“Let Us Exercise in the Field of Scripture”

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

“Let Us Exercise in the Field of Scripture” Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 69(1-4), 223-247. doi: 10.2143/JECS.69.1.3214958 © 2017 by Journal of Eastern Christian Studies. All rights reserved. “Let Us EXERCISE IN THE FIElD Of SCRIPTure” THE CORRESPONDENcE BEtWEEN JEROME AND AUGUStINE FOR INSIGHtS INtO CONtEMPORARY ISSUES IN ORtHODOX BIbLIcAL ScHOLARSHIP JOHN FOtOPOULOS * Jerome of Stridon (Hieronymus; Ἱερώνυμος) and Augustine of Hippo (Augustinus; Αὐγουστίνος) stand as two of the most renowned Fathers, theo- logians, and biblical exegetes in the history of Christianity. Both Jerome and Augustine have been officially canonized as saints within the Orthodox Church.1 Despite this, many people today do not know that these two Fathers (although never having met in person) engaged in an oftentimes contentious long-distance correspondence with one another over a period of twenty-five years during the late 4th and early 5th centuries AD. Augustine initiated the correspondence with deference and flattery toward Jerome (who was known at the time as the world’s leading biblical exegete), but then proceeded to communicate some very serious and biting criticisms of Jerome’s biblical scholarship. Jerome eventually responded to the issues that were conveyed by Augustine but also wisely cautioned him, “Let us exercise in the field of Scripture, if you please, without injuring each other” (In Scripturarum campo, si placet, sine nostro inuicem dolore ludamus).2 * Saint Mary’s College, Notre Dame. 1 For a judicious and illuminating look at Augustine’s place within the Orthodox theologi- cal tradition, see Aristotle Papanikolaou, George E. Demacopoulos, eds., Orthodox Read- ings of Augustine (New York, 2008). It is interesting to note that in the Orthodox Church the feast days of both St. Augustine and St. Jerome are celebrated annually on June 15th. 2 Jerome, Epistle 81 (PL 33:275). For the sake of accessibility, English translations of the correspondence of Augustine and Jerome generally rely on ‘The confessions and letters of St. Augustin: with a sketch of his life and work’, in Philip Schaff, ed., A Select Library of The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, First Series 1 (Grand Rapids/ MI, 1983), pp. 209-593, esp. 251-361 (further quoted as NPNF series vol:pp.). The num- bering of the correspondence between Augustine and Jerome is cited in the present article 224 JOHN FOtOPOULOS The sometimes contentious correspondence between these two Fathers raise a number of important issues that are especially relevant to Orthodox Christian scholars engaged in biblical scholarship (i.e. those who “exercise in the field of Scripture”). Insights into issues related to the text of Scripture/ textual criticism, biblical translation, exegesis, and hermeneutics can all be gained by studying the correspondence between Augustine and Jerome – insights that are especially relevant since it is widely expected within Ortho- dox Christianity today that the scholarly methods and findings of contem- porary Orthodox theologians and biblical scholars should have some foundation in the work of previous Church Fathers. In this way, the present article will investigate the correspondence of these two Fathers regarding issues of biblical scholarship while also drawing on other works of Jerome in order to further illuminate the issues at hand. It will be shown that many of their methods of biblical scholarship and the issues faced by them were shaped by these two Fathers’ respective cultural contexts in the late 4th and early 5th centuries AD. Consequently, their scholarly methods and many of the scholarly issues that they faced are analogous to methods and issues faced by biblical scholars today. To be sure, however, the context for biblical schol- arship today is quite different from that of Augustine and Jerome. Thus, this article will address certain ways that biblical scholarship has continued to develop since the time of Augustine and Jerome, in addition to the issues that contemporary biblical scholars are oftentimes faced with in their work. These points are meant to make clear that it is not sufficient for Orthodox Christian scholars today to simply parrot the exegesis of the Fathers – whether it be Jerome, Augustine, or anyone else – but rather to consult the Fathers while using the best available scholarly methods and tools so as to interpret the Scriptures effectively within the contemporary situation. as it appears in Augustine’s collected letters. This is the accepted practice in patristic scholarship. The Latin text of Augustine’s and Jerome’s correspondence is cited in the present article from Migne’s Patrologia Latina which is readily accessible to readers. Carole Fry, Lettres Croisées de Jérôme et Augustin: Traduites, présentées et annotées, Les Belles Lettres (Paris, 2010) has published a recent volume containing the Latin text of Jerome’s and Augustine’s correspondence, a French translation, and annotations. However, Fry’s Latin text is not a critical edition and is also not widely available. Finally, Jerome’s statement about exercising in the field of Scripture is translated slightly differently in NPNF1 1:349 from my own translation of the Latin which appears above. THE CORRESPONDENcE BEtWEEN JEROME AND AUGUStINE 225 SHORt OVERVIEW OF tHE CORRESPONDENcE In 394/395 AD the exchange of seventeen extant letters between Augustine of Hippo in N. Africa and Jerome in Bethlehem was initiated by Augustine in Latin,3 finally ending in about 419 AD.4 Although Augustine’s first letter to Jerome begins with customary epistolary salutations and etiquette of the period, he quickly moves on to criticize Jerome regarding several biblical issues that are expanded and then debated throughout later correspondence with one another. It is important to note that Augustine’s initial letters to Jerome were not delivered to him in timely fashion due to unforeseen cir- cumstances. Rather, Jerome became agitated when he learned from his friends in Jerusalem that Augustine had composed letters to Jerome that had been published in Rome criticizing Jerome’s biblical work instead of Jerome receiving Augustine’s letters and critiques directly. Augustine’s letters to Jerome were indeed circulating widely, even being found on an island in the Adriatic Sea in a collection of Augustine’s published works five years before Jerome would ever read the letters!5 Jerome was irritated when he learned all of this and consequently almost ten years passed until Augustine would finally receive a substantial reply to the issues of biblical interpretation that Augustine had raised in his first and subsequent letters to Jerome. The cor- respondence between these two Fathers on heated issues of biblical interper- tation lasted until about 405 AD with their exchange of letters then ceasing for about another ten years. Then a second period of correspondence began again between the two Fathers from about 415 to 419 AD largely addressing the Pelagian controversy rather than issues of biblical interpretation. BIbLIcAL TEXt AND TRANSLAtION One biblical issue that is raised by Augustine several times in his letters to Jerome is that of Jerome’s Old Testament text and its subsequent translation into Latin from the Hebrew. In the 4th century AD, is it generally the case 3 Augustine, Epistle 28 (PL 33:111-114; NPNF1 1:251-253), was the first letter sent by Augustine to Jerome that attempted to engage Jerome in correspondence. 4 Fry, Lettres, p. XLIV, argues that there are two periods of letter exchange between Augustine and Jerome from 394/395-405 AD, and then from 415-419 AD. 5 Jerome, Epistle 72 (PL 33:243-244; NPNF1 1:328). 226 JOHN FOtOPOULOS that the Old Testament (OT) used within the Greek-speaking Christian churches was the text commonly referred to as the Septuagint (LXX) – also referred to in biblical scholarship as the Old Greek text. Translations of the Greek LXX into Latin for Christian use – known as the Old Latin text – occurred in the second and third centuries AD. Long before Jerome’s and Augustine’s correspondence, Jerome himself had been engaged in efforts to improve the Old Latin translations of the LXX since some of those OT texts had been translated from faulty Greek manuscripts or simply contained errors in Latin translation. To be sure, it was widely believed by 4th-5th century AD Christians, including Augustine himself, that the LXX was divinely inspired – an idea supported by a popular story that conveyed that the text was the result of miracle whereby seventy/seventy-two Jewish translators independently made seventy/seventy-two identical Greek translations of the OT. Moreover, it was also believed by Christians of the time that the LXX had been used by Jesus’ apostles – a notion spread by Irenaeus6 and accepted by Augustine and many other Fathers – thus giving the LXX apostolic authority. Although Jerome had also shown fidelity to the text of the LXX in his earlier work, he later came to disregard it as the best available text of the OT to translate and interpret. Augustine, who held a very high regard for the text of the LXX, also realized that there were significant problems with the Latin translations of the LXX found in many church codices, confessing to Jerome at one point that “the variations found in the different codices of the Latin text are intol- erably numerous; and it is so justly open to suspicion as possibly different from what is to be found in the Greek, that one has no confidence in either quoting it or proving anything by its help”.7 By the late 4th century AD at least three different recensions of the LXX were in use within the Christian churches. Jerome sums up the provenance of these three recensions succinctly: Alexandria and Egypt in their Septuagint claim Hesychius as their authority; the region from Constantinople to Antioch approves the copies of Lucian the mar- tyr; the intermediate Palestinian provinces read the manuscripts which were 6 Irenaeus, Adversus haereses 3.21.3 (PL 7a:949-950).
Recommended publications
  • Biblical Greek and Post-Biblical Hebrew in the Minor Greek Versions
    Biblical Greek and post-biblical Hebrew in the minor Greek versions. On the verb συνϵτζ! “to render intelligent” in a scholion on Gen 3:5, 7 Jan Joosten To cite this version: Jan Joosten. Biblical Greek and post-biblical Hebrew in the minor Greek versions. On the verb συνϵτζ! “to render intelligent” in a scholion on Gen 3:5, 7. Journal of Septuagint and Cognate Studies, 2019, pp.53-61. hal-02644579 HAL Id: hal-02644579 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02644579 Submitted on 28 May 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Les numéros correspondant à la pagination de la version imprimée sont placés entre crochets dans le texte et composés en gras. Biblical Greek and post-biblical Hebrew in the minor Greek versions. On the verb συνετίζω “to render intelligent” in a scholion on Gen 3:5, 7 Jan Joosten, Oxford Les numéros correspondant à la pagination de la version imprimée sont placés entre crochets dans le texte et composés en gras. <53> The post-Septuagint Jewish translations of the Hebrew Bible are for the most part known only fragmentarily, from quotations in Church Fathers or from glosses figuring in the margins of Septuagint manuscripts.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of Aquila, Symmachus and Theodotion in Modern Commentaries on the Hebrew Bible
    THE ROLE OF AQUILA, SYMMACHUS AND THEODOTION IN MODERN COMMENTARIES ON THE HEBREW BIBLE Alison Salvesen I. The Identity of the Three In the textual notes of modern philological commentaries on the Hebrew Bible there are sometimes references to Aquila, Symmachus, and The- odotion (henceforth Aq., Sym., Theod., or ‘the Three’), or to their sigla in Greek, α´, σ´, θ´. Often the introduction to a commentary explains that the major versions of the LXX, Peshiṭta, Targumim, and Vulgate will be cited, and less frequently the significance of these versions for the textual history of the Hebrew book commented upon. Yet it is rare for any com- mentary to explain the importance of the later Jewish Greek versions.1 In this essay it will be argued that for modern study of the biblical text, the ‘Three’ are valuable witnesses both to the emerging MT between the turn of the Era and 200 ce, and to the meaning as it was understood at a time much closer to that of the biblical writers than our own. Almost all that we have of the Jewish Greek versions of Aq., Sym., and Theod. depends ultimately on the work of the early third century scholar Origen. Perturbed by the differences between the Church’s LXX and the contemporary Hebrew text used by Jews, Origen had assembled a number of later Greek translations known to him. He set them out synoptically along with the Hebrew text and a transliterated version of the Hebrew, in the multi-columned work known subsequently as the Hexapla.2 Apart from the entire version of the book of Daniel bearing Theod.’s name,3 almost all of the versions of the Three are preserved only in a 1 The fullest and most accurate account to date remains that of N.
    [Show full text]
  • Methodological Issues Preliminary to a Lexicon of Aquila, Symmachus and Theodotion
    Ephemerides TheologicaeLEXICON Lovanienses OF AQUILA, 81/1 (2005) SYMMACHUS 165-176 / Doi:AND 10.2143/ETL.81.1.616507THEODOTION Methodological Issues Preliminary to a Lexicon of Aquila, Symmachus and Theodotion Katrin HAUSPIE Centre for Septuagint Studies and Textual Criticism, K.U.Leuven This article will not deal with the questions whether it would be preferable to make a lexicon of Aquila, Symmachus and Theodotion respectively (i.e. of each reviser separately) or one that integrates the vocabulary of the Three into one and the same lexicon, or whether the lexicon should constitute an independent work or a Supplement to already existing Septuagint lexicons e.g. to Greek-English Lexicon of the Septuagint. Revised Edition of Lust-Eynikel-Hauspie1. The ques- tions dealt with here are preliminary to any lexicographic work on the hexaplaric material. There are a number of methodological remarks that one simply cannot avoid once the decision to compile a lexicon of Aquila, Symmachus and Theodotion has been taken. For such a lexicon of the Three to be fruitful, it will have to over- come some serious obstacles from the very start. First, the data to be incorporated in the lexicon will have to be collected from different sources. Second, the sources used include at their best but a few fragments consisting of a couple of sentences and, in most cases, just single words. Third, we will investigate the im- plications of the lack of a context for the Three. Fourth, we will analyse the pur- poses or motives of Aquila, Symmachus and Theodotion for making their transla- tion of the Hebrew Old Testament, attempting to see in what way this influences the lexicographic work.
    [Show full text]
  • The Son of Man and the Ancient of Days Observations on the Early Christian Reception of Daniel 7
    The Son of Man and the Ancient of Days Observations on the Early Christian Reception of Daniel 7 Bogdan G. Bucur Duquesne University, Pittsburgh Abstract: The divergence between the two textual variants of Dan 7:13 (“Old Greek” and “Theodotion”) and their distinct ways of understanding the relationship between Daniel’s “Ancient of Days” and “Son of Man” is insufficiently studied by scholars of the Book of Daniel, and is neglected by translators of the LXX. This article offers a critical examination of the status quaestionis and a discussion of the exegetical, doctrinal, hymnographic, and iconographic productions illustrating the rich reception history of Daniel 7 in Late Antique and Medieval, especially Byzantine, Christianity. While one exegetical strand distinguishes between the Son of Man (identified as God the Son) and the Ancient of Days (identified as God the Father), an equally, if not more widespread and influential, interpretation views Jesus Christ as both “Son of Man” and “Ancient of Days.” The article argues against the thesis of a direct correlation between the two textual variants of Dan 7:13 and the two strands of its reception history. Introduction The Christian reception history of Daniel 7:13 is complicated by the existence of two authoritative Greek variants of this verse. The pages to follow review the state of scholarship and argue that this textual divergence actually had a minimal impact on the Wirkungsgeschichte of Dan 7:13. This article is also concerned with the best ways to describe the multi-layered reception history of Greek Daniel 7, its diverse modes of symbolisation and strategies of appropriating the sacred Scriptures of Israel as Christian Bible.
    [Show full text]
  • Daughters in the Deuterocanonical Books of the Old Testament
    5743 Received: Feb 14, 2020 / Accepted: Mar 26, 2020 / Published: Jun 26, 2020 VERBUM VITAE • 37/2 (2020) 297-310 ISSN 1644-856 / e-ISSN 2451-280X / DOI 10.31743/vv.5743 Received: Feb 14, 2020 / Accepted: Mar 26, 2020 / Published: Jun 26, 2020 Daughters in the Deuterocanonical Books of the Old Testament MICHAŁ WOJCIECHOWSKI Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie [email protected], ORCID: 0000-0002-5658-7512 Abstract: The instances where daughters are mentioned in the Greek books of the Old Testament are not numerous. They are interesting, however, and deserving of exegesis and interpretation. In Tobit and Ben Sira their relationship to fathers are stressed and this aspect is of importance, whether those relationships are good or strained. If the texts are compared with the Hebrew Bible, more light is thrown on the personalities of the daughters, and they are valued more highly. Some influence of the Greek civilization can be presupposed here. A link with the Mediterranean culture of honor and shame can also be traced, especially in Ben Sira. Keywords: Daughter, Women in the ancient world, Father, Bible, Septuagint, Apocrypha, Deuterocanon- ical books, Tobit, Susanna, Ben Sira, Sirach, Anthropology, Family, Family values. This article concerns mainly women and could be seen as inspired by feminist stud- ies, although in this contemporary approach women are only rarely seen as daugh- ters. Moreover, being a daughter implies a relationship in a family, with mother, fa- ther and their other children, and also a place in a society. Therefore, examining this matter is nearer to the social scientific and anthropological approach to the biblical studies.
    [Show full text]
  • Analysis of Canonical Issues in Paratext
    Analysis of canonical issues in Paratext Abstract Here is my current analysis of book definitions in Paratext. I have looked at what we have, how that can be improved, and I have added my summary of new books required for Paratext 7 with my proposed 3 letter codes for them. There are many books that need to be added to Paratext. It is important that these issues are addressed before Paratext 7 is implemented. Part 1 This paper first of all analyses the books that are already defined in Paratext. It looks at books in Paratext and draws conclusions. Part 2 Then it recommends some changes for: • books to delete which can be dealt with another way; • Duplicate book to remove; • Books to rename. Part 3 Then the paper looks at books to add to Paratext. Books need to be added are for the following traditions: • Ethiopian • Armenian • Syriac • Latin Vulgate • New Testament codices. Part 4 Then the paper looks at other changes recommended for Paratext relating to: • Help • Book order • Book abbreviations bfbs linguistic computing Page 1 of 41 last updated 25/06/2009 [email protected] Bible Society, Stonehill Green, Westlea, Swindon, UK. SN5 7DG lc.bfbs.org.uk Analysis of canonical issues in Paratext Part 1: Analysis of the current codes in Paratext 1.1 Notes on the Paratext Old Testament Books 01-39 1.1.1 Old Testament books Paratext books 01-39 are for the Old Testament books in the Western Protestant order and based on the names in the English tradition. Here are some notes on problems that have arisen in some Paratext projects for the Old Testament: 1.1.2 Esther (EST) In Catholic and Orthodox Bibles Esther is translated from the longer Septuagint and not the shorter Hebrew book.
    [Show full text]
  • Aquilas Greek Version of the Hebrew Bible
    AQUILA ’ S GREE K VER SION O F T H E HEBREW BIBLE B Y T H E R E V B A M A M . A B H . R A S , 0 0 R abbi of th e L eed s O ld H ebrew C ongregation printeb bQ S P O T T I SW O O D E B A L L A N T Y N E CO , . L T D . 1 E -S T R E E T S U A R E L O D N W Q , N O N , E . C . 4 A Q U I L A ’ S V E R S I O N A N D T H E LA TER GREEK TRA NSLA TIONS OF THE HEBREW BIBLE — r MY di stinguished predecessor in this course M . H . St . John — Thackeray has explained the origin and value o f the Greek ! translation of the Hebrew Bible known as the Septuagint . The question at once suggests itself : How did it h appen that a need was felt for anoth er Greek translation such as that of Aquila ! Who wanted it ! Wh y was it made ! y The answer is that the need was partly practical , partl o f theological . In various sections the Byzantine Empire , during the centuries which preceded the great Arab conquests , s Greek was the language u ed by Jews in daily life . First among - the requirements of that life was public worship . Greek speaking one - Jews were not of mind , any more than English speaking o f Jews are nowadays , as to the use the vernacular in Synagogue .
    [Show full text]
  • Journal of Theological Studies
    436 THE JOURNAL OF THEOLOGICAL STUDIES THE COMING CAMBRIDGE SEPTUAGINT: A PLEA FOR A PURE TEXT. THERE are few works whose appearance is more anxiously looked forward to by scientific theologians than the great edition of the Greek Old Testament upon which Mr Brooke and Mr McLean have been working for many years. Recent criticism has made it plainer and plainer that the decision of the Reformation divines to substitute what they called the Hebrew Verity, by which they meant the Masoretic text of the Bible, for that once accepted by the Jews themselves as well as by all members of the primitive Christian Church, namely the Septuagint text, was at least a doubtful experiment and one which might reasonably claim revision. The opinion of the relative value of the Septuagint text, as compared with the Hebrew, has indeed been revolutionized even since the last great revision of the English Bible, and there can be little or no doubt that if that work had to be done again now, the new revised version would shew a very much larger infusion of Septuagint readings tbaD the present one does. This being so, those of us who have tried in late years to champion the Septuagint text as against the Hebrew are naturally very anxious that the great Cambridge Bible shall be (what it was, I take it, meant originally to be) a collection of all the manuscript materials available for the reconstruction of the Septuagint text in its original purity, and a sifting out of all those materials by which the true Septuagint text has been sophisticated at different times, and more especially by the synaetic handiwork of the initiator of Biblical criticism, Origen.
    [Show full text]
  • Anneli Aejmelaeus the Origins of the Kaige Revision 060420
    The Origins of the Kaige Revision Anneli Aejmelaeus Introduction The starting point for my presentation is a discovery in the Judaean Desert almost seventy years ago: the discovery of a Greek Minor Prophets scroll at Naḥal Ḥever, some forty kilometers south of Qumran, not far from the Dead Sea. The main part of the fragmentary manuscript came into the hands of Dominique Barthélemy in August 1952, and he immediately announced the discovery as “a missing link of the textual history of the Septuagint” without even knowing the exact provenance of the manuscript.1 About a decade later some further fragments were found that ascertained the provenance as Naḥal Ḥever. This discovery meant the beginning of a new era in our understanding of the textual history of the Septuagint. But the discovery as such would not have had this effect without its correct interpretation. Dominique Barthélemy – a biblical scholar in his early 30s – was the right person in the right place. Anyone could have noticed that the Greek text of the Naḥal Ḥever scroll did not contain the normal Septuagint translation of the Minor Prophets, but Barthélemy could immediately recognize it as a revised form of that text and connect it with traces of similar revisions elsewhere. What he had in his hands was authentic evidence of Jewish revisional activity on the Greek text of the Septuagint from around the turn of the era and thus earlier than any of the Christian recensions known so far. This phenomenon was later to receive the name kaige. What I wish to do in this presentation
    [Show full text]
  • Text and Canon: Concepts and Method Author(S): James A
    Text and Canon: Concepts and Method Author(s): James A. Sanders Reviewed work(s): Source: Journal of Biblical Literature, Vol. 98, No. 1 (Mar., 1979), pp. 5-29 Published by: The Society of Biblical Literature Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3265909 . Accessed: 06/04/2012 11:29 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The Society of Biblical Literature is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Biblical Literature. http://www.jstor.org JBL 98/1 (1979) 5-29 TEXT AND CANON: CONCEPTS AND METHOD* JAMES A. SANDERS SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY, CLAREMONT, CA 91711 TUDY of text and canon of the OT has taken on new life and direction over the past twenty-five years, and especially in the last ten. Concept and method for study of text and canon have changed rather dramatically in that time. Manuscript discoveries have contributed to rephrasing of old questions as well as to discovery of new questions. We are now far enough into the history of modern biblical criticism that we are able, with or without the tools of the sociology of knowledge, to see with some clarity why earlier generations of biblical students asked certain questions and viewed the evidence in certain lights, but failed to ask other questions, nor saw even the evidence they already had in ways we now have of looking at it.
    [Show full text]
  • 02-AK2 A143-17 Garstad Layout 1
    RhM 160 (2017) 152–160 THE GOAT FROM THE SOUTHWEST IN THEODOTION’S DANIEL TRANSLATION, THEODORET’S COMMENTARY, AND THE ALEXANDER ROMANCE* Abstract: According to Theodotion’s translation of the Book of Daniel, in one of Daniel’s visions a he-goat, interpreted as the king of Greece, is said to attack a ram, the king of Media and Persia, from the southwest, while the Septuagint translation says from the west. Theodoret of Cyrrhus, basing his commentary on Theodotion’s translation, explains this verse as referring to Alexander’s march from Egypt to his final battle against Darius at Gaugamela. In so doing, he must disregard the re- mainder of Alexander’s campaign against the Persians (of which he is clearly aware). He also eschews as a source the Alexander Romance, which offered a point of ori- gin for Alexander’s attack on the Persian Empire perfectly consistent with Theo do - tion’s ‘from the southwest’, but was thoroughly unreliable as an historical source. It is possible, nevertheless, that the translation of Theodotion was itself influenced by the Alexander Romance on this point. Keywords: Book of Daniel, Theodotion, Septuagint, Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Alexan- der Romance Although some of the broader tendencies of Theodotion’s rendering of Daniel, such as the preference for transliteration over translation of certain Hebrew nouns, have often been noted, I would like to draw attention to a minor discrepancy between Theodotion and the Septuagint. Theodotion’s variant translation called forth a special explanation on the part of Theodoret of Cyrrhus. While this interpretation retains no exegetical value apart from Theodotion’s translation, it still bears testimony not so much to Theodoret’s method, as to his conscientiousness as a Bible commentator.
    [Show full text]
  • A History of Bible Translations
    A History of Bible Translations The Old Testament was written in Hebrew and Aramaic and the New Testament in Greek, the languages of the writers and the original readers. All or part of the Bible has been translated into more than two thousand languages and dialects. The process of translation is an ongoing effort to make God’s Word available to all people in languages they can understand. Early Translations The Samaritan Pentateuch used by the Samaritan community is a form of Hebrew written in a different script (Samaritan characters) from that which the Jewish community later used. The Aramaic translations called Targums have their beginning in the pre-Christian period and are represented in the Qumran finds, but the major Targums came later. The Old Testament was translated into Greek about 250 B.C. for the royal library of Alex- andria. Named for the 70 translators who are said to have made it, the Septuagint, though translated by Jews, has come down to us through Christian channels. Later Greek translations were made in the early period by Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion. The evangelistic thrust of the early church gave impetus for many translations to impart the gospel to peoples in diverse language areas of the Roman Empire. Before A.D. 400 the Bible had been made available in Latin, Syriac, Coptic, Ethiopic, Armenian, and Georgian. The suc- ceeding centuries brought still other translations. In the West the church primarily used Latin after the end of the second century, and unof- ficial translations were made. In the fourth century Pope Damasus I invited Jerome to revise current Latin translations based on Hebrew and Greek manuscripts.
    [Show full text]