Labour Internationalism in Canada
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Politicized Worker Under the Labor-Management Reporting and D
Hofstra Labor and Employment Law Journal Volume 5 | Issue 2 Article 2 1988 The olitP icized Worker Under the Labor- Management Reporting and Disclosure Act Barry Sautman Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/hlelj Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Sautman, Barry (1988) "The oP liticized Worker Under the Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act," Hofstra Labor and Employment Law Journal: Vol. 5: Iss. 2, Article 2. Available at: http://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/hlelj/vol5/iss2/2 This document is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hofstra Labor and Employment Law Journal by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Sautman: The Politicized Worker Under the Labor-Management Reporting and D ARTICLES THE POLITICIZED WORKER UNDER THE LABOR-MANAGEMENT REPORTING AND DISCLOSURE ACT Barry Sautman* THE LANDRUM-GRIFFIN "BILL OF RIGHTS" The "Bill of Rights of Members of Labor Organizations" was enacted as part of the Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act (LMRDA)' [commonly known as the Landrum-Griffin Act of 1959]. The "Bill of Rights" was designed to ensure that individual labor union members can exercise, within their union, many of the same democratic rights that the polity can exercise under the Bill of Rights to the United States Constitution.' Title I of the LMRDA * B.A., M.L.S., J.D., University of California at Los Angeles; L.L.M., New York Uni- versity; PHD Candidate in Political Science, Columbia University; Associate, Shea & Gould, New York, New York. -
Democratic Government in Poland
Democratic Government in Poland Also by George Sanford POLISH COMMUNISM IN CRISIS MILITARY RULE IN POLAND: The Rebuilding of Communist Power 1981–1983 THE SOLIDARITY CONGRESS, 1981 DEMOCRATIZATION IN POLAND, 1988–90: Polish Voices POLAND: World Bibliographical Series (with A. Gozdecka-Sanford) HISTORICAL DICTIONARY OF POLAND (with A. Gozdecka-Sanford) BUILDING DEMOCRACY: The International Dimension of Democratization in Eastern Europe (with G. Pridham and E. Herring) POLAND: The Conquest of History Democratic Government in Poland Constitutional Politics since 1989 George Sanford Reader in Politics University of Bristol © George Sanford 2002 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2002 978-0-333-77475-5 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted his right to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2002 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the new global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St. -
Statement on Canadian Foreign Policy in the 1980S
Group of 78: Statement on Canadian Foreign Policy in the 1980s Reprinted from the Bulletin of the United Nations Association, February 1982. During the last few months, a group of Canadians with a special concern for Canada's role in the global community consulted together and arrived at certain conclusions which are detailed in the statement below. The group, consisting of 78 Canadians, are known informally as the "Group of 78" - an idea borrowed from the Group of 77 original lesser developed countries which banded together at the UN to work toward common goals. The statement of the Group of 78 - for which the prime mover has been Andrew Brewin, former NDP MP for Toronto Greenwood - follows: The basic priorities of Canada's foreign policy should be threefold: 1. Removal of the threat of nuclear war, the greatest danger facing mankind today; 2. the strengthening of the United Nations and other global institutions designed to bring about a pacific settlement of disputes, foster international cooperation, promote the growth of world law and the protection of basic human rights; 3. the mobilization of world resources to achieve a more equitable international order and bring an end to the crushing poverty which is the common lot of the majority of the Third World These objectives require a new emphasis in our foreign policy based on the recognition that national security depends on an international effort to maintain an equitable and stable international order. Canada should incorporate in its foreign policy the principal objectives set forth in the Final Document of the 1978 UN Special Session on Disarmament, and take an active part in the preparation for the Second Special Session in 1982. -
Walkouts Teach U.S. Labor a New Grammar for Struggle
Walkouts teach U.S. labor a new grammar for struggle This article will appear in the Summer 2018 issue of New Politics. Like the Arab Spring, the U.S. “education Spring,” was an explosive wave of protests. State-wide teacher walkouts seemed to arise out of nowhere, organized in Facebook groups, with demands for increased school funding and political voice for teachers. Though the walkouts confounded national media outlets, which had little idea how to explain or report on the movements, for parent and teacher activists who have been organizing against reforms in public education in the past four decades, the protests were both unexpected and understandable. What was surprising was their breadth of support (state-wide), their organizing strategy (Facebook), and their breathtakingly rapid spread. For most of the far-Right, the West Virginia, Oklahoma, Kentucky, Arizona, and North Carolina walkouts showed greedy public employees exploiting their job security to get pay and benefits better than hard-working taxpayers have. However, teachers won wide popular support, even from Republicans, forcing the media-savvier elements of the Right to alter their tone. The American Enterprise Institute (AEI) posted a blog with a sympathetic tone pushing the same stance. “While teachers are justly frustrated by take-home pay, their total compensation is typically a lot higher than many teachers realize. That’s because teacher retirement and health-care systems are much more expensive than those of the taxpayers who pay for them — whether those taxpayers work in the private or public sector.” Shedding crocodile teachers for teachers who are underpaid and retirees without adequate pensions, AEI rejects the idea more school funding would help. -
GLOSSARY of COLLECTIVE BARGAINING TERMS and SELECTED LABOR TOPICS
GLOSSARY of COLLECTIVE BARGAINING TERMS and SELECTED LABOR TOPICS ABEYANCE – The placement of a pending grievance (or motion) by mutual agreement of the parties, outside the specified time limits until a later date when it may be taken up and processed. ACTION - Direct action occurs when any group of union members engage in an action, such as a protest, that directly exposes a problem, or a possible solution to a contractual and/or societal issue. Union members engage in such actions to spotlight an injustice with the goal of correcting it. It further mobilizes the membership to work in concerted fashion for their own good and improvement. ACCRETION – The addition or consolidation of new employees or a new bargaining unit to or with an existing bargaining unit. ACROSS THE BOARD INCREASE - A general wage increase that covers all the members of a bargaining unit, regardless of classification, grade or step level. Such an increase may be in terms of a percentage or dollar amount. ADMINISTRATIVE LAW JUDGE – An agent of the National Labor Relations Board or the public sector commission appointed to docket, hear, settle and decide unfair labor practice cases nationwide or statewide in the public sector. They also conduct and preside over formal hearings/trials on an unfair labor practice complaint or a representation case. AFL-CIO - The American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations is the national federation of unions in the United States. It is made up of fifty-six national and international unions, together representing more than 12 million active and retired workers. -
Introduction Darlington, RR
Introduction Darlington, RR Title Introduction Authors Darlington, RR Type Book Section URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/17902/ Published Date 2008 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Introduction Introduction During the first two decades of the twentieth century, amidst an extraordinary international upsurge in strike action, the ideas of revolutionary syndicalism connected with and helped to produce mass workers’ movements in a number of different countries across the world. An increasing number of syndicalist unions, committed to destroying capitalism through direct industrial action and revolutionary trade union struggle, were to emerge as either existing unions were won over to syndicalist principles in whole or in part, or new alternative revolutionary unions and organizations were formed by dissidents who broke away from their mainstream reformist adversaries. This international movement experienced its greatest vitality in the period immediately preceding and following the First World War, from about 1910 until the early 1920s (although the movement in Spain crested later). Amongst the largest and most famous unions influenced by syndicalist ideas and practice were the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) in France, the Confederación Nacional de Trabajo (CNT) in Spain, and the Unione Sindacale Italiana (USI) in Italy. -
Revolutionary Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War: A
Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Darlington, RR http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2012.731834 Title Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Authors Darlington, RR Type Article URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/19226/ Published Date 2012 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Re-evaluating Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War Abstract It has been argued that support for the First World War by the important French syndicalist organisation, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) has tended to obscure the fact that other national syndicalist organisations remained faithful to their professed workers’ internationalism: on this basis syndicalists beyond France, more than any other ideological persuasion within the organised trade union movement in immediate pre-war and wartime Europe, can be seen to have constituted an authentic movement of opposition to the war in their refusal to subordinate class interests to those of the state, to endorse policies of ‘defencism’ of the ‘national interest’ and to abandon the rhetoric of class conflict. This article, which attempts to contribute to a much neglected comparative historiography of the international syndicalist movement, re-evaluates the syndicalist response across a broad geographical field of canvas (embracing France, Italy, Spain, Ireland, Britain and America) to reveal a rather more nuanced, ambiguous and uneven picture. -
Right to Freedom of Association in the Workplace: Australia's Compliance with International Human Rights Law
UCLA UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal Title The Right to Freedom of Association in the Workplace: Australia's Compliance with International Human Rights Law Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/98v0c0jj Journal UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal, 27(2) Author Hutchinson, Zoé Publication Date 2010 DOI 10.5070/P8272022218 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California ARTICLES THE RIGHT TO FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION IN THE WORKPLACE: AUSTRALIA'S COMPLIANCE WITH INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS LAW Zoe Hutchinson BA LLB (Hons, 1st Class)* ABSTRACT The right to freedom of association in the workplace is a well- established norm of internationalhuman rights law. However, it has traditionally received insubstantial attention within human rights scholarship. This article situates the right to freedom of as- sociation at work within human rights discourses. It looks at the status, scope and importance of the right as it has evolved in inter- nationalhuman rights law. In so doing, a case is put that there are strong reasons for states to comply with the right to freedom of association not only in terms of internationalhuman rights obliga- tions but also from the perspective of human dignity in the context of an interconnected world. A detailed case study is offered that examines the right to free- dom of association in the Australian context. There has been a series of significant changes to Australian labor law in recent years. The Rudd-Gillard Labor government claimed that recent changes were to bring Australia into greater compliance with its obligations under internationallaw. This policy was presented to electors as in sharp contrast to the Work Choices legislation of the Howard Liberal-Nationalparty coalitiongovernment. -
Transient Solidarities: Commitment and Collective Action in Post-Industrial Societies Charles Heckscher and John Mccarthy
bs_bs_banner British Journal of Industrial Relations doi: 10.1111/bjir.12084 52:4 December 2014 0007–1080 pp. 627–657 Transient Solidarities: Commitment and Collective Action in Post-Industrial Societies Charles Heckscher and John McCarthy Abstract Solidarity has long been considered essential to labour, but many fear that it has declined. There has been relatively little scholarly investigation of it because of both theoretical and empirical difficulties. This article argues that solidarity has not declined but has changed in form, which has an impact on what kinds of mobilization are effective. We first develop a theory of solidarity general enough to compare different forms. We then trace the evolution of solidarity through craft and industrial versions, to the emergence of collaborative solidarity from the increasingly fluid ‘friending’ relations of recent decades. Finally, we examine the question of whether these new solidarities can be mobilized into effective collective action, and suggest mechanisms, rather different from tra- ditional union mobilizations, that have shown some power in drawing on friending relations: the development of member platforms, the use of purposive campaigns and the co-ordination of ‘swarming’ actions. In the best cases, these can create collective actions that make a virtue of diversity, openness and participative engagement, by co-ordinating groups with different foci and skills. 1. Introduction In the last 30 years, there is every evidence that labour solidarity has weak- ened across the industrialized world. Strikes have widely declined, while the most effective recent movements have been fundamentalist and restrictive — turning back to traditional values and texts, narrowing the range of inclusion. -
Trade-Union Policy Between the Wars the Case of Holidays with Pay in Britain*
STEPHEN G. JONES TRADE-UNION POLICY BETWEEN THE WARS THE CASE OF HOLIDAYS WITH PAY IN BRITAIN* Most standard histories of Britain between the wars refer to the develop- ment of holidays with pay, albeit briefly. It is widely acknowledged that by the end of the 1930's the majority of the British working population benefited from a paid holiday. The crucial initiative, so it is claimed, was the Holidays with Pay Act of 1938, which gave Parliamentary approval to the principle of payment of wages during holidays.1 Clearly the growth of paid holidays is seen as yet another instance of a more affluent Britain, an integral element of the growth of leisure.2 However, there has been very little detailed discussion of the paid-holiday-policy option and the precise reasons for the formulation and implementation of that policy. This neglect is rather surprising given the popular support for this "fringe benefit", which was perceived as providing a certain degree of financial security during the annual break from the rigours of work. It is true that there has been more specialised treatment, but even this is of a general nature, with little reference to the industrial and political struggle for holidays with pay.3 * I would like to thank Dr M. E. Rose, Professor A. E. Musson and members of the Editorial Board for their helpful comments. 1 See C. L. Mowat, Britain Between the Wars 1918-1940 (London, 1955), p. 501; D. H. Aldcroft, The Inter-War Economy: Britain, 1919-1939 (London, 1970), p. 366; N. Branson and M. -
Shop Steward Glossary
The Shop Steward Glossary Canadian Labour Congress CanadianLabour.CA The Shop Steward Glossary Across-the-board adjustment Change in pay rates made for all employees in a workplace or particular group. Adjudication The equivalent to grievance arbitration; a method under the Public Service Employee Relations Act of providing a settlement of disputes arising out of the terms of any Agreement. Affiliated union A union which is a member of a group of unions. Affirmative action Affirmative action is a comprehensive strategy whose aim is to establish the same percentage of minority group members and women at all levels of the workplaces and unions as there are in the general population. Agency shop A clause in a collective agreement similar to the Rand Formula. Agreement, collective A contract (agreement and contract are interchangeable terms) between one or more unions, acting as bargaining agent, and one or more employee covering wages, hours, working conditions, fringe benefits, rights of workers and union, and procedures to be followed in settling disputes and grievances. Arbitration A method of settling disputes through the intervention of a third party whose decision is final and binding. Such a third party can be either a single arbitrator, or a board consisting of a chairperson and one or more representatives. Arbitration is often used to settle major grievances and for settling contract interpretation disputes. Voluntary arbitration is that agreed to by the parties without statutory compulsion. Compulsory arbitration is that imposed by law. Governments sometimes impose it to avoid a strike or end one. Assessments Special charges levied by unions to meet particular financial needs. -
Constructive Anarchism.Pdf
The arrival of a new anarchist group in Aotearoa has opened the way for discussion of the various modes of anarchist organisation, including their benefits and their pitfalls. It’s obvious that organisation on a larger scale is needed in order to link the various work done by anarchists in Aotearoa — I don’t think there is too much opposition to this fact. However, it is the form of that organisation that is being discussed at the time of writing, and rightly so. The purpose of this text is not to thoroughly evaluate the merits or flaws of labels such as ‘Platforfism’, ‘Neo-Platformism’, ‘Synthesis’ or other neatly prescribed specifics of organisation. That would be a lengthy text in itself! Instead, I’d like to talk about issues that cut across any kind of organised line or label — primarily, what projects or types of struggle could we undertake as anarchists (without adjectives?) in order to increase the acceptance of anarchist ideas and action, libertarian communism, and truly egalitarian modes of relations in Aotearoa — or more specifically, in our places of work and our communities. From this cohesion of projects, an organisation of anarchists and its specific form could take shape from the bottom up around a program of action collectively decided, discussed and defined. Here is the disclaimer: I am no veteran of anarchism in Aotearoa. My relative outsider status to past and present groups could be held against me, and that’s fine. It could also be a positive thing. Nor do I pretend to be the first or an expert on the practice of ideas I may describe throughout the text.