DOCSLIB.ORG

Tricolour in Port Compensationlaw

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

12 THE EVENING POST, THURSDAY, AUGUST 8, 1929 were in turn visited, and one of the in TAX THE LAND! brightest'memories respect of costs to a worker in com- Party TRICOLOUR IN PORT of the cruise relates LAW pensation cases beforo the Court. There to work hand in hand with Iho to eight,bright days which were.spent COMPENSATION OUT OF WORK Governmentin grapplingwith the prob- OPTIMISTIC VIEW in the French should be a. competent court of juris- colony of Tahiti. As else- diction to decide as to a man's physical lem, and the whole organisation of the where the-natives were lavish in their party would be at the disposal of the FLAT RATE URGED hospitality and condition. Mr. Roberts submitted that Prime TOURVILLE ARRIVES eager to entertain the WORKERS' BENEFITS if a man met with an accident on his PUZZLING POSITION Minister. "We suggest that' you BUDGET PROPOSALS naval.men-in dancing and in singing. to work it arose out of his em- must do the job,"said Mr. Nash,"and Visits .were made both to the American way we will help to do it." Mr. Nash and British ployment, and compensation should be you MAKING UP DEFICIT colonies in Samoa, with IMPROVEMENTS ASKED FOR payable. That was only reasonable. DEPUTATION TO PREMIER also "referred to the fact that during SMART-LOOKING CRUISER whom.many courtesies were exchanged. The workers of New Zealand had the past five months 2075 people had "WILL CO THROUGH ALL brought TROPHIES OP THE CHASE. definite reason to complain about the been into Now Zealand, and RIGHT" Workers Compensation Act, Mr. 200 MEN TO BE urged that the Government should PEEMTJEE'S VIEW One has only to visit an officer in MINISTERS SYMPATHY TAKEN ON tell the people of the Old Country OFFICIAL CALLS PAID his, cabin-to realise Hoberts submitted. Improvements had how lavishly gifts been made in that there was no work for here. were pressed upon the workers' conditions, them. Optimism as to his chances of getting the Frenchmen by Sympathy was expressed by the Min- but not in proportion to the value of The difficulties of tho.uneniplo3Tnent "CANNOT at the generouspeople of the ACCOUNT FOR IT." the Budget proposals through Parlia,- \ Resolutions adopted a recent Soon after 9 o'clock this morning Pacific Is- ister of Labour (the Hon. W. A. their wagesas compared with 1914. The situation in Wellington were again .meeting of the New Zealand Land lands.. There are mats and charms, suggested amendments Replying to the deputation, Sir ment was expressed by the Prime Min- Values telephonic advice was received at the shells and trophies, which Veiteh) with representations made to were urgent and placed before the Prime Minister (the Joseph Ward said that he was League were placed before serve as re- necessary, and any Governmentthat in- very ister (the Right Hon. Sir Joseph Ward) the Prime Minister (the Bight Hon. office of the Harbourmaster (Captain minders of happy associations. In him to-day by a deputation from the troduced them Right Hon. Sir Joseph Ward) by a sorry to learn that there were so many some-of the would bo doing what em out of work. He willing to to-day, when replying deputation Sir Joseph Ward) to-day by a depu- J. Dawson) that the French cruiser cabins are splendid speci- Alliance of Labour annual conferenceployers had to largo deputation of unemployed this men was I to"a mens of " agreed in some cases, do anything to to from the New stags' help . tation headed by Mr. P. J. Tourville had been sighted, heads, and thereby asking for improvements in the law and in others what was already applied afternoon. Sir Joseph confessed that he could solve Zealand Land Values and an : : re- difficulty,. ..0 'Began, national vice-president of hangs a,tale.. lating to workers' compensation. He in other countries. could ho the He was just as anxious League. hour later sho was tied up It Parliament was puzzled by the accretions to the the league. The main point urged at the was during the ten -days' visit to promised to,discuss the not object, because the main as any of the speakers to see men in "The legislation Burnham New Caledonia that of question raised sugges-ranks of the unemployed in work. He unable to understand indicated in the by the deputation was that there Wharf, Miramar.. The Har- ' parties officers with -his colleagues in Cabinet. tions had been agreed by Welling- was Budget and -went to the Na- is fairly said should be a flat tax upon the unim- .bourmaster and a party men hunting in tho moun- The,president of ton, but said he would give how it was that there were so many far-reaching," Sir went oat and tains.> ";We;had the Alliance (Mr. A. tional Industrial Conference. instructions unemployed upon Wellington. Joseph, not proved value of land in order to met the ship ofi Point Halswell, as excellent sport," said Cook) pointed out that re- Mr. Veiteh: MHas that an -additional 200 should centring "although if docs go as make and, one of the officers,"and in ail between the alliance your conference men be The Governmenthad been dealing with far ; up the deficit. The Prime she swunginto view, the onlookers were 300 presented about 65,000 workers, and decided whether" it prefers the Ontario taken on to-day. as you go in certain directions. Tho '.Minister said he .would struck by her smart and 400 stags were bagged by our the matter for months, and had taken give a writ- appearance. said that the. question system, it is proposals are rakish, friends andonrselves. We of improvements assuming practicable?" Introducing tho deputation, Mr. E. a great number of men on, but to-day apparently viewed with ten reply to the representations.' With hign, sharp bow,tripod mast, and were taken to the Act had been fully discussed at Mr. Roberts said they antagonism to-the_ mountainsin motor-cars and definitely pre- they were in as bad a as ever. some by sections of the He was inclined to think that iv clear decks fore and aft, the Tonrville then the conference.' He enumerated the ferred the Ontario system. It was a Semple, M.P., said-that there were 700 position foot, taking horses to Mr. "Worse." community,but have some respects tho league was ahead bore a great resemblance to ships of worclimbed.on main points in connection with which State service,so that nobody pro- men registered on the books of the Un- Semple: wo to expect.that of public opinion. British carry \the; trophies when we got them. made employed and Sir Joseph Ward: "Worse." He when we make build, but she is much darter In one day. a'party they considered alterations in the law fits out of the sufferings of humanity; Bureau, the matter was a anything of-a forward ,The resolutions placed in colour than vessels of the Boyal of three officers,six were In the first place they it was cheaper in very serious one. could not account for it, but he was pre- move which affects befora the Navy. petty officers; and eight sailors got 14 necessary. administration, so Mr. F D. pared to do something. The Public land or'mortgages. Prime Minister were as follows:— ; stags. Other asked that the recommendation agreed that more could be paid to the worker; Cornwell.. chairman of I expect that we will get our As she slowly moved forward after ; parties were equally to at the National Industrial it was by the Unemployed Committee, said the Works Department was employing 1500 proposali 1. That, inasmuch as fresh successful.' It was grand sport." Confer- administered a board, and Wellington Num- through Parliament all right." taxation a boarding party had climbed up to > ence that the Ontario Act be fully con- thero were no legal expenses; and unemployed problem was worse to-day men in the district. has been forecasted for the coming ses- the main the first of the sidered worker the than it was six months and bers of those men had been put ou this league points deck, salute of by the Government should be was entitled to full medical ser- ago, there sion,' out that the 21 guns crashed out. These were re- acted vices. The.best feature did not appear to be prospect of since the present Government took Customstaxation already exceeds more VISITS OF CHILDREN on,-and applicable.portions of the was that if a any office. he would give in- plied to by the guns at Fort Jerning- SCHOOL Act placed, on the Statute Eook. An worker was killed, the Act provided a the position improving. There were However, ELSIE CASE than half tho total taxation of tho and the men who:were out work structions that 200 men should bo put WALKER country; that ham, vessel increased her increase was.asked for iv the medical pension for the widow and children up many of who the income tax, insofar as speed up Evatis Bay, to berth at the allowance to injured workers. At pre- till 18 years of-age, and if did not register, as they were told in employment this afternoon. A place .it falls on production, is inequitableand Burnham Captain;Abrial has invited the school the.widow that would have to be found for the em- impolitic,and Wharf. members of the sents it was quite inadequate, £1 being re-married the children's pension still there was no work for them and FURTHER ACTION? that the only proper man- Berthing operations speedily Wellington Branch of allowed.' out applied.
Recommended publications
  • Bromley Cemetery Guide

    Bromley Cemetery Guide

    Bromley Cemetery Tour Compiled by Richard L. N. Greenaway June 2007 Block 1A Row C No. 33 Hurd Born at Hinton, England, Frank James Hurd emigrated with his parents. He worked as a contractor and, in 1896, in Wellington, married Lizzie Coker. The bride, 70, claimed to be 51 while the groom, 40, gave his age as 47. Lizzie had emigrated on the Regina in 1859 with her cousin, James Gapes (later Mayor of Christchurch) and his family and had already been twice-wed. Indeed, the property she had inherited from her first husband, George Allen, had enabled her second spouse, John Etherden Coker, to build the Manchester Street hotel which bears his name. Lizzie and Frank were able to make trips to England and to Canada where there dwelt Lizzie’s brother, once a member of the Horse Guards. Lizzie died in 1910 and, two years later, Hurd married again. He and his wife lived at 630 Barbadoes Street. Hurd was a big man who, in old age he had a white moustache, cap and walking stick. He died, at 85, on 1 April 1942. Provisions of Lizzie’s will meant that a sum of money now came to the descendants of James Gapes. They were now so numerous that the women of the tribe could spend their inheritance on a new hat and have nothing left over. Block 2 Row B No. 406 Brodrick Thomas Noel Brodrick – known as Noel - was born in London on 25 December 1855. In 1860 the Brodricks emigrated on the Nimrod. As assistant to Canterbury’s chief surveyor, J.
  • From Legislative Machine to Representative Forum? Procedural Change in the New Zealand Parliament in the Twentieth Century

    From Legislative Machine to Representative Forum? Procedural Change in the New Zealand Parliament in the Twentieth Century

    From legislative machine to representative forum? Procedural change in the New Zealand parliament in the twentieth century John E Martin* This article analyses procedural developments in the New Zealand parliament in the twentieth century to assess the shifting balance between government and parliament. A previous article in this journal documented how the government began to move to centre stage by the late nineteenth century. 1 This shift was consolidated in the first half of the twentieth century. A similar transition was evident in the British House of Commons and in other parliaments as the powers of the central state were extended: ‘A traditionally obstructive [legislative] procedure ... was transformed into a procedure which facilitated constructive criticism of the financial and legislative proposals of politically responsible governments, whilst severely restricting the opportunities of private Members to legislate.’2 This change was associated with a diminishing role for backbench private members and a strengthening of political party organisation in parliament. In New Zealand this came about at the turn of the twentieth century as the decayed factional system of politics was replaced by that of parties. (Previously political leaders assembled loose groups of supporters — factions — which gave them majorities in the House of Representatives. This form of politics broke down during the depression of the 1880s.) Associated with this change there was a gradual tacit recognition that the nature of obstruction of business should change as both governing and opposition parties considered that their work in parliament was orientated more towards the business of governing (and winning elections) than to demonstrating parliamentary independence.
  • Antitrust Policy in New Zealand: the Beginning of a New Era

    Antitrust Policy in New Zealand: the Beginning of a New Era

    Antitrust Policy In New Zealand: The Beginning of a New Era by Rex J. Ahdart The Commerce Act of 1986 marked the beginning of a new era in New Zealand antitrustpolicy. Earlier in the twentieth century, the legislature had attempted to solve the problems of monopoly with piecemeal legislationL The election of the Labour Party Government and the signing of the Closer Eco- nomic Relations Treaty with Australia in the early 1980s provided the impetus for the adoption of the Commerce Act of 1986. The Act represents New Zea- land's most comprehensive antitrust regime yet. The author first provides a brief history of New Zealand antitrust law before 1986. He discusses the policy debates behind the enactment of the Com- merce Act of 1986 and its reform in the Commerce Amendment Act of 1990. The author then outlines the scope of the Act and discusses its principalprohibi- tions. The author analyzes the New Zealandcourts' construction of the Act in light of the policy issues that prompted its enactment and reform, and discusses the resulting implicationsfor the future of antitrustin New Zealand. Finally, the authorprovides in depth illustrationsof the New Zealand courts' reasoning in two cases in which the courts construed major provisions of the Act. I. INTRODUCTION ............................................ 330 A. The Early Years ....................................... 331 B. "The Dark Ages" ...................................... 333 II. THE MODERN ERA: THE COMMERCE ACT OF 1986 .......... 335 A. R ationale .............................................. 335 B. R eform ............................................... 336 C Enforcement ........................................... 338 1. Public Enforcement: The Commerce Commission ..... 338 2. Private Enforcement ................................ 340 D. The Significance of Competition Law Today .............. 341 III.
  • Correspondence

    Correspondence

    Correspondence CLASS IN NEW ZEALAND* I ACCEPT Mr Campbell's correction, in 'The Working Class and the Liberal Party in 1890', that all of the 'radical Liberals' elected in that year did not join the Liberals (Fish and Fisher threw in their fortunes with the Opposition and both suffered defeat in 1893). I also agree that skilled working men could and did often become masters but did not discuss this question in my article because it bore no relation to Professor Oliver's osmotic trilogy, although I made a brief and general comment on the matter (p. 52, n. 33). Apart from these two points Mr Campbell appears to have deployed his knowledge of the politics of this period to no great end: first, he adds little to the debate (and much of that is suspect); second, he attributes to me views and statements that I never advanced (partly by confusing me with Sam Lister); and third, he advances points made by me in a manner which implies correction. Anybody interested can read my earlier article and keep Mr Campbell's by their side (and, for that matter, Professor Oliver's essay and his rejoinder to me). Although Mr Campbell did not read carefully my remarks about the land issue in the nineteenth century his item of evidence, Sir Joseph Ward's table, can only persuade those anxious for persuasion. There happen to be statistical methods for sampling and while historians must often make do with unsatis- factory evidence little weight can be placed on a sample 'taken promiscuously from the records'.
  • WF Massey Through the Lens of Environmental History

    WF Massey Through the Lens of Environmental History

    ‘The Best Crop the Land Will Ever Grow’: W.F. Massey through the Lens of Environmental History MIchAEL RochE Shortly after entering Parliament in 1894 as MP for Waitemata, Bill Massey repeatedly pressed John McKenzie, the formidable Minister of Lands in the Liberal government, over claims of illegal killing, skinning and the sale of native birds from Little Barrier Island, which had been acquired that same year as a flora and fauna reserve. Massey even quoted in translation a letter from Kiri and Tenetahi naming the perpetrator, before describing the species in question, the stitchback, as ‘the rarest and most beautiful and valuable of native birds, as members could see if they look at Sir Walter Buller’s book on the subject’.1 In the 30 year parliamentary career that followed, Massey was generally more circumspect about applauding rarity and beauty in nature. In part, this was because, as Barry Gustafson has written, Massey ‘saw farmers as the developers of the countryside, the base of the economy and the personification of the young nation’s pioneering spi r it’. 2 Gustafson noted that this attitude brought Massey and the Reform Party into conflict with sectional interests, particularly the unions and the Labour Party. This provides clues as to the perspective from which Massey viewed nature, natural resources and what he and many others of the time termed ‘preservation’ – which today we might call ‘conservation’ and ‘environmental management’. This paper pulls together Massey’s views about natural resources and conservation as expressed across his political career. It adds to the small body of biographical work that explores the conservationist impulse in late nineteenth and early twentieth century New Zealand.
  • New Zealand in the League of Nations: the Beginnings of an Independent Foreign Policy, 1919-1939'

    New Zealand in the League of Nations: the Beginnings of an Independent Foreign Policy, 1919-1939'

    H-Diplo Brooking on Chaudron, 'New Zealand in the League of Nations: The Beginnings of an Independent Foreign Policy, 1919-1939' Review published on Thursday, May 10, 2012 Gerald Chaudron. New Zealand in the League of Nations: The Beginnings of an Independent Foreign Policy, 1919-1939. Jefferson: McFarland, 2012. vii + 270 pp. $55.00 (paper), ISBN 978-0-7864-6639-9. Reviewed by Tom Brooking (University of Otago)Published on H-Diplo (May, 2012) Commissioned by Seth Offenbach I must admit that I came to this book with the suspicion that it would add very little to a well- researched aspect of New Zealand history. W. David McIntyre, Ann Trotter, and Malcolm McKinnon have covered the diplomatic history of the interwar period in various publications.[1] Similarly, Ian C. McGibbon has also studied New Zealand’s military preparedness prior to World War II, or rather lack of it, in several studies.[2] Then there are many biographies of leading politicians, including Michael Joseph Savage, Peter Fraser, Walter Nash, and John A. Lee on the “left”; Joseph Ward in the middle; and Gordon Coates on the “right” that traverse this same ground.[3] A couple of doctoral theses have also examined New Zealand’s role at the Versailles conference, including the contributions of Ward and William Ferguson Massey, and its involvement in the Spanish Civil War.[4] In addition, there are several autobiographies written by such key players as the two main architects of New Zealand’s foreign policy--Carl Berendsen and Alister McIntosh.[5] In short, it is hard to think of any part of New Zealand history that has a richer archive, or that has been so thoroughly examined by both thesis students and experienced historians.
  • The Post-Leadership Activities of New Zealand Premiers

    The Post-Leadership Activities of New Zealand Premiers

    LIFE AFTER POLITICS? THE POST-LEADERSHIP ACTIVITIES OF NEW ZEALAND PREMIERS AND PRIME MINISTERS, 1856-2008. BY JESS BOOKER A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science Victoria University of Wellington 2013 2 Acknowledgements Much of this thesis has been written from Pipitea Street, Thorndon. Working from this setting has brought the area to life, particularly as I have worked through New Zealand’s early colonial history. Each morning as I walked to my office, I passed through the centre of New Zealand’s political system, knowing how rich in history it was. I therefore want to say thanks in particular to the bronzed Keith Holyoake on Molesworth Street, now the unexpected bastion of the New Zealand Rugby building. Keith’s friendly demeanour as I headed to work on my thesis reminded me of the important contribution that each political leader has made to New Zealand. I must also thank Jon Johansson for his incredible support in writing this thesis. I am forever indebted for the valuable knowledge and insights that Jon contributed to this work. At times I struggled to see the light at the end of the tunnel, and his words of encouragement have helped me greatly to get to this point. I would like to also thank my friends, family and colleagues for the various offers of wine, proof-reading and encouragement. They have enriched this thesis in ways they probably never thought possible. I thank Colin for his love and support, without it I would have never have finished this thesis.
  • Ward, Joseph George 1856 - 1930 Merchant, Politician, Prime Minister

    Ward, Joseph George 1856 - 1930 Merchant, Politician, Prime Minister

    Ward, Joseph George 1856 - 1930 Merchant, politician, prime minister Joseph George Ward (registered at birth as Joseph Ward) was born in Hawke Street, North Melbourne, Australia, on 26 April 1856, the son of Irish immigrant parents William Ward, a clerk, and his wife, Hannah Dorney. Joseph was their third surviving child; seven others died in infancy. William Ward's health deteriorated, probably from alcoholism, and by 1858 the family was in financial trouble with William out of work. In 1860 he died, aged 31, from delirium tremens. For some time Hannah Ward had been carrying the full burden of the family while running a small liquor shop in Abbotsford Street, near the main roads north to the goldfields. At the end of 1862 she married John Barron, a butcher, but the marriage quickly failed. In September 1863 Hannah Ward Barron (as she was subsequently known) brought her children, Mary (Mina), William and her favourite, Joseph, to New Zealand. They settled at the southern most port of Bluff (officially called Campbelltown until 1917). Hannah Ward Barron set up a store at Greenhills and then a boarding house in Gore Street that catered to sailors. She and her family were tightly bound together by the tragedies of Melbourne, their Catholic faith in a predominantly Protestant region, and their burning ambition to succeed in New Zealand. Hannah Ward Barron was prepared to take risks; in 1870 she borrowed heavily to acquire more property and convert her boarding house into the Club Hotel, which she was to run until her death on 10 November 1898.

  • Refusal of Assent – a Hidden Element of Constitutional History in New Zealand

    51 REFUSAL OF ASSENT – A HIDDEN ELEMENT OF CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY IN NEW ZEALAND Dr John E Martin * This article explores Britain's influence historically over legislation passed in the New Zealand Parliament. It suggests that Britain's role was substantial, particularly in the 19th century. For nearly a century, from 1854 until New Zealand adopted the Statute of Westminster in 1947, all New Zealand laws (of which nearly one hundred laws were reserved) were sent to Britain for scrutiny. In thirteen instances laws were considered sufficiently problematic that Britain either disallowed legislation already assented to by the Governor or, alternatively, refused assent to or withheld assent from reserved legislation. Other legislation was amended on Britain's instructions. The exercise of royal assent was an important ingredient in New Zealand's development and an integral part of its movement from colony to independent nation. I INTRODUCTION For nearly a century from 1854, when New Zealand gained representative government, all legislation passed by the New Zealand Parliament – both reserved and assented to by the Governor/Governor­General – was sent to Britain for scrutiny. 1 It was not until 1947, when the country adopted the Statute of Westminster 1931, that this practice halted. In most cases Britain agreed to the legislation without comment or qualification, but over the period nearly a hundred Bills were reserved and a number of measures received serious attention. 2 * Parliamentary Historian, Parliament Buildings. 1 Thanks to Alex McBean, Michelle Schulz and Pleasance Purser of the Parliamentary Library for their assistance with this paper. I am indebted to David McGee for his clarification of the process of assent and his very helpful comments.
  • Refusal of Assent – a Hidden Element of Constitutional History in New Zealand

    Refusal of Assent – a Hidden Element of Constitutional History in New Zealand

    51 REFUSAL OF ASSENT – A HIDDEN ELEMENT OF CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY IN NEW ZEALAND Dr John E Martin * This article explores Britain's influence historically over legislation passed in the New Zealand Parliament. It suggests that Britain's role was substantial, particularly in the 19th century. For nearly a century, from 1854 until New Zealand adopted the Statute of Westminster in 1947, all New Zealand laws (of which nearly one hundred laws were reserved) were sent to Britain for scrutiny. In thirteen instances laws were considered sufficiently problematic that Britain either disallowed legislation already assented to by the Governor or, alternatively, refused assent to or withheld assent from reserved legislation. Other legislation was amended on Britain's instructions. The exercise of royal assent was an important ingredient in New Zealand's development and an integral part of its movement from colony to independent nation. I INTRODUCTION For nearly a century from 1854, when New Zealand gained representative government, all legislation passed by the New Zealand Parliament – both reserved and assented to by the Governor/Governor­General – was sent to Britain for scrutiny. 1 It was not until 1947, when the country adopted the Statute of Westminster 1931, that this practice halted. In most cases Britain agreed to the legislation without comment or qualification, but over the period nearly a hundred Bills were reserved and a number of measures received serious attention. 2 * Parliamentary Historian, Parliament Buildings. 1 Thanks to Alex McBean, Michelle Schulz and Pleasance Purser of the Parliamentary Library for their assistance with this paper. I am indebted to David McGee for his clarification of the process of assent and his very helpful comments.
  • Download Download

    Download Download

    “We are not changing it”: A Reassessment of the History of the Flag PAUL CHRISTOFFEL Abstract According to conventional historical accounts, the New Zealand Ensign Act 1901 changed the national flag from the Union Jack to the current flag. This article shows that the 1901 Act did not change the national flag; it merely reconfirmed that the New Zealand ensign was ‘the recognised flag of the colony’. During 1900 the public became confused when an apparent rival national flag emerged thanks to a bureaucratic bungle. The 1901 Act abolished the rival flag, which was highly unpopular due to its unsightly white disc. The debates and discussions inspired by the flag referendums of 2015 and 2016 aroused in many New Zealanders a curiosity about the history and origins of the flag. To assist, the government provided a number of online resources, including updated articles on two web sites operated by the Ministry of Culture and Heritage. The Flag Consideration Panel produced a handy short video on the history of the flag and commissioned one of its members, historian Malcolm Mulholland, to write an informative booklet entitled New Zealand Flag Facts.1 According to these sources, New Zealand has already twice changed its national flag. In 1840 the Union Jack replaced the United Tribes flag as the recognised flag. 2 The Union Jack remained the national flag until 1902, when the New Zealand Ensign Act 1901 came into effect, replacing the Union Jack with the current flag.3 Yet the New Zealand Ensign Act, which is the main focus of this article, says nothing about a change of flag.
  • WHAT MAKES a GOOD PRIME MINISTER of NEW ZEALAND? | 1 MCGUINNESS INSTITUTE NATION VOICES ESSAY COMPETITION Lives, and Is a Matter of Practising What One Is Preaching

    WHAT MAKES a GOOD PRIME MINISTER of NEW ZEALAND? | 1 MCGUINNESS INSTITUTE NATION VOICES ESSAY COMPETITION Lives, and Is a Matter of Practising What One Is Preaching

    NATION VOICES ESSAY COMPETITION What makes a good About the author Martin Holmes is a 21-year-old Prime Minister of honours student, studying history at the University New Zealand? of Otago. He was originally born in England, and Martin Holmes moved to New Zealand at an early age. He has lived in Dunedin most of his life, but has also lived in the United States and Canada. Being the Prime Minister of New Zealand is an important job. It is also a difficult one – a fact many of the public are liable to forget. For although by the standards of the world New Zealand is a small, isolated, ‘easy going’ country, it is hardly free from strife. It takes effort to manage the economy, to make the big decisions and to be responsible for the welfare of some four and a half million people. All day every day the Prime Minister, as the leader and public face of the government, carries these burdens on his or her shoulders. Although a single essay could never hope to explore the ins and outs of this topic in its entirety, it can outline some key points which I believe are indispensable. In descending order of importance these attributes are character, vision and ability. By far the most important quality that a good Prime Minister should possess is an upright character. By the word character I mean the moral substance of an individual, or alternatively an individual’s inner nature. Are they honest? Are they dishonest? Can they be trusted? The answer to questions like these reveals a person’s character, and whether or not they are worth their salt.