Exploring Gender, Hindutva and Seva

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Exploring Gender, Hindutva and Seva REVIEW OF WOMEN’S STUDIES Exploring Gender, Hindutva and Seva Swati Dyahadroy This article shows how the women’s wing of the Dnyana y introduction to women’s studies and critical thinking Prabodhini, which began as an educational initiative in in sociology enabled me to see why and how I got in­ volved in the Dnyana Prabodhini (DP) case study. In Pune in the 1960s, uses the concept of seva (service) to M order to gain an analytical and critical understanding of notions provide space for women to engage critically with such as “Hindu nation” and the nationalism associated with it, socially relevant issues and consolidate their identity, as I was pushed to critically engage with DP’s underlying philo­ distinct from both the new “consumer” woman or the sophy and to understand why women participate in right wing organisations. Why is the concept of building a Hindu nation housewife and the ”modern” woman. The ideal woman appealing? What makes the social processes launched by DP it envisages is seva-oriented, and differs from the distinct from those of the Rashtriya Swyamsevak Sangh (RSS), feminists who extol individualism. Her modernity lies in the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) or the Akhil Bharatiya her physical discipline, mental training, her awareness of Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP)? In the first section of this paper, I will briefly review the emer­ social issues, her rootedness in family without getting gence of the DP and argue that unlike national organisations like trapped by the purely domestic for collective cultural the Shiv Sena, the RSS or the Patit Pawan Sanghatana, it does not regeneration of the Hindu Rashtra. Globalisation have an overtly Hindutva face nor does it have a militant identity. is not condemned but seen as an opportunity However, a review of the various activities carried out by the DP definitely suggests that its aim is not just to provide education to achieve this ideal. but, as argued by Sujata Patel (in her forthcoming book), it is a political project to create a community that poses a challenge to the state as well as to those groups seeking to develop alternate anti­caste, and secular identities. It also challenges movements that claim access to citizenship through non­electoral means (Fernandes 2006). In the second section, I review a wing of this organisation, that works for women of different age groups and examine how the concept of seva (service) has been used to mobi­ lise women in order to consolidate their ideology of stree shakti (female power). In the last section, I attempt to understand the idea of social service and the ideal of motherhood used by the DP to counter the challenges emerging from the public identity for women generated by jobs, education and a new self­image for women (Sarkar 2001). This paper draws upon available feminist research on the participation of women in right wing organisa­ tions. There are three kinds of representations of women in such organisations. One form of representation is of women who are simply alienated from their own interests and whose actions are seen as coherent with the interests of their male counterparts. Another represents them as joining right wing groups primarily I am grateful to Vidyut Bhagwat and Sharmila Rege (my PhD out of a desire for community with other women and not supervisors) for their insightful comments on an earlier draft of the paper. This paper draws from my doctoral work and I would like to because of any ideological or principled commitment to the thank my examiners Uma Chakravarti, Maitrayee Choudhary and organisation. Yet another represents them as motivated by choice, Kalpana Kannabiran for their comments. I am also grateful to Maithreyi conviction and opportunism (Bacchetta 2004). This article tries Krishnaraj for her comments and to Sujata Patel for sharing her to underline how the women’s wing of the DP employs the con­ forthcoming work on seva which has helped me to consolidate my cept of seva to provide space for women to engage critically with argument on seva. themselves, make their “shakti” socially relevant and consolidate Swati Dyahadroy ([email protected]) is with the Krantijyoti their identity, as distinct from both the new “consumer” woman Savitribai Phule Women’s Studies Centre, University of Pune. or the grihalakshmi (the upholder of the welfare and prosperity Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 25, 2009 vol xliv no 17 65 REVIEW OF WOMEN’S STUDIES of the home) and the “modern” woman (read modern Marathi By the 1930s, Pune had become an important centre for RSS woman) who is conscientious about her duties towards society activities, for the Hindu Mahasabha and for other radical Hindu and her family. nationalist organisations. The Sangh parivar in Pune had almost come to constitute an alternate civil society – with separate Appa Pendse: From RSS to Dnyana Prabodhini schools, its own banks, dominance in a large number of colleges, Dnyana Prabodhini (a new experiment in education) was founded associations of youths, students, women, children, a number of in 1962 by Appa Pendse (1962­86), who got his political training social organisations working in the slums, its own informal and initiation in the RSS. Vinayak Pendse popularly known as networks, with frequent marriages between RSS affiliates and its Appa Pendse was born to an upper caste Hindu Chitpavan family informal communication networks (Hansen 1999). However, as in Pune. His RSS background and efforts to serve the nation by argued by Hansen (ibid), the entire RSS subculture in Pune was creating a generation of leaders is significant in understanding threatened by the fear of exclusion and lack of recognition by the formation of the DP. those in power. The articles in the DP’s mouthpiece about Appa Pendse and his Rich Anglo­Indian establishments and the intellectual elites, own writings underline the influence of Swami Shradhnanda, in and around the many national institutions in the city, also Swami Vivekananda and Sri Aurobindo on his work. He was posed a challenge. Brahmin middle class families, with aspira­ attracted to Vivekananda’s idea of giving importance to spiritual tions of upward mobility in cities like Pune, were in search of Hindutva rather than to the “political” Hindutva. Thus, it is different options to recover their past glory and dominant posi­ apparent that for Pendse, the early influences of Vivekananda, tion. They were now threatened by the upsurge of the “lower Veer Savarkar and his own participation in the RSS helped to caste” groups, the reservation policy, land reforms and the domi­ consolidate the idea of Hindutva and a Hindu nation. Pendse got nance of the Congress Party after independence. Their new aspi­ his first initiation of Hindutva in the period when Lokmanya rations were not in tune with those of the dogmatic and orthodox Tilak had emerged as a national leader. Trained first in Balchar Hindutva of the RSS and yet they were doubtful about educational Sena (a form of drill, established by Lala Lajpat Rai) and later institutes set up by the Anglo­Indians or the state­run educational in the RSS, Pendse wanted to develop an organisation where institutes. By putting forth a combination of scientism (selection Hindutva would be more homogeneous, dynamic and disciplined based on IQ testing) and religiosity (interpretation of different and could be employed towards creating a generation of leaders Hindu religious rituals to underline its relevance in the contem­ who would serve the Hindu nation. porary world) to build leaders for the Hindu nation, DP offered a better option. Establishment of the Temple of Learning It was started with the explicit aim of all­round development From its inception, the school, established by Pendse in 1962 of physical, mental and spiritual qualities of students in general underlined its difference from other educational institutes. Even and of the gifted in particular. It stated its aims and objectives as: its architecture was meant to make a statement – Hindu temple Dnyana Prabodhini is not a common level educational institution im­ spires punctuate the facade, constant reminders to its faculty that parting education based on textbooks…Development of the virtuous it is not merely an “institute” but a temple of learning. The school behaviour, truth in action, studiousness, industriousness, nationalis­ was one of the first in Pune city to be affiliated to the Central tic character, nationalistic spirit, pride in golden Indian cultural past, Board of Secondary Education (CBSE). The intelligence quotient pride in tradition, spontaneity, self motivation etc are the main tasks of Dnyana Prabodhini (DP, volume 1, 1972). (IQ) testing created a popular image of a “scientifically oriented” school with stated aims and ideology and as a school for gifted It believes that through education alone, one can create leaders children as compared to other schools where admissions were who will accept the role of being selfless servants of the Hindu based on either first­come­first­serve basis or through political/ nation: social influence or donations. The distinctive markers of the Prabodhini will try to imbibe modesty coupled with self­confidence school were its insistence on “pure Marathi” (instead of “Hello”, and not snobbishness, dedicated to the cause and not self­centered­ namaskar; in place of elevator, udwahak; and for building, vastu) ness. The ability to do organised work in small and large groups is and on Indian dress (churidar, kurta and the Gandhi topi). It was highlighted against individualism. Last but not the least, the awaken­ committed to creating future leaders who would work towards ing of the spiritual nature of the pupils is seen as one of the greatest responsibilities of this institution (DP, volume 1, 1972). building a Hindu nation.
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