Rwanda's Constitution of 2003 with Amendments Through 2015
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Anti-Imperial World Politics: Race, Class, and Internationalism in the Making of Post-Colonial Order
P a g e | 1 Anti-imperial World Politics: Race, class, and internationalism in the making of post-colonial order Christopher Patrick Murray London School of Economics and Political Science PhD. International Relations P a g e | 2 I certify that this thesis which I am presenting for examination for the PhD degree in International Relations at the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work. I consider the work submitted to be a complete thesis fit for examination. I authorise that, if a degree is awarded, an electronic copy of my thesis will be deposited in LSE Theses Online (in accordance with the published deposit agreement) held by the British Library of Political and Economic Science and that, except as provided for in regulation 61 it will be made available for public reference. I authorise the School to supply a copy of the abstract of my thesis for inclusion in any published list of theses offered for higher degrees in British universities or in any supplement thereto, or for consultation in any central file of abstracts of such theses. Word count…………………………………….……….. 75, 884 P a g e | 3 ABSTRACT Anti-imperial world politics: Race, class, and internationalism in the making of post-colonial order Christopher Murray, PhD. LSE International Relations Why did many ‘black’ anti-imperial thinkers and leaders articulate projects for colonial freedom based in transnational identities and solidarities? This thesis excavates a discourse of anti-imperial globalism, which helped shape world politics from the early to late 20th century. Although usually reduced to the anticolonial nationalist politics of sovereignty and recognition, this study interprets ‘anti-imperialism globalism from below’ as a transnational counter-discourse, primarily concerned with social justice, social freedom, and equality. -
IN SEARCH of Africa's Greatest Safaris
IN SEARCH of Africa's Greatest Safaris A S E R I E S O F L I F E C H A N G I N G J O U R N E Y S T H A T L E A V E A F R I C A ' S W I L D L I F E I N A B E T T E R P L A C E Who We Are Vayeni is owned and run by Luke & Suzanne Brown. Together they have built a formidable reputation for seeking out the finest safari experiences Africa can offer and combining these into cathartic experiences for the most judicious travellers. Luke and Suzanne also co- founded the Zambesia Conservation Alliance together with Luke's brother Robin. Through Zambesia their goal is to successfully assist Africa's increasingly threatened habitats and wildlife. Where We Take You East Africa Indian Ocean Islands Southern Africa Antarctica Comfort Between Destinations All journeys include a private jet between destinations & a dedicated, highly acclaimed African specialist guide throughout. CA AFRI EAST NDS ISLA CEAN AN O INDI ly p s e S e e E d d f i o R v a s U o . h r f e c S p o d i r A l t e r r a E c o a e e R n h w S t e S T d n S e i d y ' c v e T t e I la e c F p s e n I n s r R e n A l o u d c o n u J o re b atu ign S S OU T HE IND RN IA AF N R OC ICA ch of EA In Sear N ISL ICA AN T AFR DS EAS FRICA ERN A DS ECRETS UTH SLAN ZAMBESIA'S S SO EAN I N OC A INDIA CTIC NTAR A A vast & rich region of s, s, wildlife presided over by the o d of in r rgest African elephant herd 7 h pa s la ch R o le r T , e a on the planet. -
Constitutional Court Judgment No. 5/1981, of February 13 (Unofficial Translation)
Constitutional Court Judgment No. 5/1981, of February 13 (Unofficial translation) The Plenum of the Constitutional Court, comprising the Senior Judges Manuel García-Pelayo y Alonso, Chairman, Jerónimo Arozamena Sierra, Angel Latorre Segura, Manuel Díez de Velasco Vallejo, Francisco Rubio Llorente, Gloria Begué Cantón, Luis Díez-Picazo y Ponce de León, Francisco Tomás y Valiente, Rafael Gómez-Ferrer Morant, Angel Escudero del Corral, Antonio Truyol Serra and Placido Fernández Viagas, has ruled IN THE NAME OF THE KING the following J U D G M E N T In the unconstitutionality appeal against various precepts of the Organic Law 5/1980 of 19 June regulating the Schools Statute proposed by sixty four Senators and represented by the Commissioner T.Q.S.F.C., in which the State Attorney entered an appearance representing the government and with Francisco Tomás y Valiente acting as Rapporteur with the proviso indicated in paragraph 1.15. Conclusions of Law 1. The State Attorney claims the inadmissibility of the appeal on the grounds that the Commissioner appointed by the Senators in this appeal assumes, in virtue of art. 82.1 of the OLCC, their representation, however he cannot also take on its legal direction on which the aforementioned precept is “silent”. In the light of this silence, the State Attorney considers that the norm contained in art. 81.1 of the same Law is applicable, according to which “ad litem representative” and legal director are two distinct persons”. Furthermore, the Government representative bases his argument on the text of art. 864 of the Organic Law of the Judiciary which, according to the State Attorney “prohibits … the simultaneous performance of the duties of legal counsel and the activities of court agent”. -
The Political Organisation of People Who Are Homeless: Reflections of a Sympathetic Sceptic
Part C _ Think Pieces 289 The Political Organisation of People who are Homeless: Reflections of a Sympathetic Sceptic Mike Allen Focus Ireland, Dublin, Republic of Ireland Introduction Any exploration of how poverty and social exclusion might be eradicated, and conversely of how they persist, must come to terms with the question of how people who are themselves poor are to contribute to that eradication. This contribution can be divided into two main themes : the framing of the sorts of solutions that are required and the political momentum that is necessary to put these into action. People coming from a wide range of political and conceptual positions see social movements of the poor (or representative organisations comprising the poor) capable of achieving both these objectives as the ideal manner in which poverty will be eliminated. Organisations that oppose poverty but do not involve participa- tion of the poor at their core are open to the criticism of contributing to deeper impoverishment, not only through proposing the ‘wrong’ solutions, but also by disempowering those who experience poverty. They run the risk of being charac- terised as part of the problem rather than part of the solution. Experience, however, shows that the poor are unlikely to organise around their interests in any persistent manner, and when they do come together in short-term alliances, the goals they seek to achieve are frequently short term and rarely address the underlying causes of their exclusion (Piven and Cloward, 1979). The conditions which we understand to comprise poverty – lack of resources, social isolation and powerlessness – are deprivations of the very requirements of successful organisation and of long-term thinking. -
Haiti: Concerns After the Presidential Assassination
INSIGHTi Haiti: Concerns After the Presidential Assassination Updated July 19, 2021 Armed assailants assassinated Haitian President Jovenel Moïse in his private home in the capital, Port-au- Prince, early on July 7, 2021 (see Figure 1). Many details of the attack remain under investigation. Haitian police have arrested more than 20 people, including former Colombian soldiers, two Haitian Americans, and a Haitian with long-standing ties to Florida. A Pentagon spokesperson said the U.S. military helped train a “small number” of the Colombian suspects in the past. Protesters and opposition groups had been calling for Moïse to resign since 2019. The assassination’s aftermath, on top of several preexisting crises in Haiti, likely points to a period of major instability, presenting challenges for U.S. policymakers and for congressional oversight of the U.S. response and assistance. The Biden Administration requested $188 million in U.S. assistance for Haiti in FY2022. Congress has previously held hearings, and the cochair of the House Haiti Caucus made a statement on July 7 suggesting reexaminations of U.S. policy options on Haiti. Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov IN11699 CRS INSIGHT Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Congressional Research Service 2 Figure 1. Haiti Source: CRS. Succession. Who will succeed Moïse is unclear, as is the leadership of the Haitian government. In the assassination’s immediate aftermath, interim Prime Minister Claude Joseph was in charge, recognized by U.S. and U.N. officials, and said the police and military were in control of Haitian security. Joseph became interim prime minister in April 2021. -
ARMING RWANDA the Arms Trade and Human Rights Abuses in the Rwandan War
HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH ARMS PROJECT January 1994 Vol. 6, Issue 1 ARMING RWANDA The Arms Trade and Human Rights Abuses in the Rwandan War Contents MapMap...................................................................................................................................................................................................... 3 IntroductionIntroduction....................................................................................................................................................................................4 Summary of Key Findings ........................................................................................................................................................ 5 Summary of Recommendations .......................................................................................................................................... 6 I. Historical Background to the WarWar......................................................................................................................................7 The Banyarwanda and Uganda..............................................................................................................................................7 Rwanda and the Habyarimana Regime............................................................................................................................ 9 II. The Record on Human RightsRights..............................................................................................................................................11 -
The International Response to Conflict and Genocide:Lessom from the Rwanda Experience
The International Response to Conflict and Genocide: Lessons from the Rwanda Experience March 1996 Published by: Steering Committee of the Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda Editor: David Millwood Cover illustrations: Kiure F. Msangi Graphic design: Designgrafik, Copenhagen Prepress: Dansk Klich‚, Copenhagen Printing: Strandberg Grafisk, Odense ISBN: 87-7265-335-3 (Synthesis Report) ISBN: 87-7265-331-0 (1. Historical Perspective: Some Explanatory Factors) ISBN: 87-7265-332-9 (2. Early Warning and Conflict Management) ISBN: 87-7265-333-7 (3. Humanitarian Aid and Effects) ISBN: 87-7265-334-5 (4. Rebuilding Post-War Rwanda) This publication may be reproduced for free distribution and may be quoted provided the source - Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda - is mentioned. The report is printed on G-print Matt, a wood-free, medium-coated paper. G-print is manufactured without the use of chlorine and marked with the Nordic Swan, licence-no. 304 022. 2 The International Response to Conflict and Genocide: Lessons from the Rwanda Experience Study 2 Early Warning and Conflict Management by Howard Adelman York University Toronto, Canada Astri Suhrke Chr. Michelsen Institute Bergen, Norway with contributions by Bruce Jones London School of Economics, U.K. Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda 3 Contents Preface 5 Executive Summary 8 Acknowledgements 11 Introduction 12 Chapter 1: The Festering Refugee Problem 17 Chapter 2: Civil War, Civil Violence and International Response 20 (1 October 1990 - 4 August -
A Practical Guide to Constitution Building: Principles and Cross-Cutting Themes
A Practical Guide to Constitution Building: Principles and Cross-cutting Themes Nora Hedling This paper appears as chapter 2 of International IDEA’s publication A Practical Guide to Constitution Building. The full Guide is available in PDF and as an e-book at <http://www.idea.int> and includes an introductory chapter (chapter 1), and chapters on building a culture of human rights (chapter 3), constitution building and the design of the executive branch, the legislature and the judiciary (chapters 4, 5 and 6), and decentralized forms of government in relation to constitution building (chapter 7). International IDEA resources on Constitution Building A Practical Guide to Constitution Building: Principles and Cross-cutting Themes © International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA), 2011 This publication is independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council of Member States, or those of the donors. Applications for permission to reproduce all or any part of this publication should be made to: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) Strömsborg SE -103 34 Stockholm Sweden Tel: +46-8-698 37 00 Fax: +46-8-20 24 22 Email: [email protected] Website: www.idea.int Design and layout by: Turbo Design, Ramallah Printed by: Bulls Graphics, Sweden Cover design by: Turbo Design, Ramallah Cover illustration by: Sharif Sarhan ISBN: 978-91-86565-29-9 This publication is produced as part of the Constitution Building Programme implemented by International IDEA with funding from the Royal Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. -
Federalism, Bicameralism, and Institutional Change: General Trends and One Case-Study*
brazilianpoliticalsciencereview ARTICLE Federalism, Bicameralism, and Institutional Change: General Trends and One Case-study* Marta Arretche University of São Paulo (USP), Brazil The article distinguishes federal states from bicameralism and mechanisms of territorial representation in order to examine the association of each with institutional change in 32 countries by using constitutional amendments as a proxy. It reveals that bicameralism tends to be a better predictor of constitutional stability than federalism. All of the bicameral cases that are associated with high rates of constitutional amendment are also federal states, including Brazil, India, Austria, and Malaysia. In order to explore the mechanisms explaining this unexpected outcome, the article also examines the voting behavior of Brazilian senators constitutional amendments proposals (CAPs). It shows that the Brazilian Senate is a partisan Chamber. The article concludes that regional influence over institutional change can be substantially reduced, even under symmetrical bicameralism in which the Senate acts as a second veto arena, when party discipline prevails over the cohesion of regional representation. Keywords: Federalism; Bicameralism; Senate; Institutional change; Brazil. well-established proposition in the institutional literature argues that federal Astates tend to take a slow reform path. Among other typical federal institutions, the second legislative body (the Senate) common to federal systems (Lijphart 1999; Stepan * The Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa no Estado -
Comparing Across Regions: Parties and Political Systems in Indonesia and the Pacific Islands1
centre for democratic institutions www.cdi.anu.edu.au CDI Policy Papers on Political Governance Comparing Across Regions: Parties and Political Systems in Indonesia and the Pacific Islands1 Jon Fraenkel & Edward Aspinall Abstract In contrast to Indonesia, politics in the Pacific Islands seems at first sight more parochial, more fluid and less party‐centred. Yet although party systems play a much more robust role at the national level in Indonesia, at the local level, Indonesian politics bears some similarity to those in the Pacific, especially in Melanesia. This paper seeks out patterns of similarity 2013/02 and difference in political competition in Indonesia and the Pacific Islands. We survey five major factors shaping the nature of the party systems in the PPS two regions: 1) broad context (size, geography and economic prosperity); 2) the role of electoral systems and the rules governing parties; 3) ethnic and CDI religious identities; 4) ideological issues or their absence; and 5) how patronage shapes political allegiances. Despite obvious differences, we find some similar patterns of loose and fluid political party allegiances at the local level. How do we begin to compare the political party systems of Indonesia and those of the Pacific Island states? At first glance, the differences appear immense. Indonesia is a single country, with (barring a few exceptions in special regions) a unified set of rules governing political parties, elections and parties. Its party system is relatively robust, with a moderate number of effective parties and considerable continuity between electoral cycles. Some of the major parties have 1 Access this CDI Policy Paper online @www.cdi.anu.edu.au In Comparing Across Regions: Parties and Political Systems in Indonesia and the Pacific Islandsxx 2 organisational histories that stretch back four decades or more, to the early period of authoritarian rule; a few can trace their roots, albeit less directly, back to the early and mid‐twentieth century, to the era of anti‐colonial politics and the early years after independence in 1945. -
Haiti on the Brink: Assessing US Policy Toward a Country in Crisis
“Haiti on the Brink: Assessing U.S. Policy Toward a Country in Crisis” Prepared Testimony Before the U.S. House of Representatives’ Committee on Foreign Affairs, Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, Civilian Security, and Trade Daniel P. Erikson Managing Director, Blue Star Strategies Senior Fellow, Penn Biden Center for Diplomacy and Global Engagement December 10, 2019 I begin my testimony by thanking Chairman Sires, Ranking Member Rooney, and the members of this distinguished committee for the opportunity to testify before you today about the current situation in Haiti – and to offer some ideas on what needs to be done to address the pressing challenges there. It is an honor for me to be here. I look forward to hearing from the committee and my fellow panelists and the subsequent discussion. The testimony that I provide you today is in my personal capacity. The views and opinions are my own, informed by my more than two decades of experience working on Latin American and Caribbean issues, including a longstanding engagement with Haiti that has included more than a dozen trips to the country, most recently in November 2019. However, among the other institutions with which I am affiliated, I would like to also acknowledge the Inter- American Dialogue think-tank, where I worked on Haiti for many years and whose leadership has encouraged my renewed inquiry on the political and economic situation in Haiti. My testimony today will focus on two areas: (1) a review of the current situation in Haiti; and (2) what a forward-leaning and constructive response by the United States and the broader international community should look like in 2020. -
Policy Framework for Social Cohesion
Rwanda Public Observatory Report Number 4 Policy Framework for Social Cohesion 1 Policy Framework for Social Cohesion Brian Corry July 2012 Kigali Rwanda Published By IPAR - Rwanda © Institute of Policy Analysis and Research, 2012 2 Table of Contents Acronyms and Abbreviations....................................................................................................... 5 List of Tables and Figures............................................................................................................. 6 Acknowledgements........................................................................................................................ 7 Introduction.................................................................................................................................... 8 1. International and Constitutional Framework............................................................................. 9 1.1 International Treaties and Conventions......................................................................... 9 1.2 Rwandan Constitution.................................................................................................... 10 2. National Policy Framework........................................................................................................ 11 2.1 Policies to Empower........................................................................................................ 11 2.1.1 Integrated Child Rights Policy......................................................................... 11 2.1.2