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Re-Tweeting Election #Ge11 Aodhán O Ríordáin TD
Re-Tweeting Election #ge11 Aodhán O Ríordáin TD 1 Re-Tweeting Election #ge11 Introduction The 2011 General Election was the first Twitter Election in Ireland. The appetite for increased engagement, accountability and interaction via the social media platform followed the resignation of Defence Minister Willie O’Dea in February 2010, in part because of a carefully composed tweet. By January 2011, Twitter was part of the daily political discourse, as candidates posted their thoughts, policies, pictures and links in the competitive war to raise profiles and attract eyeballs. The beauty of Twitter is that it allows your ‘followers’ to view you in a different lens from the normal political script, and to engage with you on a variety of topics political, personal, trivial and even philosophical. It also allows politicians break some news at appropriate times, and share views on national events without the constraints of a formal press release. This ebook is based on all the tweets published over the course of the General Election campaign, from the announcement of Labour’s motion of no confidence in the government to the day of the election result. It is important to consider that the commentary on the tweets was completed in the months immediately after the election in February 2011, when my memory of events and emotions was still raw and fresh, and not two years later. Therefore, the commentary provided is frozen in 2011 and has not been altered to take account of two years in government and developments in 2013. The tweets and reflections are frozen in time. -
Dáil Éireann
Vol. 989 Tuesday, No. 1 12 November 2019 DÍOSPÓIREACHTAÍ PARLAIMINTE PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES DÁIL ÉIREANN TUAIRISC OIFIGIÚIL—Neamhcheartaithe (OFFICIAL REPORT—Unrevised) Ceisteanna ó Cheannairí - Leaders’ Questions 2 12/11/2019H02050An tOrd Gnó - Order of Business 12 12/11/2019P00100Proposal on Reappointment of An Coimisinéir Teanga: Referral to Joint Committee 22 12/11/2019P00400Ministerial Rota for Parliamentary Questions: Motion 23 12/11/2019P00700Proposal to Approve the Terms of the Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement Between the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community and the Republic of Armenia: Referral to Select Committee 23 12/11/2019P01000Ceisteanna - Questions 24 12/11/2019P01050Cabinet Committee Meetings 24 12/11/2019R00100Cabinet Committee Meetings 29 12/11/2019S01900Programme for Government Implementation 33 12/11/2019T01400Ábhair Shaincheisteanna Tráthúla - Topical Issue Matters 37 12/11/2019T01600Ceisteanna (Atógáil) - Questions (Resumed) 38 12/11/2019T01700Ceisteanna ar Sonraíodh Uain Dóibh -
Dáil Éireann
Vol. 1003 Thursday, No. 6 28 January 2021 DÍOSPÓIREACHTAÍ PARLAIMINTE PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES DÁIL ÉIREANN TUAIRISC OIFIGIÚIL—Neamhcheartaithe (OFFICIAL REPORT—Unrevised) 28/01/2021A00100Covid-19 Vaccination Programme: Statements � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 565 28/01/2021N00100Ceisteanna ó Cheannairí - Leaders’ Questions � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 593 28/01/2021Q00500Ceisteanna ar Reachtaíocht a Gealladh - Questions on Promised Legislation � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 602 28/01/2021T01100Covid-19 (Social Protection): Statements � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 611 28/01/2021JJ00200Response of the Department of Housing, Local Government and Heritage to Covid-19: Statements � � � � � � 645 28/01/2021XX02400Ábhair Shaincheisteanna Tráthúla - Topical Issue Matters � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 683 28/01/2021XX02600Saincheisteanna Tráthúla - Topical Issue Debate � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 685 28/01/2021XX02700School Facilities � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 685 28/01/2021YY00400Post Office Network � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 687 28/01/2021AAA00150Architectural Heritage � � � � � � -
Thatcher, Northern Ireland and Anglo-Irish Relations, 1979-1990
From ‘as British as Finchley’ to ‘no selfish strategic interest’: Thatcher, Northern Ireland and Anglo-Irish Relations, 1979-1990 Fiona Diane McKelvey, BA (Hons), MRes Faculty of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences of Ulster University A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Ulster University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2018 I confirm that the word count of this thesis is less than 100,000 words excluding the title page, contents, acknowledgements, summary or abstract, abbreviations, footnotes, diagrams, maps, illustrations, tables, appendices, and references or bibliography Contents Acknowledgements i Abstract ii Abbreviations iii List of Tables v Introduction An Unrequited Love Affair? Unionism and Conservatism, 1885-1979 1 Research Questions, Contribution to Knowledge, Research Methods, Methodology and Structure of Thesis 1 Playing the Orange Card: Westminster and the Home Rule Crises, 1885-1921 10 The Realm of ‘old unhappy far-off things and battles long ago’: Ulster Unionists at Westminster after 1921 18 ‘For God's sake bring me a large Scotch. What a bloody awful country’: 1950-1974 22 Thatcher on the Road to Number Ten, 1975-1979 26 Conclusion 28 Chapter 1 Jack Lynch, Charles J. Haughey and Margaret Thatcher, 1979-1981 31 'Rise and Follow Charlie': Haughey's Journey from the Backbenches to the Taoiseach's Office 34 The Atkins Talks 40 Haughey’s Search for the ‘glittering prize’ 45 The Haughey-Thatcher Meetings 49 Conclusion 65 Chapter 2 Crisis in Ireland: The Hunger Strikes, 1980-1981 -
A Stitch in Time a History of Limerick Clothing Factory
Stitched Draft Latest.qxp_Layout 1 23/11/2017 11:24 Page 1 A Stitch in Time A History of Limerick Clothing Factory By Sharon Slater Edited by: Dr Matthew Potter and Jacqui Hayes Stitched Draft Latest.qxp_Layout 1 23/11/2017 11:24 Page 2 Author’s Note This publication could not have been completed without the aid and support of the following individuals and institutions. I would like to thank Jacqui Hayes of the Limerick Archives, Seamus Hanrahan, Sarah Newell and Maria Donoghue of the Social Development Directorate, and Dr. Pippa Little of the Limerick Arts Office for the opportunity to research this interesting historic structure. Thanks to Brian Hodkinson of the Limerick Museum. Also thanks to William O’Neill and Bryan O’Brien. This book would not be possible without the material stored by the Limerick Library, the Limerick Archives, the Limerick Museum, the Limerick Leader, the National Library of Ireland, the National Archives of Ireland, the National Archives of England, the Westminister Archives and the Shetland Museum and Archives. Many thanks to Jim Noonan and Sean Curtin for allowing access to their private collections. Many thanks go to the over forty former employees of the factory and their families who gave their time, stories and images to this project. Special thanks goes to former staff members Noel Tuite, Maura Stapleton, Tony Browne, Austin Shortt, and Liam Hartigan who were ever willing to answer questions on the daily life of the factory. A thanks also goes to Emer Gough for her help and support during the OpenHouse Limerick event. -
Mary Robinson (Mary Terese Winifredrobinson (Nacida Mary Terese Winifred Bourke))
Mary Robinson (Mary Terese WinifredRobinson (nacida Mary Terese Winifred Bourke)) Naciones Unidas, Presidenta de la República (1990-1997); Alta Comisionada de las Naciones Unidas para los Derechos Humanos (1997-2002) Duración del mandato: 03 de Diciembre de 1990 - de de Nacimiento: Ballina, condado de Mayo, provincia de Connacht, Irlanda, 21 de Mayo de 1944 Partido político: sin filiación Profesión : Abogada y profesora de Derecho Resumen http://www.cidob.org 1 of 7 Biografía De padre y madre profesionales de la medicina, recibió casi toda su instrucción escolar en una escuela religiosa de Dublín y luego realizó en París el último curso de secundaria. Posteriormente inició estudios de Derecho en el Trinity College de Dublín, la más reputada casa de estudios de Irlanda y ampliamente ligada a la cultura protestante. Entonces esta universidad seguía poniendo muchas barreras al acceso de los católicos; ella estaba resuelta a labrarse la carrera en la institución, así que se sometió a sus requisitos y solicitó un permiso especial del arzobispado católico para poder matricularse. Estudiante brillante, en 1967 sacó el bachiller universitario con altas calificaciones y fue becada para continuar su formación jurídica en la Universidad de Harvard. El año que pasó en Estados Unidos influyó decisivamente en su orientación profesional. Esto sucedía a finales de los años sesenta, un período de agitación en los campus y de protestas contra la guerra de Vietnam y la discriminación racial, y la experiencia adquirida en la salvaguardia de los derechos cívicos le convenció que debía dedicarse a la asistencia legal en este terreno. En 1968 obtuvo la licenciatura en Derecho y regresó a su país, donde continuó los estudios en el Trinity College hasta terminar una segunda licenciatura, en Humanidades, en 1970. -
“Cluskey - the Conscience of Labour”
Liberty SEPTEMBER 2015 “Cluskey - The conscience of Labour” “Conscience makes cowards of us all”. But so also can the quest for power particularly for some on the left who seek justification for the abandonment of core principle. The trick is to marry the two and effect real change where it matters. Successfully managing that difficult political challenge was the life’s work of the late Frank Cluskey, former Labour Party leader as revealed in this biography launched ironically on the same day that part of his achievement in social welfare for single parents was unravelled by his successors in the Irish parliamentary Labour Party. Frank Cluskey’s CV reeks with street cred. Born and reared on Dublin’s north side he served an apprenticeship as a butcher. As Jack McGinley notes, he didn’t lick his trade unionism off the ground and in 1954 at the age of 24 succeeded his father, (who had worked with Big Jim Larkin), as a branch secretary of the Worker’s Union of Ireland. Though enlisted in the industrial army, he quickly saw the necessity of involvement in the political arm of the labour movement. That commitment began by his winning a Dublin South Inner City council seat for the Labour Party. It was a path which was to lead him to roles as TD, Lord Mayor of Dublin, MEP, government minister and leader of the Labour Party. Though pragmatic, he was driven by purpose and by his conscience, as Jack O’Connor reminds the reader, “to work for an economy and society anchored in egalitarianism based on social solidarity rather than in the culture of the quick buck”. -
Volume 1 TOGHCHÁIN ÁITIÚLA, 1999 LOCAL ELECTIONS, 1999
TOGHCHÁIN ÁITIÚLA, 1999 LOCAL ELECTIONS, 1999 Volume 1 TOGHCHÁIN ÁITIÚLA, 1999 LOCAL ELECTIONS, 1999 Volume 1 DUBLIN PUBLISHED BY THE STATIONERY OFFICE To be purchased through any bookseller, or directly from the GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS SALE OFFICE, SUN ALLIANCE HOUSE, MOLESWORTH STREET, DUBLIN 2 £12.00 €15.24 © Copyright Government of Ireland 2000 ISBN 0-7076-6434-9 P. 33331/E Gr. 30-01 7/00 3,000 Brunswick Press Ltd. ii CLÁR CONTENTS Page Foreword........................................................................................................................................................................ v Introduction .................................................................................................................................................................... vii LOCAL AUTHORITIES County Councils Carlow...................................................................................................................................................................... 3 Cavan....................................................................................................................................................................... 8 Clare ........................................................................................................................................................................ 12 Cork (Northern Division) .......................................................................................................................................... 19 Cork (Southern Division)......................................................................................................................................... -
Irish Responses to Fascist Italy, 1919–1932 by Mark Phelan
Provided by the author(s) and NUI Galway in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite the published version when available. Title Irish responses to Fascist Italy, 1919-1932 Author(s) Phelan, Mark Publication Date 2013-01-07 Item record http://hdl.handle.net/10379/3401 Downloaded 2021-09-27T09:47:44Z Some rights reserved. For more information, please see the item record link above. Irish responses to Fascist Italy, 1919–1932 by Mark Phelan A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Supervisor: Prof. Gearóid Ó Tuathaigh Department of History School of Humanities National University of Ireland, Galway December 2012 ABSTRACT This project assesses the impact of the first fascist power, its ethos and propaganda, on key constituencies of opinion in the Irish Free State. Accordingly, it explores the attitudes, views and concerns expressed by members of religious organisations; prominent journalists and academics; government officials/supporters and other members of the political class in Ireland, including republican and labour activists. By contextualising the Irish response to Fascist Italy within the wider patterns of cultural, political and ecclesiastical life in the Free State, the project provides original insights into the configuration of ideology and social forces in post-independence Ireland. Structurally, the thesis begins with a two-chapter account of conflicting confessional responses to Italian Fascism, followed by an analysis of diplomatic intercourse between Ireland and Italy. Next, the thesis examines some controversial policies pursued by Cumann na nGaedheal, and assesses their links to similar Fascist initiatives. The penultimate chapter focuses upon the remarkably ambiguous attitude to Mussolini’s Italy demonstrated by early Fianna Fáil, whilst the final section recounts the intensely hostile response of the Irish labour movement, both to the Italian regime, and indeed to Mussolini’s Irish apologists. -
Ipav's New President Keith Anderson
The Property Professional | Summer 2014 IPAV’S NEW PRESIDENT KEITH ANDERSON THE PROPERTY PROFESSIONAL Daft.ie most inuential in selling homes Which specic newspaper/website was most in uential in getting your property sold? Daft.ie 30% Estate Agent's own site 13% Myhome.ie 12% Your local newspaper 10% The Independent 4% The Irish Times 4% The Examiner 3% New Research carried out by Behaviour & Attitudes (Ireland’s leading Independent Market Research company) shows that Daft.ie was the most inuential advertising medium for getting vendor’s properties sold. Research was carried out by B&A between December 2013 and March 2014. Survey was conducted on more than 300 respondents who had sold their property in the last 12 months or were in the process of selling. See www.banda.ie for more information. Welcome | Summer ‘14 Message from the CEO D ear Member Our AGM and Annual Conference, which took place on the weekend of May 9 and 10, was a major success and I would like to thank all those members who made their way to Rossnowlagh for the occasion. Our new President Keith Anderson took over the reins of office at the AGM on May 10 and I look forward to working with Keith to promote the interests of the institute over the coming year. We had a number of excellent speakers at our Conference session on Saturday afternoon which was expertly facilitated by well-known broadcaster and commentator Ivan Yates. Ivan was also the Guest Speaker at our conference Dinner on Saturday night where he delivered some very good words of wisdom to members in a very stimulating talk tinged with lots of humour. -
Revisionism: the Provisional Republican Movement
Journal of Politics and Law March, 2008 Revisionism: The Provisional Republican Movement Robert Perry Phd (Queens University Belfast) MA, MSSc 11 Caractacus Cottage View, Watford, UK Tel: +44 01923350994 E-mail: [email protected] Abstract This article explores the developments within the Provisional Republican Movement (IRA and Sinn Fein), its politicization in the 1980s, and the Sinn Fein strategy of recent years. It discusses the Provisionals’ ending of the use of political violence and the movement’s drift or determined policy towards entering the political mainstream, the acceptance of democratic norms. The sustained focus of my article is consideration of the revision of core Provisional principles. It analyses the reasons for this revisionism and it considers the reaction to and consequences of this revisionism. Keywords: Physical Force Tradition, Armed Stuggle, Republican Movement, Sinn Fein, Abstentionism, Constitutional Nationalism, Consent Principle 1. Introduction The origins of Irish republicanism reside in the United Irishman Rising of 1798 which aimed to create a democratic society which would unite Irishmen of all creeds. The physical force tradition seeks legitimacy by trying to trace its origin to the 1798 Rebellion and the insurrections which followed in 1803, 1848, 1867 and 1916. Sinn Féin (We Ourselves) is strongly republican and has links to the IRA. The original Sinn Féin was formed by Arthur Griffith in 1905 and was an umbrella name for nationalists who sought complete separation from Britain, as opposed to Home Rule. The current Sinn Féin party evolved from a split in the republican movement in Ireland in the early 1970s. Gerry Adams has been party leader since 1983, and led Sinn Féin in mutli-party peace talks which resulted in the signing of the 1998 Belfast Agreement. -
Constitution
LABOUR PARTY CONSTITUTION LABOUR PARTY CONSTITUTION As amended at Party Conference 21-23 April 2017, Wexford Part 1: Principles and Objects OUR OBJECTIVE is to build a society based on political, social and economic democracy. We seek to challenge and redistribute all inequalities of power and wealth in society through the empowerment of ordinary people. We strive for social and economic justice, where everyone has a guaranteed standard of security and well-being, and fair opportunity to develop their personal and social selves and to participate in the economic, social and cultural life of the nation in conditions of freedom, solidarity, justice, economic security and equality. OUR DETERMINATION is to change Irish society through the broadest possible engagement with and empowerment of all progressive social forces – Irish, European and international – and through contesting elections and pursuing policies in government that further progressive ends. OUR PARTY is a democratic socialist party and, through its membership of the Party of European Socialists and the Progressive Alliance, is part of the international socialist movement working for equality and to empower of citizens, consumers and workers in a world increasingly dominated by big business, greed and selfishness. IT WAS FOUNDED from the trade union movement by James Connolly, Jim Larkin, Tom Johnson and others as a means for working people to organise politically, to combat squalor, ignorance, want, idleness and disease. These aspirations remain valid today. Despite Ireland’s economic wealth, class divisions continue to exist and many of its citizens continue to experience, from childhood, major inequalities in wealth, health and life chances.