issue is devolved, and we are working closely with the devolved Minister with 1. -
Northern Ireland and the EU Referendum
House of Commons Northern Ireland Affairs Committee Northern Ireland and the EU referendum First Report of Session 2016–17 HC 48 House of Commons Northern Ireland Affairs Committee Northern Ireland and the EU referendum First Report of Session 2016–17 Report, together with formal minutes relating to the report Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 25 May 2016 HC 48 Published on 26 May 2016 by authority of the House of Commons Northern Ireland Affairs Committee The Northern Ireland Affairs Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to examine the expenditure, administration, and policy of the Northern Ireland Office (but excluding individual cases and advice given by the Crown Solicitor); and other matters within the responsibilities of the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland (but excluding the expenditure, administration and policy of the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions, Northern Ireland and the drafting of legislation by the Office of the Legislative Counsel). Current membership Mr Laurence Robertson MP (Conservative, Tewkesbury) (Chair) Tom Blenkinsop MP (Labour, Middlesbrough South and East Cleveland) Oliver Colvile MP (Conservative, Plymouth, Sutton and Devonport) Mr Nigel Evans MP (Conservative, Ribble Valley) Mr Stephen Hepburn MP (Labour, Jarrow) Lady Hermon MP (Independent, North Down) Kate Hoey MP (Labour, Vauxhall) Danny Kinahan MP (Ulster Unionist Party, South Antrim) Jack Lopresti MP (Conservative, Filton and Bradley Stoke) Dr Alasdair McDonnell MP (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South) Nigel Mills MP (Conservative, Amber Valley) Ian Paisley MP (Democratic Unionist Party, North Antrim) Gavin Robinson MP (Democratic Unionist Party, Belfast East) Powers The committee is one of the departmental select committees, the powers of which are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in SO No. -
European Parliament Elections 2014 RESEARCH PAPER 14/32 11 June 2014
European Parliament Elections 2014 RESEARCH PAPER 14/32 11 June 2014 Elections to the European Parliament were held across the 28 states of the European Union between 22 and 25 May 2014. The UK elections were held concurrently with council elections in England and Northern Ireland on 22 May. The UK now has 73 MEPs, up from 72 at the last election, distributed between 12 regions. UKIP won 24 seats, Labour 20, the Conservatives 19, and the Green Party three. The Liberal Democrats won only one seat, down from 11 at the 2009 European election. The BNP lost both of the two seats they had won for the first time at the previous election. UKIP won the popular vote overall, and in six of the nine regions in England. Labour won the popular vote in Wales and the SNP won in Scotland. Across the UK as a whole turnout was 35%. Across Europe there was an increase in the number of seats held by Eurosceptic parties, although more centrist parties in established pro-European groups were still in the majority. The exact political balance of the new Parliament depends on the formation of the political groups. Turnout across the EU was 43%. It was relatively low in some of the newer Member States. Part 1 of this paper presents the full results of the UK elections, including regional analysis and local-level data. Part 2 presents a summary of the results across the EU, together with country-level summaries based on data from official national sources. Oliver Hawkins Vaughne Miller Recent Research Papers 14/22 Accident & Emergency Performance: England 2013/14.